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Full text of "The Katyn Forest Massacre : hearings before the Select Committee to Conduct an Investigation of the Facts, Evidence and Circumstances of the Katyn Forest Massacre, Eighty-second Congress, first[-second] session, on investigation of the murder of thousands of Polish officers in the Katyn Forest near Smolensk, Russia .."

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li.L  .    :';-..^ 















"^  PART  3  J^Cl-'T'  ^j 

'^-  (CHICAGO,  ILL.)  ^ 


MARCH  13  AND  14,  1952 

Printed  for  the  use  of  the  Select  Committee  To  Conduct  an  Investigation 
of  the  Facts,  Evidence,  and  Circumstances  of  the  Katjm  Forest  Massacre 


1  ' 













PART  3 


MARCH  13  AND  14,  1952 

Printed  for  the  use  of  the  Select  Committee  To  Conduct  an  Investigation 
of  the  Facts,  Evidence,  and  Circumstances  of  the  Katyn  Forest  Massacre 

93744  WASHINGTON  :   1952 



RAY  J.  MADDEN,  Indiana,  Chairman 
DANIEL  J.  FLOOD,  Pennsylvania  GEORGE  A.  DONDERO,  Michigan 

FOSTER  FURCOLO,  Massachusetts  ALVIN  E.  O'KONSKI,  Wisconsin 


John  J.  Mitchell,  Chief  Coutisel 




House    Kesolution   390 223 

House  Resolution  539 222 

Testimony  of — 

Doe.  John 36S 

Ershov,  Vasili  (through  the  interpreter,  Bronislaw  Mlynarski) 375 

Metelica,  Mrs.  Irena  Hajcluk,  Chicago,  111 335 

Miloslavich,  Dr.  Edward  Lucas,  St.  Louis,  Mo 310 

Mylnarski,  Bronislaw,  Los  Angeles,  Calif 340 

Skarzynski,  Casimer,  Calgary,  Alberta,  Canada 384,  397 

Srokowski,  Mieczyslaw,  Chicago,  111 358 

Szyuianski.  Col.  Henry  I.,  United  States  Army,  accompanied  by  Fred 

Korth,  Deputy  Counselor,  Department  of  the  Army 416 

Exhibits : 

1.  Letter  from  Mr.  Madden  to  Soviet  Ambassador 223 

2.  Letter  from  jNIr.  Madden  to  Hon.  Dean  G.  Acheson,  Secretary  of 

State 224 

3.  Letter  from  Jack  K.  McFall,  Assistant  Secretary  of  State  to  Mr. 

Madden 224 

4.  Memorandum    from    Soviet   Embassy    (translation    and    original) 

transmitting  report  of  Special  Commission  for  Ascertaining  and 
Investigating  Circumstances  of  Shooting  of  Polish  Officer  Pris- 
oners, Etc.   (translation  and  original) 225-309 

5.  Official   German   photo   showing   corpses   of   Polish   Army   officers 

stacked  in  uncovered  graves  in  Katyn 316 

5A.  List  of  Polish  prisoners  at  Katyn 502 

6.  Letter  from  Dr.  Wl.  Gorczycki,  director,  Polish  Red  Ci'oss,  to  Inter- 

national Red  Cross  War  Prisoners  Agency,  Geneva _       3S7 

7.  Rei)ort  of  Polish  Red  Cross  (translation) 397 

8.  Report  of  Teclmical  Commission,  Polish  Red  Cross 406 

9.  Letter  from  F.  Shackelford,  Counselor,  Department  of  the  Army, 

to  Mr.  Mitchell 422 

10.  Letter  from  Lt.   Col.   Henry   I.   Szymanski  to  Maj.  Gen.  George 

V.  Strong 426 

IDA.  Letter  from  Lt.  Col.  Henry  I.  Szymanski  to  Maj.  Gen.  George 
V.  Strong,  transmitting  reports  of  Katyn  Affair  turned  over 
by  General  Andei'S  of  the  Polish  Army 426 

11.  Report  on  Polish-Russian  Relations  by  Lt.  Col.  Henry  J.  Szyman-ski 

to  Chief,  Military  Intelligence  Service 453 

12.  Report  on  Polish  Army  in  England  and  the  Middle  East  by  Lt.  Col. 

Henry   I.    Szymanski 478 


•  K9  us 




THURSDAY,   MARCH   13,    1952 

House  of  Representatives, 
The  Select  Committee  on  the  Katyn  Forest  Massacre, 

Chicago,  III. 

Tlie  committee  met,  pursuant  to  call,  at  10 :  15  a.  m.,  room  247,  United 
States  Courthouse,  Hon.  Ray  J.  Macklen,  chairman,  presiding. 

Present :  Representatives  Madden,  Flood,  Machrowicz,  Furcolo, 
O'Konski,  and  Sheehan. 

Also  present :  Representative  Kluczynski :  John  J.  Mitchell,  chief 
counsel,  and  Roman  Pucinski,  investigator. 

Chairman  Maddex.  The  committee  will  come  to  order. 

I  might  state  at  the  opening  that  this  series  of  hearings  in  Chicago 
is  the  third  in  a  series  of  hearings  held  by  this  committee.  This  com- 
mittee was  created  by  the  Congress  last  September  18,  to  investigate 
the  Katyn  Forest  massacre. 

I  might  introduce  the  members  of  the  committee.  On  my  right 
is  Congressman  Flood,  of  Pennsylvania.  Next  to  Congressman  Flood 
is  Congressman  Machrowicz,  of  Detroit,  Mich.  On  my  left  is  Con- 
gressman O'Konski,  of  Wisconsin,  and  on  his  left  is  Congressman 
Sheehan,  of  Chicago. 

Congressman  Dondero,  of  Michigan  was  unable  to  be  present  at  the 
Chicago  hearings,  and  Congressman  Furcolo,  of  Massachusetts,  will 
be  here  later  today  for  the  hearings. 

I  might  further  state  that  this  is  the  first  time  in  the  history  of 
Congress  where  a  committee  has  been  organized  or  authorized  to  in- 
vestigate an  international  crime  committed  beyond  the  borders  of  our 
own  country.  The  committee  has  maintained  since  its  opening  hear- 
ings a  firm  desire  to  hear  everyone,  including  representatives  of  any 
organization  or  the  representatives  of  any  na-tion,  who  has  any  factual 
testimony  to  offer  which  will  contribute  to  the  solution  of  the  murder 
massacre  of  approximately  14,000  Polish  officers  and  civilians  in  the 
Katyn  Foi-est  in  the  Smolensk  area  of  Russia  during  the  early  phases 
of  World  War  II. 

People  have  inquired  or  asked  wdiy  are  these  hearings  being  held  at 
this  late  date.  Let  me  say  that  the  world  in  the  future  will  wonder 
why  an  effort  had  not  been  made  by  some  government  or  international 
autliority  lonir  ago.  to  officially  determine  the  mass  murderers. 

They  ask  "Why  Katyn?'''  There  were  mass  murders,  helpless  peo- 
ple burned  in  ovens,  wholesale  tortures,  and  other  kinds  of  killings 
of  human  beings  by  both  Nazi  dictators  and  Communist  dictators. 
The  Nuremberg  trials  were  held.  Some  of  the  international  criminals 
have  received  their  penalties.  This  committee  is  trying  to  make  an 
honest  effort  to  assemble  all  the  possible  evidence  in  order  that  the 



responsibility  for  the  Katyn  killings  can  be  placed  where  it  rightly 

Our  hearings  are  not  anywhere  near  complete.  We  will  have  fur- 
ther hearings  before  the  Congress  finally  adjourns,  not  only  in  this 
country  but  also  we  hope,  across  the  ocean.  Since  our  committee  has 
been  organized  there  have  been  a  great  number  of  letters  and  infor- 
mation regarding  numerous  witnesses,  approximately  50  to  60,  who 
want  to  testify  regarding  the  Katyn  massacres,  in  the  London,  Berlin, 
and  Paris  areas,  and  in  other  parts  of  the  world.  This  committee  has 
issued  an  invitation  to  the  Eussian  Government  to  testify  and  present 
any  evidence  about  Katyn  it  may  possess.  That  invitation,  as  most  of 
you  know,  was  rejected.  Nevertheless  our  committee  feels  that  at  any 
time  the  Russian  Government  or  the  present  Polish  Communist  Gov- 
ernment, or  any  other  Nation  has  any  evidence  to  offer  to  our  com- 
mittee on  solving  these  mass  murders,  they  are  welcome  to  testify. 

If  any  members  of  the  committee  have  any  statements  to  make,  we 
would  be  glad  to  have  them  made  at  this  time.  If  not,  we  will  proceed 
with  the  first  witness. 

At  this  time  I  will  submit  House  Resolution  539  to  be  recorded  in  the 
record  of  this  hearing.  It  is  an  amended  copy  of  House  Resolution 
390,  Eighty-second  Congress,  first  session. 

(H.  R.  539  is  as  follows:) 

[H.  Res.  539,  82d  Cong.,  2d  sess.] 

Resolved,  That  the  second,  third,  and  fourth  paragraphs  of  H.  Res.  390,  Eighty- 
second  Congress,  are  amended  to  read  as  follows : 

"The  committee  is  authorized  and  directed  to  conduct  a  full  and  complete 
investigation  and  study  of  the  facts,  evidence,  and  extenuating  circumstances 
both  before  and  after  the  massacre  of  thousands  of  Polish  officers  buried  in  mass 
graves  in  the  Katyn  Forest  on  the  banks  of  the  Dniei^er  River  in  the  vicinity 
of  Smolensk,  Union  of  Soviet  Socialist  Republics,  which  was  then  a  Nazi- 
occupied  territory  formerly  having  been  occupied  and  under  the  control  of  the 
Union  of  Soviet  Socialist  Republics. 

"Upon  completing  the  necessary  hearings,  the  committee  shall  report  to  the 
House  of  Representatives  (or  the  Clerk  of  the  House,  if  the  House  is  not  in 
session)  before  January  3,  19.53,  the  results  of  its  investigation  and  study,  to- 
gether with  any  recommendations  which  the  committee  shall  deem  advisable. 

"For  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  this  resolution  the  committee,  or  any  sub- 
committee thereof,  is  authorized  to  sit  and  act  during  the  present  Congress  at 
such  times  and  places  within  or  outside  the  United  States,  whether  the  House  is 
in  session,  has  recessed,  or  has  adjourned,  to  hold  hearings,  and  to  require,  by 
subpena  or  otherwise,  the  attendance  and  testimony  of  such  witnesses  and  the 
production  of  such  books,  records,  correspondence,  memoranda,  papers,  and 
documents  as  it  deems  necessary.  Sulipenas  may  be  issued  under  the  signature 
of  the  chairman  of  the  committee  or  any  member  of  the  committee  designated  by 
him,  and  may  be  served  by  any  person  designated  by  such  chairman  or  member. 

Chairman  Madden.  I  will  ask  counsel  to  submit  further  information 
for  the  record. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Mr.  Chairman,  for  the  purpose  of  documentation  I 
would  like  to  put  on  the  record  and  read  in  open  session  j'our  letter 
which  represents  the  committee's  letter  of  invitation  to  the  Soviet 
Government  to  testify. 

Chairman  Madden.  It  will  be  accepted  in  the  record. 

Mr.  Mtt(;iiell.  The  letter  is  dated  February  21,  1952,  addressed  to 
His  Excellency,  the  Ambassador  of  the  Union  of  Soviet  Socialist 


Chairman  Madden.  The  letter  will  be  made  part  of  the  record. 
(The  letter  referred  to  was  marked  "Exhibit  No.  1"  and  is  as  fol- 
lows :) 

House  of  REa>RESENTATivEs,  United  States, 
Select  Committee  To  Investigate  the  Katyn  Forest  Massacre, 

Washington,  D.  C,  Febi-uary  21,  1952. 
His  Excellency  the  Ambassador  of  the  Union  of  Soviet  Socialist  Republics. 

My  Dear  Mr.  Ambassador  :  The  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States 
of  America  on  September  IS,  1951,  unanimously  passed  House  Resolution  390 ;  a 
copy  of  this  resolution  is  attached  for  your  information. 

This  resolution  authorizes  and  directs  a  committee  of  Congress  to  conduct  a 
full  and  complete  investigation  and  study  of  the  facts,  evidence,  and  extenuating 
circumstances  both  before  and  after  the  massacre  of  thousands  of  Polish  ofl3cers 
buried  in  a  mass  grave  in  the  Katyn  Forest  on  the  banks  of  the  Dnieper  in  the 
vicinity  of  Smolensk,  U.  S.  S.  R. 

This  official  committee  of  the  United  States  Congress  resiiectfully  invites  the 
Government  of  the  Union  of  Soviet  Socialist  Republics  to  submit  any  evidence, 
documents,  and  witnesses  it  may  desire  on  or  before  May  1,  1952,  pertaining  to 
the  Katyn  Forest  massacre. 

These  hearings  and  the  taking  of  testimony  from  witnesses  are  being  conducted 
in  accordance  with  the  rules  and  regulations  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  United  States  of  America. 
Very  truly  yours, 

Ray  J.  Madden,  Chairman. 

[H.  Res.  390,  82d  Cong.,  1st  sess.] 

Resolved,  That  there  is  hereby  created  a  select  committee  to  be  composed  of 
seven  Members  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  appointed  by  the  Speaker,  one 
of  whom  he  shall  designate  as  chairman.  Any  vacancy  occurring  in  the  mem- 
bership of  the  committee  shall  be  filled  in  the  same  manner  in  which  the  original 
appointment  was   made. 

The  committee  Ls  authorized  and  directed  to  conduct  a  full  and  complete  inves- 
tigation and  study  of  the  facts,  evidence,  and  extenuating  circumstances  both 
before  and  after  the  massacre  of  thousands  of  Polish  officers  buried  in  a  mass 
grave  in  the  Katyn  Forest  on  the  banks  of  the  Dnieper  in  the  vicinity  of  Smo- 
lensk, which  was  then  a  Nazi-occupied  territory  formerly  having  been  occupied 
and  under  the  control  of  the  Union  of  Soviet  Socialist  Republics. 

Upon  completing  the  necessary  hearings,  the  committee  shall  report  to  the 
House  of  Representatives  (or  the  Clerk  of  tJie  House,  if  the  House  is  not  in 
session)  before  the  adjournment  of  the  Eighty-second  Congress  the  results  of 
its  investigation  and  its  study,  together  with  any  recommendations  which  the 
committee  shall  deem  advisable. 

For  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  this  resolution  the  committee,  or  any  sub- 
committee thereof  iis  authorized  to  sit  and  act  during  the  present  Congress  at 
such  times  and  places  within  the  United  States,  whether  the  House  is  in  session, 
has  recessed,  or  has  adjourned,  to  hold  hearings,  and  to  require,  by  subpena  or 
otherwise,  the  attendance  and  testimony  of  such  witnesses  and  the  production 
of  such  books,  records,  correspondence,  memoranda,  papers,  and  documents  as 
it  deems  necessary.  Subpenas  may  be  issued  under  the  signature  of  the  chairman 
of  the  committee  or  any  member  of  the  committee  designated  by  him,  and  may 
be  served  by  any  person  designated  by  such  chairman  or  member. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  I  would  like  to  read  your  letter  addressed  to  Mr. 
Acheson,  Secretary  of  State. 

February  21,  1952. 
Hon.  Dean  G.  Acheson. 

(^ccrrtary  of  Stat(.  V,'ashin(jtoii.  D.  C. 
My  Dear  Mr.  Secretary:    On  behalf  of  the  Katyn  Forest  Massacre  Com- 
mittee, it  is  requested  that  the  attached  note  be  delivered  to  the  Ambassador 
of  the  Union  of  Soviet  Socialist  Republics.     It  is  further  requested  that  the 
committee  be  advised  when  the  letter  has  been  delivered. 
Sincerely  yours, 

Ray  J.  Madden,  M.  C,  Chairman. 


The  Chairman.  That  will  be  made  part  of  the  record. 
(The  letter  referred  to  was  marked  "Exhibit  No.  2,"  and  is  as 

February  21,  1952. 
Hon.  Dean  G.  Acheson, 

Secretary  of  State,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Mt  Dear  Mr.  Secretary  :  On  behalf  of  the  Katyn  Forest  Massacre  Ck)mmittee, 
it  is  requested  that  the  attached  note  be  delivered  to  the  Ambassador  of  the 
Union  of  Soviet  Socialist  Republics.     It  is  further  requested  that  the  committee 
be  advised  when  the  letter  has  been  delivered. 
Sincerely  yours, 

Ray  J.  Madden,  M.  C,  Chairman. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  I  would  like  to  read  the  letter  dated  February  25  to 
the  Honorable  Ray  J.  Madden  from  the  Department  of  State. 

My  Dear  Mr.  Chairman  :  Reference  is  made  to  your  letter  of  February  21, 
1952,  in  which  you  request  the  Department  to  deliver  a  letter  from  the  Select 
Committee  To  Investigate  the  Katyn  Forest  Massacre  to  the  Ambassador  of 
the  Union  of  Soviet  Socialist  Republics. 

The  committee's  letter  was  delivered  to  the  Soviet  Embassy  at  2 :  21  p.  m. 

Sincerely  yours, 

Jack  K.  McFall, 
Assistant  Secretary 
(For  the  Acting  Secretary  of  State). 

Chairman  Madden.  This  will  be  made  a  part  of  the  record. 
(The  letter  referred  to  was  marked  "Exhibit  No.  3"  and  is  as 

Hon.  Ray  J.  Madden, 

Chairman,  Select  Committee  To  Investigate  the  Katyn  Forest  Massacre, 
House  of  Representatives,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Department  of  State, 
Washington,  February  25,  1952. 
My  Dear  Mr.  Chairman  :  Reference  is  made  to  your  letter  of  February  21, 1952, 
in  which  you  request  the  Department  to  deliver  a  letter  from  the  Select  Commit- 
tee To  Investigate  the  Katyn  Forest  Massacre  to  the  Ambassador  of  the  Union 
of  Soviet  Socialist  Republics. 

The  committee's  letter  was  delivered  to  the  Soviet  Embassy  at  2  :  21  p.  m.  today. 
Sincerely  yours. 

Jack  K.  McFaix, 
Assistant  Sec7-ctary 
(For  the  Acting  Secretary  of  State"). 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  like  to  read  the  memoran- 
dum from  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  to  the  Department  of  State,  dated  February 
20,  1952.  This  memorandum  was  in  Russian,  and  it  has  been  trans- 
lated by  the  Department  of  State.     It  states  as  follows : 

The  Embassy  is  herewith  returning  Madden's  letter  transmitted  by  the  Depart- 
ment of  State  with  the  text  of  the  resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
September  18,  1952,  enclosed  therewith,  as  violating  the  generally  accepted  rules 
of  international  relations  and  as  an  insult  to  the  Soviet  Unicm.  The  Embassy 
points  out  that — 

1.  The  question  of  the  Katyn  crime  has  been  investigated  in  1944  by  an  official 
commission  and  it  was  established  that  the  Katyn  case  was  the  work  of  the 
Hitlerite  criminals,  as  was  made  public  in  the  press  on  January  20,  1944. 

2.  For  S  years  the  Government  of  the  United  States  of  America  did  not  raise 
any  objections  to  such  conclusion  of  the  conunission,  until  very  recently. 

In  view  of  this,  the  Embassy  considers  it  necessary  to  state  that  the  raising  of 
the  question  of  the  Katyn  crime  S  years  after  the  decision  of  the  official  com- 
mission can  be  solely  for  the  purpose  of  slandering  the  Soviet  Union  and  thus 
rehabilitating  the  generally  recognized  Hitlerite  criminals. 

The  above-mentioned  report  of  the  odicial  conunission  on  the  Katyn  crime 
is  enclosed  herewith. 


Tliat  meinoranduin  was  merely  initialed  when  it  w^as  sent  to  the 
Department  of  State.  The  attachment  was  in  Rnssian  and  consisted 
of  a  great  number  of  pages  which  have  been  translated  and  are  being 
made  part  of  this  record.  This  attachment,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  the 
document  which  was  submitted  by  the  Soviets  at  the  Nuremburg  trials 
in  support  of  their  allegation  that  Germans  w'ere  responsible  for  the 
Katyn  massacre.  Included  in  this  exhibit,  Mr.  Chairman,  are  the  two 
documents  in  their  original  Russian  language. 

Chairman  Madden.  They  will  be  accepted  as  part  of  the  record. 

(The  letters  and'  translation  referred  to  were  marked  "Exhibit 
No.  4'"  and  are  as  follow :) 

Departmext  of  State  Division  of  Language  Services 


TO  No.  48660 

[Seal  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.] 
JV'o.  12 

The  Embassy  is  herewith  returning  Madden's  letter  transmitted  b.v  the  De- 
partment of  State  with  the  text  of  the  resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
of  September  IS,  1951,  enclosed  therewith,  as  violating  the  generally  accepted 
rules  of  international  relations  and  as  an  insult  to  the  Soviet  Union. 
The  Embassy  points  out  that — 

1.  The  question  of  the  Katyn  crime  had  been  investigated  in  1944  by  an 
offlcial  commission,  and  it  was  established  that  the  Katyn  case  was  the  worli  of 
the  Hitlerite  criminals,  as  was  made  public  in  the  press  on  January  26,  1944. 

2.  For  S  years  the  Government  of  the  United  States  of  America  did  not  raise 
any  objections  to  such  conclusion  of  the  commission  until  very  recently. 

In  view  of  this,  the  Embassy  considers  it  necessary  to  state  that  the  raising 
of  the  question  of  the  Katyn  crime  S  years  after  the  decision  of  the  official 
commission  can  be  solely  for  the  purpose  (»f  slandering  the  Soviet  Union  and  thus 
rehabilitating  the  generall.v  recognized  Hitlerite  criminals. 

The  above  mentioned  report  of  the  official  commission  on  the  Katyn  crime 
is  enclosed  herewith. 

Emhassy  of  the  Union  of  Soviet  Socialist  Republics. 
(Initialed)  A.  P. 

Washington,  February  29,  1952. 

I  hereby  certify  that  the  foregoing  translation  bearing  TC  No.  4S660  was  pre- 
pared by  the  Division  of  Language  Services  of  the  Department  of  State  and 
that  it  is  a  true  and  correct  translation  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge  and  belief. 

John  W.   Perkins, 
Chief,  General  Section, 
Division  of  Language  Services. 
Majjch  19,  1952. 


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::'x   Jo::;"  .-:'c-^;'HecK«x  ?ecn^6Jii!K 


JIepobt  of  Special  Coaimission  for  Ascertaining  and  Investigating  the  Cir- 
cumstances OF  THE  Shooting  of  Polish  Officer  Prisoners  by  the  German- 
Fascist  Invaders  in  the  Katyn  Forest 

The  Special  Commission  for  Ascertaining  and  Investigating  tlie  Circumstances 
of  tlie  Shooting  of  Polish  Officer  Prisoners  hy  the  German-Fascist  Invaders  in 
the  Katyn  Forest  (near  Smolensk)  was  set  up  on  the  decision  of  the  Extraordi- 
nary State  Committee  for  Ascertaining  and  Investigating  Crimes  Committed  by 
the  German-Fascist  Invaders  and  Their  Associates. 

The  Commission  consists  of  Academician  N.  N.  Burdenko,  member  of  the  Extra- 
■ordinary  State  Committee  (chairman  of  the  Commission)  ;  Academician  Alexei 
Tolstoy,  member  of  the  Extraordinary  State  Committee ;  Metropolitan  Nikolai, 
member  of  the  Extraordinary  State  Committee  ;  Lt.  Gen.  A.  S.  Gniidorov,  president 
of  the  All-Slav  Committee;  S.  A.  Kolesnikov,  chairman  of  the  executive  com- 
mittee of  the  Union  of  the  Red  Cross  and  Red  Crescent  Societies.  Acadamician  V. 
P.  Potemkin,  People's  Commissar  of  Educati«m  of  the  Russian  SB^SR;  Col.  Gen. 
E.  I.  Smirnov,  Chief  of  the  Central  Medical  Administration  of  the  Red  Army ; 
P.  E.  Melnilvov,  chairman  of  the  Smolensk  Regional  Executive  Conunittee. 

To  accomplish  the  taslc  assigned  to  it  the  Commission  invited  the  foUowing 
medico-legal  experts  to  take  part  in  its  work :  V.  I.  Prozorovsky,  chief  medico- 
legal expert  of  the  People's  Commissariat  of  Health  Protection  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.. 
director  of  scientific  research  in  the  Institute  of  Forensic  INIedicine :  Doctor  of 
Medicine  V.  M.  Smolyaninov,  head  of  the  faculty  of  forensic  medicine  of  the 
Second  Moscow  Medical  Institute ;  P.  S.  Semenoysky  and  Decent  M.  D.  Shvaikova, 
senior  staff  scientists  of  the  State  Scientific  Research  Instiute  of  Forensic 
Medicine  under  the  People's  Commissariat  of  Health  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R. ;  and 
Prof.  D.  N.  Voropayev,  chief  pathologist  of  tlie  front,  major  of  Medical  Service. 

The  special  Commission  had  at  its  disposal  extensive  material  presented  by  the 
member  of  the  Extraordinary  State  Committee  Academician  N.  N.  Burdenko,  his 
collaborators,  and  the  medico-legal  experts  who  arrived  in  Smolensk  on  Septem- 
ber 26,  1943,  immediately  upon  its  liI)eration,  and  carried  out  preliminary  study 
and  investigation  of  the  circumstances  of  all  the  crimes  perpetrated  by  the 

Tlie  special  Commission  verified  and  ascertained  on  the  spot  that  ir>  kilo- 
meters from  Smolensk,  along  the  Vitebsk  highway,  in  the  section  of  the  Katyn 
Forest  named  Kozy  Gory,  20(1  meters  to  the  southwest  of  the  highway  in  the 
direction  of  the  Dnieper,  there  are  graves  in  which  Polish  war  prisioners  shot 
by  the  German  occupationists  were  buried. 

On  the  order  of  the  special  Commission,  and  in  the  presence  of  all  its  mem- 
bers and  of  the  medico-legal  experts,  the  graves  were  excavated.  A  large  number 
of  bodies  clad  in  Polish  military  uniform  were  found  in  the  graves.  The  total 
number  of  bodies,  as  calculated  by  the  medico-legal  experts,  is  11,000.  The 
medico-legal  experts  made  detailed  examinations  of  the  exhumed  bodies  and  of 
documents  and  material  evidence  discovered  on  the  bodies  and  in  the  graves. 

Simultaneousl.v  with  the  excavation  of  the  graves  an  examination  of  the 
bodies,  the  special  Commission  examined  numerous  witnesses  among  local 
residents,  whose  testimony  establishes  with  precision  the  time  and  circumstances 
of  the  crimes  committed  by  the  German  occupationists. 

The  testimony  of  witnesses  reveals  the  following : 

the  katyn  forest 

The  Katyn  Forest  had  for  a  long  time  been  the  favorite  resort  of  Smolensk 
people,  where  they  used  to  rest  on  holidays.  The  population  of  the  neighborhood 
grazed  cattle  and  gathered  fuel  in  the  Katyn  Forest.  Access  to  the  Katyn  Forest 
was  not  banned  or  restricted  in  any  way.  This  situation  prevailed  in  the 
Katyn  Forest  up  to  the  outbreak  of  war.  Even  in  the  summer  of  1941  there  was 
a  Y(mng  Pioneers'  Camp  of  the  Industrial  Insurance  Board  in  this  forest,  which 
was  not  disbanded  until  July  1941. 

An  entirely  different  regime  was  instituted  in  the  Katyn  Forest  after  the  cai> 
ture  of  Smolensk  by  the  Germans.  The  forest  was  heavily  patrolled.  Notices 
appcnared  in  many  places  warning  that  persons  entering  without  special  passes 
would  be  shot  on  the  spot. 

The  part  of  the  Katyn  Forest  named  Kozy  Gory  was  guarded  particularly 
strictl.v,  as  was  the  area  on  the  bank  of  the  Dnieper,  where  700  meters  from  the 
graves  of  the  Polish  war  prisoners  there  was  a  country  house — the  rest  home 
of    the    Smolensk    Administration    of    the    People's    Commissariat    of    Internal 


Affairs.  AThen  the  Germans  arrived  this  coiinfry  house  was  talven  over  by  a 
German  institution  named  Headquarters  of  tlie  Five  Hundred  and  Thirty-seventh 
F]ns"ineering  Battalion. 


The  Special  Commission  established  that,  befoi'e  the  capture  of  Smolensk  by 
the  Germans,  Polish  war  prisoners,  officers  and  men,  woriced  in  tlie  western, 
district  of  the  region,  building  and  repairing  roads.  These  war  prisoners  were 
(luartered  in  three  special  camps  named :  Camp  No.  1  O.  N.,  Camp  No.  2  O.  N., 
and  Camp  Xo.  3  O.  X^.  These  camps  were  located  25  to  45  kilometers  west  of 

The  testimony  of  witnesses  and  documentary  evidence  establish  that  after  the 
outbreak  of  hostilities,  in  view  of  tlie  situation  that  arose,  the  camps  could  not 
be  evacuated  in  time  and  all  the  Polish  war  prisoners,  as  well  as  some  members 
of  the  guard  and  staffs  of  the  camps,  fell  prisoner  to  the  Germans. 

The  former  Chief  of  Camp  No.  1  O.  N.,  Major  of  State  Security  V.  M.  Vet- 
oshnikov,  interrogated  by  the  Si>ecial  Commission,  testified :  "I  was  waiting  for 
the  order  on  the  removal  of  the  camp,  but  communication  with  Smolensk  was 
cut.  Then  I  myself  with  several  staff  members  went  to  to  clarify  the 
situation.  In  Smolensk  I  found  a  tense  situation.  I  applied  to  the  cliief  of 
traffic  of  the  Smolensk  section  of  tlie  Western  Railway,  Ivanov,  asking  him  to 
provide  the  camp  with  railway  cars  for  the  evacuation  of  the  Polish  war  prison- 
ers. But  Ivanov  answered  that  I  could  not  count  on  receiving  cars.  I  also  tried 
t(»  get  in  touch  with  Moscow  to  obtain  permission  to  set  out  on  foot,  but  I  failed. 

By  this  time  Smolensk  was  already  cut  off  from  the  camp  by  the  Germans,  and 
I  do  not  know  what  happened  to  the  Polish  war  prisoners  and  guards  who'  re- 
mained in  the  camp." 

Engineer  S.  V.  Ivanov.  wlio  in  July  1941  was  acting  Chief  of  TraflSc  of  the 
Smolensk  section  of  the  Western  Railway,  testified  before  the  Special  Commis- 
sion :  "The  Administration  of  Polish  War  Prisoners'  Camps  applied  to  my  office 
for  cars  for  evacuation  of  the  Poles,  but  we  had  none  to  spare.  Besides,  we 
could  not  send  cars  to  the  Gussino  line,  where  the  majority  of  the  Polish  war 
prisoners  were,  since  that  line  was  already  under  fire.  Therefore,  we  could  not 
comply  with  the  recinest  of  the  camps'  administration.  Thus  the  Polish  war 
prisoners  remained  in  Smolensk  region." 

The  presence  of  the  Polish  war  prisoners  in  the  camps  in  Smolensk  region 
is  confirmed  by  the  testimony  of  numerous  witnesses  who  saw  these  Po'es  near 
Smolensk  in  the  early  months  of  the  occupation  up  to  September  1!I41  inclusive. 

Witness  Maria  Alexandrovna  Sashneva,  elementary  schoolteacher  in  the  vil- 
lage of  Zenkovo,  told  the  Special  Commission  that  in  August  1941  she  gave 
shelter  in  her  house  in  Zenlvovo  to  a  Polish  war  prisoner  who  had  escaped  from 

"The  Pole  wore  Polish  military  uniform,  which  I  recognized  at  once,  as  during 
194(1  and  1941  I  used  to  see  groups  of  Polish  war  prisoners  working  on  the  road 
under  guard.  *  *  *  j  took  an  interest  in  the  Pole  because  it  turned  out 
tliat,  before  being  called  up,  he  had  been  an  elementary  schoolteacher  in  I\)land. 
Since  I  had  graduated  from  a  pedagogical  institute  and  was  preparing  to  be  a 
teacher,  I  started  to  talk  with  him.  He  told  me  that  he  had  completed  normal 
school  in  Poland  and  then  studied  at  some  military  scliool  and  was  a  junior 
lieutenant  of  the  reserve.  At  the  outbreak  of  war  between  Poland  and  Germany 
he  was  called  up  and  served  in  Brest-Litovsk,  where  he  was  taken  prisoner  by 
Red  Army  units.     *     *     *     j^p  spent  over  a  year  in  the  camp  near  Smolensk. 

"When  the  Germans  arrived  they  seized  the  Polish  camp  and  instituted  a  strict 
regime  in  it.  The  Germans  did  not  I'egard  the  Poles  as  human  beings.  They 
oppressed  and  outraged  them  in  every  way.  On  some  occasions  Poles  were  shot 
without  any  reason  at  all.  He  decided  to  escape.  Speaking  of  himself,  he  said 
that  his  wife,  too,  was  a  teacher  and  that  he  had  two  brothers  and  two 
sisters.     *     *     *" 

On  leaving  next  day  the  Pole  gave  his  surname,  which  Sashneva  put  down  in 
a  book.  In  this  book.  Practical  Studies  in  X'atural  History,  by  Yagodovsky, 
which  Saslineva  lianded  to  the  Special  Commission,  there  is  a  note  on  the  last 
page :  "Juzeph  and  Sofia  Loek.  House  25,  Ogorodnaya  St.,  town,  Zamostye." 
In  the  lists  published  by  the  Germans,  under  Xo.  H79G,  Lt.  Juzepli  Loek  is  put 
down  as  having  been  sliot  at  Kozy  Gory  in  the  Katyn  Forest  in  the  spring  of 


Thus,  from  the  German  report,  it  would  appear  that  Juzeph  Loek  had  been 
shot  1  year  before  the  witness  Haslmeva  saw  liim. 

The  witness,  N.  V.  Danilenlvov,  a  farmer  of  tlie  Krasnaya  Zarya  collective  farm 
of  the  Katyn  Rural  Soviet  stated  :  "In  August  and  September  1041  when  the 
Germans  arrived,  I  used  to  meet  Poles  working  on  the  roads  in  groups  of  15 
to  20." 

Similar  statements  were  made  by  the  following  witnesses  :  Soldatenkov,  former 
headman  of  the  Village  of  Borok :  A.  S.  Kolachev,  a  Smolensk  doctor ;  A.  P. 
Ogloblin,  a  priest ;  T.  I.  Sergeyev,  track  foreman ;  P.  A.  Smiryagin,  engineer ; 
A.  M.  Moskovskaya,  resident  of  Smolensk ;  A.  M.  Alexeyev,  chairman  of  a  col- 
lective farm  in  tlie  village  of  Borok;  I.  V.  Kutseyev,  waterworks  technician: 
V.  P.  Gorodetsky,  a  priest;  A.  T.  Bazekina,  a  bookkeeper;  E.  N.  Vetrova,  a 
teacher ;  I.  V.  Savvateyev,  station  master  at  the  (inezdovo  station,  and  others. 


The  presence  of  Polish  war  prisoners  in  the  autumn  of  1941  in  Smolensk  dis- 
tricts is  also  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  the  Germans  made  numerous  round-ups 
of  those  war  prisoners  who  had  escaped  from  the  camps. 

Witness  I.  M.  Kartoshkin,  a  carpenter,  testified :  '"In  the  autumn  of  1941  the 
Germans  not  only  scoured  the  forests  for  Polish  war  prisoners,  but  also  used 
police  to  make  night  searches  in  the  villages." 

M.  D.  Zakharov,  former  headman  of  the  village  of  Novye  Bateki,  testified  that 
in  the  autumn  of  1941  the  Germans  intensively  combed  the  villages  and  forests 
in  search  of  Polish  war  prisoners. 

Witness  N.  V.  Danilenkov,  a  farmer  of  the  Krasnaya  Zarya  collective  farm, 
testified :  "Si>ecial  round-ups  were  held  in  our  place  to  catch  Polish  war  prison- 
ers who  had  e.scaped.  Some  searches  took  place  in  my  house  two  or  three  times. 
After  one  such  search  I  asked  the  headman.  Konstantin  Sergeyev.  whom  they 
were  looking  for  in  our  village.  Sergeyev  said  that  an  order  had  been  received 
from  the  German  Kommandautur  according  to  which  searches  were  to  be  made 
in  all  houses  without  exception,  since  Polish  war  prisoners  who  had  escaped 
from  the  camp  were  hiding  in  our  village.  After  some  time  the  searches  were 

The  witness  collective  farmer  T.  E.  Fatkov  testified :  "Ilound-ups  and  searches 
for  Polish  war  prisoners  took  place  several  times.  That  was  in  August  and  Sep- 
tember 1941.  After  September  1941  the  round-ups  were  discontinued  and  no 
one  saw  Polish  war  prisoners  any  more." 


The  above-mentioned  Headquarters  of  the  Five  Hundred  and  Thirty-seventh 
Engineering  Battalion  quartered  in  the  country  house  at  Kozy  Gory  did  not  en- 
gage in  any  engineering  work.  Its  activities  were  a  closely  guarded  secret. 
What  this  headquarters  engaged  In.  in  reality,  was  revealed  by  numerous  wit- 
nesses, including  A.  M.  Alexeyeva,  O.  A.  Mikhailova.  and  Z.  P.  Konakhovskaya, 
residents  of  the  village  of  Borok  of  the  Katyn  Rural  Soviet. 

On  the  order  of  the  German  Commandant  of  the  settlement  of  Katyn,  they 
were  detailed  by  the  headman  of  the  village  of  Borok,  V.  I.  Soldatenkov,  to  serve 
the  personnel  of  headquarters  at  the  above-mentioned  country  house. 

On  ari-ival  in  Kozy  Gory  they  were  told  through  an  interpreter  about  a  number 
of  restrictions:  they  were  absolutely  forbidden  to  go  far  from  the  C(nintry  house 
or  to  go  to  the  forest,  to  enter  rooms  without  being  called  and  without  being 
escorted  by  German  soldiers,  to  remain  on  tlie  grounds  of  the  country  house  at 
night.  They  were  allowed  to  come  to  woi'k  and  leave  after  work  only  by  a  definite 
route  and  only  when  escorted  by  soldiei-s. 

This  warning  was  given  to  Alexeyeva,  Mikhailova,  ;ind  Konakhovskaya, 
through  an  interpreter,  ijersonally  by  the  Chief  of  the  (Jerman  Institution, 
Oberstleutnant  [Lt.  Col.]  Arnes,  who  f<n-  this  purpose  sununoned  them  one  at 
a  time. 

As  to  the  personnel  of  the  headquarters,  A.  M.  Alexeyeva  testified  : 

"In  the  Kozy  Gory  country  house  there  were  always  about  .".(>  Germans.  Their 
clii(>f  was  liieutenant  Colonel  Arnes,  and  his  aide  was  First  Lieiitenanl  Rekst. 
Here  were  also  a  Second  Lieutenant  llott  ;  Sergeant  INIaJor  Lumert  ;  nonconmiis- 
si(med  officer  in  cliarge  of  supplies  Rose;  his  assistant  Isikes  :  Sergeant  Major 
Grenewski,  who  was  in  charge  of  the  power  station  ;  the  phofograplier,  a  <-ori>oral 
whose  name  I  do  not  remember;  the  interpreter,  a  Volga  German  whose  nanv.' 


seems  to  have  been  Joliauu,  but  I  called  him  Ivan :  the  cook,  a  German  named 
Gustav ;  and  a  number  of  others  whose  njimes  and  surnames  I  do  not  know." 

Soon  after  beginning  their  work  Alexeyeva,  Mikhailova,  and  Konakhovskaya 
)>egan  to  notice  that  "'something  shady"  was  going  on  at  the  country  house. 

A.  M.  Alexeyeva  testified  : 

"The  interpreter  Johann  warned  us  several  times  on  bebalf  of  Arnes  that 
we  were  to  hold  our  tongues  and  not  chatter  about  what  we  saw  and  heard  at 
rhe  country  house. 

"Besides,  I  guessed  from  a  number  of  signs  that  the  Germans  were  engaged 
in  some  shady  doings  at  this  country  house.     *     *     * 

"At  the  close  of  August  and  during  most  of  September  1941  several  trucks 
used  to  come  practically  every  day  to  the  Kozy  Gory  country  house. 

"At  first  I  paid  no  attention  to  that,  but  later  I  noticed  that  each  time  these 
trucks  arrived  at  the  grounds  of  the  country  house  they  stopped  for  half  an 
hour,  and  sometimes  for  a  whole  hour,  somewhere  on  the  country  road  connect- 
ing the  country  house  with  the  highway. 

"I  drew  this  conclusion  because  some  time  after  these  trucks  reached  the 
grounds  of  the  country  house  the  noise  they  made  would  cease.  Simultane- 
'lusly  with  the  noise  stopping,  single  shots  would  be  heard.  The  shots  followed 
one  another  at  short  but  approximately  even  intervals.  Then  the  shooting 
would  die  down  and  the  trucks  would  drive  up  right  to  the  country  house. 

"German  soldiers  and  noncommissioned  officers  came  out  of  the  trucks. 
Talking  noisily  they  went  to  wash  in  the  bathhouse,  after  which  they  engaged  in 
drunken  orgies.  On  those  days  a  fire  was  always  kept  burning  in  the  bathhouse 

"On  days  when  the  trucks  arrived  more  soldiers  from  some  German  military 
units  used  to  arrive  at  the  country  house.  Special  beds  were  put  up  for  them 
in  the  soldiers'  casino  set  up  in  one  of  the  halls  of  the  country  house.  On  those 
days  many  meals  were  cooked  in  the  kitchen  and  a  double  ration  of  drinks  was 
served  with  the  meals. 

"Shortly  before  the  trucks  reached  the  country  house  armed  soldiers  went 
to  the  forest,  evidently  to  the  spot  where  the  trucks  stopped,  because  in  half 
an  hour  or  an  hour  they  returned  in  these  trucks,  together  with  the  soldiers 
who  lived  i>ermanently  in  the  country  house. 

"Probably  I  would  not  have  v^atched  or  noticed  how  the  noise  of  the  trucks 
coming  to  the  country  house  used  to  die  down  and  then  rise  again  were  it  not 
for  the  fact  that  whenever  the  trucks  arrived  we  (Konakhovskaya,  Milhailova, 
and  myself)  were  driven  to  the  kitchen  if  we  happened  to  be  in  the  courtyard 
near  the  house  ;  and  they  would  not  let  us  out  of  the  kitchen  if  we  happened  to  be 
in  it. 

"There  was  also  the  fact  that  on  several  occasions  I  noticed  stains  of  fresh 
blood  on  the  clothes  of  two  lance  corporals.  All  this  made  me  pay  close  at- 
tention to  what  was  going  on  at  the  country  house.  Then  I  noticed  strange 
intervals  in  the  movement  of  the  trucks  and  their  pauses  in  the  forest.  I  also 
noticed  that  bloodstains  appeared  on  the  clothes  of  the  same  two  men — the  lance 
corporals.  One  of  them  was  tall  and  red-headed,  the  other  of  medium  height 
and  fair. 

"From  all  this  I  inferred  that  the  Germans  brought  people  in  the  truck  to 
the  country  house  and  shot  them.  I  even  guessed  approximately  where  this 
took  place  as,  when  coming  to  and  leaving  the  country  house,  I  noticed  freshly 
thrown-up  earth  in  several  places  near  the  road.  The  area  of  this  freshly 
thrown-up  earth  increased  in  length  every  day.  In  the  course  of  time  the  earth 
in  these  spots  began  to  look  normal." 

In  answer  to  a  question  put  by  the  Special  Commission — what  kind  of  people 
wer^e  shot  m  the  forest  near  the  country  house — Alexeyeva  replied  that  they 
weve  Polish  war  prisoners,  and  in  confirmation  of  her  words,  stated : 

"There  were  days  when  no  trucks  arrived  at  the  country  house,  but  even  s* 
soldiers  left  the  house  for  the  forest  from  wliich  came  frequent  single  shots.  On 
returning  the  soldiers  always  took  a  bath  and  then  drank. 

"Another  thing  happened.  Once  I  stayed  at  the  country  house  somewhat 
later  than  usual.  Mikhailova  and  Konakhovskaya  had  alread.v  left.  Before 
I  finished  the  work  which  had  kept  me  there,  a  soldier  suddenly  entered  and 
told  me  I  could  go.  He  referred  to  Rose's  order.  He  also  accompanied  me  to 
the  highway. 

"On  the  highway  1.50  or  200  meters  from  where  the  road  branches  ofi'  to  the 
country  house  I  .saw  a  group  of  about  80  Polish  war  prisoners  marching  along 
the  liighway  under  heavy  German  escort. 


"I  knew  them  to  be  Poles  because  even  hefoi-e  the  wai-,  and  for  some  time  after 
the  Germans  came,  I  used  to  meet  Polish  war  prisoners  on  the  highway  wearing 
the  same  uniform  with  their  characteristic  four-cornered  hats. 

"I  halted  near  the  roadside  to  see  where  they  were  being  led,  and  I  saw  that 
tliey  turned  toward  our  country  house  at  Kozy  Gory. 

"Since  by  that  time  I  had  begun  to  watch  closely  everything  going  on  at  the 
country  house,  I  became  interested  in  this  situation.  I  went  back  some  distance 
along  the  highway,  hid  in  bushes  near  the  roadside,  and  waited.  In  some  20  or  30 
minutes  I  heard  the  familiar,  characteristic  single  shots. 

"Then  everytliing  became  clear  to  me  and  I  hurried  home. 

"I  also  concluded  that  evidently  the  Germans  were  shooting  Poles  not  only  in 
the  daytime  wlien  we  worked  at  the  country  house,  but  also  at  night  in  our 
absence.  I  understood  this  also  from  recalling  the  occasions  when  all  the 
ofl3eers  and  men  who  lived  in  the  country  house,  with  the  exception  of  the 
sentries,  woke  up  late,  about  noon. 

"On  several  occasions  we  guessed  about  the  arrival  of  the  I'oles  in  Kozy  Gory 
from  the  tense  atmosphere  that  descended  on  the  country  house     *     *     * 

"All  the  officers  left  the  country  house  and  only  a  few  sentries  remained  in 
it,  while  the  sergeant  major  kept  checking  up  on  the  sentries  over  the  tele- 
phone.     *      *      *" 

O.  A.  Mikhailova  testified:  "In  September  1!)41  shooting  was  heard  very  often, 
in  the  Kozy  Gory  Forest.  At  first  I  took  no  notice  of  the  trucks  which  arrived  at 
our  country  house,  which  were  closed  at  the  sides  and  on  top  and  painted  green. 
They  used  to  drive  up  to  our  country  house  always  accompanied  by  noncom- 
missioned officers.  Then  I  noticed  that  these  trucks  never  entered  our  garage,, 
and  also  that  they  were  never  unloaded.  They  used  to  come  very  often,  especially 
in  September  1941." 

"Among  the  noncommissioned  officers  who  ;ilways  sat  with  the  drivers  I  began 
to  notice  one  tall  one  with  a  pale  face  and  red  hair.  When  these  trucks  drove- 
up  to  the  country  house,  all  the  noncommissioned  officers,  as  if  at  a  command,  went 
to  the  bathhouse  and  bathed  for  a  long  time,  after  which  they  drank  heavily 
in  the  country  house. 

"Once  this  tall  red-headed  German  got  down  from  the  truck,  went  to  the- 
kitchen  and  asked  for  water.  When  he  was  drinking  the  water  out  of  a  glass 
I  noticed  blood  on  the  cuff  of  the  right  sleeve  of  his  unifcu'm."' 

O.  A.  Mikhailova  and  Z.  P.  Konakiiovskaya  witnessed  the  shooting  of  two 
Polish  war  prisoners  who  had  evidently  escaped  from  the  Germans  and  had 
been  caught. 

Mikhailova  testified  : 

"Once  Konakiiovskaya  and  I  were  at  our  usual  work  in  the  kitchen  when  we 
heard  a  noise  near  the  country  house.  On  coming  out  we  saw  two  Polish  war 
prisoners  surrounded  by  German  soldiers  who  were  explaining  something  to  Non- 
commissioned Officer  Rose.  Then  Lieutenant  Colonel  Arnes  came  over  to  them 
and  told  Rose  something.  We  hid  some  distance  away,  as  we  were  afraid  that 
Rose  would  beat  us  up  for  being  inquisitive.  We  were  discovered,  however,  and 
at  a  signal  from  Rose  the  mechanic  Grenewski  drove  us  into  the  kitchen  and  the- 
Poles  away  from  the  country  house.  A  few  miiuites  later  we  heard  sliots.  The 
German  soldiers  and  Noncommissioned  Officer  Rose,  who  soon  returned,  were  en- 
gaged in  animated  conversation.  Wanting  to  find  out  what  the  (Tormans  had  done 
to  the  detained  Poles,  Konakiiovskaya  and  I  came  out  again.  Arnes'  aide,  who. 
came  out  simultaneously  with  us  from  the  main  entrance  of  the  country  house, 
asked  Rose  something  in  German,  to  which  the  latter  answered,  also  in  German, 
"Everything  is  in  order."  We  understood  these  words  because  the  Germans  often 
used  them  in  their  conversation.  From  all  that  took  place  1  concluded  that  these 
two  Poles  had  been  shot." 

Similar  testimony  was  given  by  Z.  1'.  Konakhovskaya. 

Frightened  by  the  happenings  at  the  country  house,  Alexeyeva,  IMikhailova, 
and  Konakhovskaya  decided  to  quit  work  there  on  some  convenient  pretext. 
Taking  advantage  of  the  reduction  of  their  wages  from  9  to  3  marks  a  month  at  ' 
the  i)eginning  of  January  1942,  on  Mikhaih)va's  suggestion  tiiey  did  not  report 
for  work.  In  the  evening  of  the  same  day  a  car  come  to  fetch  them,  they  were 
bronglit  to  the  country  house  and  locked  up  in  a  cell  by  way  of  punishment — 
Mikhailova  for  S  days  and  Alexeyeva  and  Konakhovskaya  for  :',  days  each. 

-Nfter  they  had  served  tlH'lr  terms  all  of  them  were  discharged. 

While  working  at  the  country  house  Alexeyeva,  Mikhailova,  and  Konakhov- 
skaya had  been  afraid  to  speak  to  each  other  about  what  they  had  observed  of 


the  happenings  there.     Only  after  they  were  arrested,  sitting  in  the  cell  at  night, 
did  they  share  their  knowledge. 

At  the  interrogation  on  December  24,  1943,  Mikhailova  testified  : 
"Here  for  the  first  time  we  talked  frankly  about  the  happenings  at  the  country 
house.  I  told  all  I  knew.  It  turned  out  that  Konakhovskaya  and  Alexeyeva 
also  knew  all  these  fact^  but,  like  myself,  had  been  afraid  to  discuss  them.  I 
learned  from  them  that  it  was  Polish  war  prisoners  the  Germans  were  shooting 
at  Kozy  Gory,  since  Alexeyeva  said  that  once  in  the  autumn  of  1941,  when  she 
was  going  home  after  work,  she  saw  the  Germans  driving  a  large  group  of 
Polish  war  prisoners  into  Kozy  Gory  Forest  and  then  she  heard  shooting." 
Similar  testimony  was  given  by  Alexeyeva  and  Konakhovskaya. 
(On  comparing  notes  Alexeyeva,  Mikhailova,  and  Konakhovskaya  arrived  at 
the  firm  conviction  that  in  August  and  September  1941  the  Germans  had  engaged 
in  mass  shootings  of  Polish  war  prisoners  at  the  country  house  iu  Kozy  Gory. 
The  testimony  of  Alexeyeva  is  confirmed  by  the  testimony  of  her  father, 
Mikhail  Alexeyev,  whom  she  told  as  far  back  as  in  tht>  autunm  of  1941,  during  her 
work  at  the  country  house,  about  her  observations  of  the  Germans'  activities  at 
the  country  house.  "For  a  long  time  she  would  not  tell  me  anything."  Mikhail 
Alexeyev  testified.  "Only  on  coming  home  she  complained  that  she  was  afraid  to 
work  at  the  country  house  and  did  not  know  how  to  get  away.  When  I  asked  her 
why  she  was  afraid  she  said  that  very  often  shooting  was  heard  in  the  forest.  Once 
she  told  me  in  secret  that  in  Kozy  Gory  Forest  the  Germans  were  shooting  Poles. 
I  listened  to  my  daughter  and  warned  her  very  strictly  that  she  should  not  tell 
anyone  else  about  it,  as  otherwise  the  Germans  would  learn  and  then  our  whole 
family  would  suffer." 

That  Polish  war  prisoners  used  to  be  brought  to  Kozy  Gory  in  small  groups  of 
20  to  30  men  escorted  by  five  to  seven  German  soldiers,  was  also  testified  to  by 
other  witnesses  interrogated  by  the  Special  Commission :  P.  G.  Kisselev,  peasant 
of  Kozy  Gory  hamlet:  M.  G.  Krivozertsev,  carpenter  of  Krasny  Bor  station  in  the 
Katyii  ^^-•!•cst:  S  S.  Ivanov,  f  rnier  station  master  at  Gnezdo  o  in  tlif  Katyu 
Forest  area ;  I.  V.  Savvateyev,  station  nuistt  r  on  duty  at  the  same  station ;  M.  A. 
Alexeyev,  chairman  of  a  collective  farm  in  the  village  of  Borok ;  A.  P.  Ogloblin, 
priest  of  Kuprino  Church,  and  others. 

These  witnesses  also  heard  shots  in  the  forest  at  Kozy  Gory. 
Of  especially  great  importance  in  ascertaining  what  took  place  at  Kozy  Gory 
country  house  in  the  autumn  of  1941  is  the  testimony  of  Professor  of  Astronomy 
B.  V.  Bazilevsky,  director  of  the  Smolensk  Observatory. 

In  the  early  days  of  the  occupation  of  Smolensk  by  the  Germans,  Professor 
Bazilevsky  was  forcibly  appointed  assistant  burgomaster,  while  to  the  post  of 
burgomaster  they  appointed  the  lawyer.  B.  G.  Menshagin,  who  subsequently  left 
together  with  them,  a  traitor  who  enjoyed  the  special  confidence  of  the  German 
command  and  in  particular  of  the  Smolensk  Commandant  von  Schwetz. 

Early  in  September  1941  Bazilevsky  addressed  to  Menshagin  a  request  to  solicit 
the  Commandant  von  Schwetz  for  the  liberation  of  the  teacher  Zhiglinsky  from 
war  prisoners'  camp  No.  126.  In  compliance  with  this  request  Menshagin  ap- 
proached von  Schwetz  and  then  informed  Bazilevsky  that  his  request  could  not 
be  granted  since,  according  to  von  Schwetz,  "instructions  had  been  received  from 
Berlin  prescribing  that  the  strictest  regime  be  maintained  undeviatingly  with 
regard  to  war  prisoners  without  any  easing  up  on  this  matter. 

"I  involimtarily  retorted,"  witness  Bazilevsky  testified,  "  'Can  anything  be 
stricter  than  the  regime  existing  in  the  camp?'  Menshagin  looked  at  me  in  a 
strange  way  and  bending  to  my  ear,  answered  in  a  low  voice :  'Yes,  there  can  be. 
The  Russians  can  at  least  be  left  to  die  off,  but  as  to  the  Polish  war  prisoners,  the 
orders  say  that  they  are  to  be  simply  exterminated.' 
"  'How  is  that?  How  should  it  be  understood?'  I  exclaimed. 
"  'This  should  be  understood  literally.  There  is  such  a  directive  from  Berlin," 
answered  Menshagin,  and  asked  me  'for  the  sake  of  all  that  is  holy'  not  to  tell 
anyone  about  this.      *      *      * 

"About  a  fortnight  after  this  conversation  with  Menshagin,  when  I  was  again 
received  by  him,  I  could  not  keep  from  asking:  'What  news  about  the  Poles?" 
Menshagin  paused  for  a  moment,  but  then  aswered  :  'Everything  is  over  with 
them.  "Von  Schwetz  told  me  that  they  had  been  shot  somewhere  near  Smolensk.' 
"Seeing  my  bewilderment  Menshagin  warned  me  again  about  the  necessity  of 
keeping  this  affair  in  the  strictest  secrecy  and  then  started  'explaining'  to  me 
the  Germans'  policy  in  this  matter.  He  told  me  that  the  shooting  of  Poles  was 
one  link  in  the  general  chain  of  anti-Polish  policy  pursued  by  Germany,  which 

93744 — 52 — pt.  3 2 


became  especially  marked  in  connection  with  the  conclusion  of  the  Russo-Polish 

Bazilevsky  also  told  the  Special  Commission  about  his  conversation  with 
Hirschfeld,  the  Sonderfuehrer  of  the  Seventh  Department  of  the  German  Com- 
mandant's Office,  a  Baltic  German  who  spoke  good  Russian : 

"With  cynical  frankness  Hirschfeld  told  nie  that. the  harmfulness  and  in- 
feriority of  the  Poles  had  been  proved  by  history  and  therefore  reduction  of 
Poland's  population  would  fertilize  the  soil  and  make  possible  an  extension  of 
Germany's  living  space.  In  this  connection  Hirschfeld  boasted  that  absolutely 
no  intellectuals  had  been  left  in  Poland,  as  they  had  all  been  hauged,  shot,  or 
confined  in  camps." 

Bazilevsky's  testimony  is  confirmed  by  the  witness  I.  E.  Yefimov,  professor  of 
physics,  who  has  been  interrogated  by  the  Special  Commission  and  whom  Bazil- 
evsky at  that  time,  in  the  autumn  of  1941,  told  about  his  conversation  with 

Documentary  corroboration  of  Bazilevsky's  and  Yefimov's  testimony  is  supplied 
by  notes  made  by  Menshagin  in  his  own  hand  in  his  notebook. 

This  notebook,  containing  17  incomplete  pages,  was  found  in  the  files  of  the 
Smolensk  Municipal  Board  after  the  liberation  of  Smolensk  by  the  Red  Army. 

Menshagiu's  ownership  of  the  notebook  and  his  handwriting  have  been  con- 
firmed both  by  Bazilevsky,  who  knew  Menshagin's  hand  well,  and  by  expert 

Judging  by  the  dates  in  the  notebook,  its  contents  relate  to  the  i>eriod  from 
early  August  1941  to  November  of  the  same  year. 

Among  the  various  notes  on  economic  matters  (on  fii'ewood,  electric  power, 
trade,  etc.)  there  are  a  number  of  notes  made  by  Menshagin  evidently  as  a 
reminder  of  instructions  issued  by  the  German  commandant's  office  in  Smolensk. 

These  notes  reveal  with  sufficient  clarity  tlie  range  of  problems  with  which 
the  Municipal  Board  dealt  as  the  organ  fulfilling  all  the  instructions  of  the 
German  command. 

The  first  three  pages  of  the  notebook  lay  down  in  detail  the  procedure  in 
organizing  the  Jewish  "ghetto"  and  the  system  of  reprisals  to  be  applied  against 
the  Jews. 

Page  10,  dated  August  15, 1941,  contains  the  following  note : 

"All  fugitive  Polish  war  prisoners  are  to  be  detained  and  delivered  to  the 
commandant's  office." 

Page  15  (undated)  contains  the  entry:  "Are  there  any  rumors  among  the  pop- 
ulation concerning  the  shooting  of  Polish  war  prisoners  in  Kozy  Gory  (for 

It  transpires  from  the  initial  entry,  firstly,  that  on  August  15,  1941,  Polish 
war  prisoners  were  still  in  the  Smolensk  area  and,  secondly,  that  they  were  being 
arrested  by  the  German  authorities. 

The  second  entry  indicates  that  the  German  command,  worried  by  the  pos- 
sibility of  rumors  circulating  among  the  civilian  population  about  the  crime  it 
had  committed,  issued  special  instructions  for  the  purpose  of  checking  this 

Umnov,  mentioned  in  this  entry,  was  the  chief  of  the  Russian  police  in  Smolensk 
during  the  early  months  of  its  occupation, 


In  the  winter  of  1942-43  the  general  military  situation  changed  sharply  to  the 
disadvantage  of  the  Germans.  The  military  power  of  the  Soviet  Union  was 
continually  gi-owing  stronger.  The  unity  between  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  and  her  allies 
was  growing  in  strength.  The  Germans  resolved  to  launch  a  provocation,  using 
for  this  purpose  the  atrocities  they  had  committed  in  the  Katyn  Forest,  and 
ascribing  them  to  the  organs  of  the  Soviet  authorities.  In  this  way  they  intended 
to  set  the  Russians  and  Poles  at  loggerheads  and  to  cover  up  the  traces  of  their 
own  crimes. 

A  priest,  A.  P.  Ogloblin,  of  the  village  of  Kuprino  in  the  Smolensk  district, 
testified : 

"After  the  events  at  Stalingrad,  when  the  Germans  began  to  feel  uncertain, 
they  launched  this  business.  The  people  started  to  say  that  'the  Germans  are 
trying  to  mend  their  affairs.' 

"Having  embarked  on  the  preparation  of  the  Katyn  provocation,  the  Germans 
first  set  about  looking  for  'witnesses'  who  would,  under  the  influence  of  per- 
suasion, bribes,  or  threats,  give  the  testimony  which  the  Germans  needed. 


"The  atteution  of  the  Germans  was  attracted  to  the  peasant  Parfen  Gavrilovich 
Kisselev,  born  in  1870,  who  lived  in  the  hamlet  nearest  to  the  country  house 
in  Kozy  Gory." 

Kisselev  was  summoned  to  the  Gestapo  at  the  close  of  1942.  Under  the  threat 
of  reprisals,  they  demanded  of  him  fictitious  testimony  alleging  that  he  knew 
tliat  in  the  spring  of  1940  the  Bolsheviks  shot  Polish  war  prisoners  at  the 
country  house  of  the  administration  of  the  People's  Commissariat' of  Internal 
Affairs  in  Kozy  Gory. 

Kisselev  testified  before  the  commission  : 

"In  the  autumn  of  1942  two  policemen  came  to  my  house  and  ordered  me  to 
report  to  the  Gestapo  at  Gnezdovo  station.  On  that  same  day  I  went  to  the 
Gestapo,  which  had  its  premises  in  a  two-story  house  next  to  the  railway  station. 
In  a  room  I  entered  there  were  a  German  officer  and  interpreter.  The  German 
officer  started  asking  me  through  the  interpreter  how  long  I  had  lived  in  that 
district,  what  my  occupation  and  my  material  circumstances  were. 

"I  told  him  that  I  had  lived  in  the  hamlet  in  the  area  of  Kozy  Gory  since  1907 
and  worked  on  my  farm.  As  to  my  material  circumstances,  I  said  that  I  had 
experienced  some  difficulties  since  I  was  old  and  my  sons  were  in  the  war. 

"After  a  brief  conver.sation  on  this  subject,  the  officer  stated  that,  according 
to  information  at  the  disposal  of  the  Gestapo,  in  1940,  in  the  area  of  Kozy 
Gory  in  tlie  Katyn  Forest,  staff  members  of  the  People's  Commissariat  of  In- 
ternal Affairs  shot  Polish  officers,  and  he  asked  me  what  testimony  I  could  give 
on  this  score.  I  answered  that  I  had  never  heard  of  the  People's  Commissariat 
of  Internal  Affairs  shooting  people  at  Kozy  Gory,  and  that  anyhow  it  was  im- 
possible, I  explained  to  the  officer,  since  Kozy  Gory  is  an  absolutely  open  and 
much  frequented  place,  and  if  shootings  had  gone  on  there  the  entire  population 
of  the  neighboring  villages  would  have  known. 

"The  officpr  told  me  I  must  nevertheless  give  such  evidence,  because  he  alleged 
the  shootings  did  take  place.     I  was  promised  a  big  reward  for  this  testimony. 

"I  told  the  officer  again  that  I  did  not  know  anything  about  shootings,  and 
that  notliiiig  of  the  sort  could  have  taken  place  in  our  locality  before  the  war. 
In  spite  of  tliis,  the  officer  persistently  insisted  on  my  giving  false  evidence. 

"After  the  first  conversation  about  which  I  have  already  spoken,  I  was 
summoned  again  to  the  Gestapo  only  in  February  1943.  By  that  time  I  knew 
that  other  residents  of  neighboring  villages  had  also  been  summoned  to  the 
Gestapo  and  that  the  same  testimony  they  demanded  of  me  had  also  been 
demanded  of  them. 

"At  the  Gestapo  the  same  officer  and  interpreter  who  had  interrogated  me 
the  first  time  again  demanded  of  me  evidence  that  I  had  witnessed  the  shooting 
of  Polish  officers,  allegedly  carried  out  by  the  People's  Commissariat  of  Internal 
Affairs  in  1940.  I  again  told  the  Gestapo  officer  that  this  was  a  lie,  as  before 
the  war  I  had  not  heard  anything  about  any  shootings,  and  that  I  would  not 
give  false  evidence.  The  interi}reter,  however,  would  not  listen  to  me,  but 
took  a  handwritten  document  from  the  desk  and  read  it  to  me.  It  said  that  I, 
Kisselev,  resident  of  a  hamlet  in  the  Kozy  Gory  area,  personally  witnessed  the 
shooting  of  Polish  officers  by  staff  members  of  the  People's  Commissariat  of 
Internal  Affairs  in  1940. 

"Having  read  this  document,  the  interpreter  told  me  to  sign  it.  I  refused  to 
do  so.  The  interpreter  began  to  force  me  to  do  it  by  abuse  and  threats.  Finally 
he  shouted :  'Either  you  sign  it  at  once  or  we  shall  destroy  you.  Make  your 

"Frightened  by  these  threats,  I  signed  the  document  and  thought  that  would 
be  the  end  of  the  matter." 

Later,  after  the  Germans  had  arranged  visits  to  the  Katyn  graves  by  various 
"delegations,"  Kisselev  was  forced  to  speak  before  a  "Polish  delegation"  which 
arrived  there. 

Kisselev  forgot  the  contents  of  the  protocol  he  had  signed  at  the  Gestapo,  got 
mixed  up,  and  finally  refused  to  speak. 

The  Gestapo  tlien  arrested  Kisselev.  and  by  ruthless  beatings,  in  the  course  of 
6  weeks  again  obtained  his  consent  to  make  "public  speeches." 

In  this  connection  Kisselev  stated  : 

"In  reality  things  went  quite  a  different  way. 

"In  the  spring  of  1943  the  Germans  announced  that  in  the  Kozy  Gory  area  in 
Katyn  Forest  they  had  discovered  the  graves  of  Polish  officers  allegedly  shot  in 
1940  by  organs  of  the  People's  Commissariat  of  Internal  Affairs. 

"Soon  after  that  the  Gestapo  interpreter  came  to  my  house  and  took  me  to  the 
forest  in  the  Kozy  Gory  area. 


"When  we  had  left  the  house  and  were  alone  together,  the  interpreter  warned 
me  that  I  must  tell  the  people  present  in  the  forest  everything  exactly  as  it  was 
written  down  in  the  document  I  had  signed  at  the  Gestapo. 

"When  I  came  into  the  forest  I  saw  open  graves  and  a  group  of  strangers.  The 
interpreter  told  me  that  these  were  'Polish  delegates'  who  had  arrived  to  inspect 
the  graves. 

"When  we  approached  the  graves  the  'delegates'  started  asking  me  various 
questions  in  Russian  in  connection  with  the  shooting  of  the  Poles,  but  as  more 
than  a  month  had  passed  since  I  had  been  summoned  to  the  Gestapo  I  forgot 
everything  that  was  in  the  document  I  had  signed,  got  mixed  up,  and  finally  said 
I  did  not  know  anything  about  the  shooting  of  the  Polish  oflBcers. 

"The  German  officer  got  very  angry.  The  interpreter  roughly  dragged  me  away 
from  the  'delegation'  and  chased  me  off. 

"The  next  morning  a  car  with  a  Gestapo  ofiicer  drove  up  to  my  house.  He  found 
me  in  the  yard,  told  me  that  I  was  under  arrest,  put  me  into  the  car  and  took 
me  to  Smolensk  Prison.     *     *     * 

"After  my  arrest  I  was  interrogated  many  times,  but  they  heat  me  more  than 
they  questioned  me.  The  first  time  they  summoned  me  they  beat  and  abused  me 
mercilessly,  stating  that  I  had  let  them  down,  and  then  sent  me  hack  to  the  cell. 

"The  next  time  I  was  summoned  they  told  me  I  had  to  state  publicly  that  I  had 
witnessed  the  shooting  of  Polish  officers  by  the  Bolsheviks,  and  that  until  the 
Gestapo  was  convinced  that  I  would  do  this  in  good  faith  I  would  not  be  re- 
leased from  prison.  I  told  the  officer  that  I  would  rather  sit  in  prison  than  tell 
people  lies  to  their  faces.    After  that  I  was  badly  beaten  up. 

"There  were  several  such  interrogations  accompanied  by  beatings,  and  as  a 
result  I  lost  all  my  strength,  my  hearing  became  poor  and  I  could  not  move  my 
right  arm. 

"About  1  month  after  my  arrest  a  German  oflacer  summoned  me  and  said :  'You 
see  the  consequences  of  your  obstinacy,  Kisselev.  We  have  decided  to  execute 
you.  In  the  morning  we  shall  take  you  to  Katyn  Forest  and  hang  you.'  I  asked 
the  officer  not  to  do  this,  and  tried  to  convince  him  that  I  was  not  fit  for  the  part 
of  'eyewitness'  of  the  shooting  as  I  did  not  know  how  to  tell  lies  and  therefore 
1  would  mix  everything  up  again.  The  officer  continued  to  insist.  Several  min- 
utes later  soldiers  came  into  the  room  and  started  beating  me  with  rubber  clubs. 

"Being  unable  to  stand  the  beatings  and  torture.  I  agreed  to  appear  publicly 
with  a  fallacious  tale  about  the  shooting  of  the  Poles  by  the  Bolsheviks.  After 
that  I  was  released  from  prison  on  condition  that  at  the  first  demand  of  the 
Germans  I  would  speak  before 'delegations' in  Katyn  Forest.     *     *     * 

"On  every  occa.sion,  before  leading  me  to  the  open  graves  in  the  forest,  the 
interpreter  used  to  come  to  my  house,  call  me  out  into  the  yard,  take  me  aside  to 
make  sure  that  no  one  would  hear,  and  for  half  an  hour  make  me  memorize  by 
heart  everything  I  would  have  to  say  about  the  alleged  shooting  of  Polish  officers 
by  the  People's  Commissariat  of  Internal  Affairs  in  1940. 

"I  recall  that  the  interpreter  told  me  something  like  this :  'I  live  in  a  cottage 
in  Kozy  Gory  area  not  far  from  the  country  house  of  the  People's  Commissariat 
of  Internal  Affairs.  In  the  spring  of  1040,  I  saw  Poles  taken  to  the  forest  on 
various  nights  and  shot  there.'  And  then  it  was  imperative  that  I  must  state 
literally  that  'this  was  the  doing  of  the  People's  Commissariat  of  Internal 

"After  I  had  memorized  what  the  interpreter  told  me,  he  would  take  me  to  the 
open  graves  In  the  forest  and  compel  me  to  repeat  all  this  in  the  presence  of 
'delegations'  which  came  there.  My  statements  were  strictly  supervised  and 
directed  by  the  Gestapo  interpreter. 

"Once  when  I  spoke  before  some  'delegation'  I  was  asked  tlie  question  :  'Did  you 
personally  see  these  Poles  l)efore  they  were  shot  by  the  liolsheviksV  1  was  not 
prepared  for  such  a  question  and  answered  the  way  it  was  in  fact,  i.  e.,  that  I  saw 
Polish  war  prisoners  before  the  war,  as  they  worked  on  the  roads.  Then  the 
interpreter  roughly  dragged  me  aside  and  drove  me  home. 

"Please  believe  me  when  I  say  that  all  the  time  I  felt  pangs  of  conscience,  as 
1  knew  that  in  reality  the  Polish  officers  had  been  shot  by  the  Germans  in  1941. 
I  had  no  other  choice,  as  I  was  constantly  threatened  with  the  repetition  of  my 
arrest  and  torture." 

P.  G.  Kisselev's  testlmcmy  regarding  his  summons  to  the  Gestapo,  subsequent 
arrest,  and  beatings  are  confirmed  by  his  wife  Aksinya  Kisseleva,  born  in  1K70, 
his  son  Vasili  Kisselev,  born  in  1011,  and  bis  daughter-in-law  IMaria  Kisseleva, 
born  in  1918,  who  live  with  him,  as  well  as  by  track  foreman  Timofey  Sergeyev, 
liorn  in  1901,  who  rents  a  room  in  Kisselev's  hamlet. 


The  injuries  caused  to  Kisselev  at  the  Gestapo  (injury  of  shoulder,  consider- 
iilile  impairment  of  hearinj;)  are  confirmed  by  a  report  of  medical  examination. 

In  their  search  for  "witnesses"  the  Germans  subsequently  became  interested  in 
railway  worters  at  the  Gnezdovo  station,  2i/^  kilometers  from  Kozy  Gory.  In 
the  spring  of  1940  the  Polish  prisoners  of  war  arrived  at  this  station,  and  the 
Germans  evidently  wanted  to  obtain  corroborating  testimony  from  the  railway- 
men.  For  this  purpose,  in  the  spring  of  1943,  the  Germans  summoned  to 
the  Gestapo  the  ex-station  master  of  Gnezdovo  station,  S.  V.  Ivanov,  the  station 
master  on  duty,  I.  "V.  Savvateyev,  and  others. 

S.  P.  Ivanov,  born  in  1882,  gave  the  following  account  of  the  circumstances  in 
which  he  was  summoned  to  the  Gestapo : 

"It  was  in  March  1943.  I  was  interrogated  by  a  German  officer  in  the  presence 
of  an  interpreter.  Having  asked  me  through  the  interpreter  who  I  was  and  what 
post  I  held  at  Gnezdovo  station  before  the  occupation  of  the  district  by  the 
<jermans,  the  officer  inquired  whether  I  knew  that  in  the  .spring  of  1940  large 
parties  of  captured  Polish  officers  had  arrived  at  Gnezdovo  station  in  several 

"I  said  that  I  knew  about  this. 

"The  officer  then  asked  me  whether  I  knew  that  in  the  same  spring,  1940,  soon 
after  the  arrival  of  the  Polish  officers,  the  Bolsheviks  had  shot  them  all  in  the 
Katyn  Forest. 

"I  answered  that  I  did  not  know  anything  about  that,  and  that  it  could  not 
t)e  so,  as  in  the  course  of  1940-41,  up  to  the  occupation  of  Smolensk  by  the 
^Germans,  I  had  met  captured  Polish  officers  who  had  arrived  in  spring,  1940,  at 
Gnezdovo  station,  and  who  were  engaged  in  road-construction  work. 

"Then  the  officer  told  me  that  if  a  German  officer  asserted  that  the  Poles  had 
t»een  shot  by  the  Bolsheviks  it  meant  that  this  was  the  case.  'Therefore,'  the 
officer  continued,  'you  need  not  fear  anything,  and  you  can  sign  with  a  clear 
conscience  a  protocol  saying  that  the  Polish  officers  who  were  prisoners  of  war 
w^ere  shot  by  the  Bolsheviks  and  that  you  witnessed  it.' 

"I  replied  that  I  was  already  an  old  man,  that  I  was  61  years  old,  and  did 
•not  want  to  commit  a  sin  in  my  old  age.  I  could  only  testify  that  the  Polish 
prisoners  of  war  really  arrived  at  Gnezdovo  Station  in  the  spring  of  1940. 

"The  German  officer  began  to  persuade  me  to  give  the  required  testimony, 
promising  that  if  I  agreed  he  would  promote  me  from  the  position  of  watchman 
on  a  railway  crossing  to  that  of  station  master  of  Gnezdovo  Station,  which  I  had 
tield  under  the  Soviet  Government,  and  also  to  provide  for  my  material  needs. 

"The  interpreter  emphasized  that  my  testimony  as  a  former  railway  employee 
at  Gnezdovo  Station,  the  nearest  station  to  Katyn  Forest,  was  extremely  impor- 
tant lor  the  German  command,  and  tliat  I  would  not  regret  it  if  I  gave  such 

"I  understood  that  I  had  landed  in  an  extremely  difficult  situation,  and  that  a 
sad  fate  awaited  me.  However,  I  again  refused  to  give  false  testimony  to  the 
■German  offic-er. 

"After  that  the  German  officer  started  shouting  at  me,  threatening  me  with 
beating  and  shooting,  and  said  I  did  not  understand  what  was  good  for  me. 
However.  I  stood  my  ground. 

"The  interpreter  then  drew  up  a  short  protocol  in  German  on  one  page,  and 
gave  me  a  free  translation  of  its  contents. 

"This  protocol  recorded,  as  the  interpreter  told  me,  only  the  fact  of  the  arrival 
•of  the  I'olish  war  prisoners  at  Gnezdovo  Station.  When  I  asked  that  my  testi- 
mony be  recorded  not  only  in  German  Imt  also  in  Russian,  the  officer  finally  was 
beside  himself  with  fury,  beat  me  up  with  a  rubber  club,  and  drove  me  off  the 
premises.     *     *     *" 

I.  V.  Savvateyev,  born  in  1S80.  stated: 

"111  the  Gestapo  I  testified  that  in  spring  3940,  Polish  war  prisoners  arrived 
at  the  station  of  Gnezdovo  in  several  trains  and  proceeded  further  by  car,  and 
I  did  not  know  where  tlie.v  went.  I  also  added  that  I  repeatedly  met  Poles 
later  on  the  Moscow-Minsk  highway,  where  they  were  working  on  repairs  in  small 

"The  officer  told  me  I  was  mixing  things  up,  that  I  could  not  have  met  the  Poles 
on  the  highway,  as  they  had  been  shot  by  the  Bolsheviks,  and  demanded  that  I 
testify  to  this.     I  refused. 

"After  threatening  and  cajoling  me  for  a  long  time,  the  officer  consulted  with 
the  interpreter  in  German  about  something,  and  then  the  interpreter  wrote  a 
short  protocol  and  gave  it  to  me  to  sign.     He  explained  that  it  was  a  record  of 


my  testimony.  I  asked  the  interpreter  to  let  me  read  tlie  protocol  myself,  but 
be  interrupted  me  with  abuse,  ordering  me  to  sign  it  immediately  and  get  out.  I 
liesitated  a  minute.  The  interpreter  seized  a  rubber  clujb  banging  on  the  wall 
and  made  a  move  to  strilce  me.  After  that  I  signed  the  protocol  shoved  at  me. 
The  interpreter  told  me  to  get  out  and  go  home,  and  not  to  talk  to  anyone  or  I 
would  be  shot.     *     *     *" 

The  search  for  "witnesses"  was  not  limited  to  the  above-mentioned  persons. 
The  Germans  strove  persistently  to  locate  former  employees  of  the  People's 
Commissariat  of  Internal  Affairs  and  extort  from  them  false  testimony. 

Having  chanced  to  arrest  E.  L.  Ignatyuk,  formerly  a  laboi'er  in  the  garage  of 
the  Smolensk  Regional  Administration  of  the  People's  Commissariat  of  Internal 
Affairs,  the  Germans  stubbornly,  by  threats  and  beatings,  tried  to  extort  from 
him  testimony  that  he  had  been  a  chauffeur  and  not  merely  a  laborer  in  the- 
garage  and  had  himself  driven  Polish  war  prisoners  to  the  site  of  the  shooting. 

E.  L.  Ignatyuk,  born  in  1908.  testified  in  this  connection  : 

"When  I  was  interrogated  for  the  first  time  by  Chief  of  Police  Alferchik,  he 
accused  uie  of  agitating  against  the  Gorman  authorities,  and  asked  what  w«jrk 
I  had  done  for  the  People's  Commissariat  of  Internal  Affairs.  I  replied  that  I 
had  worked  in  the  garage  of  the  Smolensk  Regional  Administration  of  the 
People's  Commissariat  of  Internal  Affairs  as  a  laborer.  At  this  interrogation, 
Alferchik  tried  to  get  me  to  testify  that  I  had  worked  as  a  chauffeur  and  not  as 
a  laborer. 

"Greatly  irritated  by  his  failure  to  obtain  the  required  testimony  from  me,; 
Alftrchik  and  his  aide,  whom  lie  called  George,  bound  up  my  head  and  mouth 
with  some  cloth,  removed  my  trousers,  laid  me  on  a  table  and  began  to  beat  me 
with  rubber  clubs. 

"After  that  I  was  summoned  again  for  interrogation,  and  Alferchik  demanded 
that  I  give  him  false  testimony  to  the  effect  that  the  PolLsh  officers  had  been 
shot  in  Katyn  Forest  by  organs  of  the  People's  Commissariat  of  Internal  Affairs 
in  1940,  of  which  I  allegedly  was  aware,  as  a  chauffeur  who  had  taken  part  in 
driving  the  Polish  officers  to  Katyn  Forest,  and  who  had  been  present  at  their 
shooting.  Alferchik  promised  to  release  me  from  prison  if  I  would  agree  to  give 
such  testimony,  and  get  me  a  job  with  the  police,  where  I  would  be  given  good 
living  conditions — otherwise  they  would  shoot  me.     *     *     * 

"The  last  time  I  was  interrogated  in  the  police  station  by  examiner  Alex- 
androv,  who  demanded  from  me  the  same  false  testimony  as  Alferchik  about  the 
shooting  of  the  Polish  officers,  but  at  this  examination,  too,  I  refused  to  give 
false  evidence. 

"After  this  interrogation  I  was  again  beaten  up  and  sent  to  the  gestapo.    ♦    *    » 

"In  the  gestapo,  just  as  at  the  police  station,  they  demanded  from  me  false 
evidence  about  the  shooting  of  the  Polish  officers  in  Katyn  Forest  in  1940  by 
Soviet  authorities,  of  which  I  as  a  chauffeur  was  allegedly  aware." 

A  book  published  by  the  German  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  containing 
material  about  the  "Katyn  Affair,"  fabricated  by  the  Germans,  refers  to  other 
"witnesses"  besides  the  above-mentioned  P.  G.  Kisselev :  Godesov  (alias  Go- 
dunov),  born  in  1877;  Grigori  Silverstov,  born  in  1891;  Ivan  Andreyev,  born  in 
1917 ;  Mikhail  Zhigulev,  born  in  1915 ;  Ivan  Krivozertsev,  born  in  1915 ;  and 
Matvey  Zakharov,  born  in  1893. 

A  check-up  revealed  that  the  first  two  of  the  above  persons  (Godesov  and 
SJl»-orstov)  died  in  1943  before  the  liberation  of  the  Smolensk  region  by  the  Red 
army;  the  next  three  (Andreyev,  Zhigulev,  and  Krivozertsev)  left  with  the  Ger- 
mans, or  perhaps  were  forcibly  abducted  by  them,  while  the  last — Matvey 
Zakharov — formerly  a  coupler  at  Smolensk  Station,  who  worked  under  the  Ger- 
mans as  headman  in  the  village  Novye  Bateki,  was  located  and  examined  by  the 
special  commission. 

Zakharov  related  how  the  Germans  obtained  from  him  the  false  testimony  they 
needed  about  the  "Katyn  Affaif" : 

"Early  in  March  1943  an  employe  of  the  Gnezdovo  gestapo,  whose  name  I  do 
not  know,  came  to  my  house  and  told  me  that  an  officer  wanted  to  see  me. 

"When  I  arrived  at  the  gestapo  a  German  officer  told  me  through  an  inter- 
preter :  'We  know  you  worked  as  a  coupler  at  Smolensk  Central  Station  and  you 
must  testify  that  in  1940  cars  with  Polish  war  prisoners  passed  through  Smolensk 
on  the  way  to  Gnezdovo,  after  which  the  Poles  were  shot  in  the  forest  at  Kozy 
Gory.'  In  reply,  I  stated  that  in  1940  cars  with  Poles  did  pass  Smolensk  west- 
ward, but  I  did  not  know  what  their  destination  was.     *     *     * 


"The  oflScer  told  me  that  if  I  did  not  want  to  testify  of  my  own  accord  he  would 
force  me  to  do  so.  After  saying  this  he  took  a  rubber  club  and  began  to  beat  me 
■up.  Then  I  was  laid  on  a  bench,  and  the  officer,  together  with  the  interpreter, 
bteat  me.     I  do  not  remember  how  many  strokes  I  had,  because  I  soon  fainted. 

"When  I  came  to,  the  officer  demanded  that  I  sign  a  protocol  of  the  examina- 
tion. I  had  lost  courage  as  a  result  of  the  beating  and  threats  of  shooting,  so 
I  gave  false  evidence  and  signed  the  protocol.  After  I  had  signed  the  protocol 
I  was  released  by  the  gestapo.     *     *     =1= 

"Several  days  after  I  had  been  summoned  by  the  gestapo,  approximately  in 
mid-March  1943.  the  interpreter  came  to  my  house  and  said  I  must  go  to  a  Ger- 
man general  and  confirm  my  testimony  in  his  presence. 

"When  I  came  to  the  general  he  asked  me  whether  I  confirmed  my  testimony. 
I  said  I  did  confirm  it,  as  on  the  way  I  had  been  warned  by  the  interpreter  that 
if  I  refused  to  confirm  the  testimony  I  would  have  a  much  worse  experience 
than  I  had  on  my  first  visit  to  the  gestapo. 

"Fearing  a  repetition  of  the  torture,  I  replied  that  I  confirmed  my  testimony. 
Then  the  interpreter  ordered  me  to  raise  my  right  hand,  and  told  me  I  had  taken 
an  oath  and  could  go  home." 

It  has  been  established  that  in  other  cases  also  the  Germans  used  persuasion, 
threats,  and  torture  in  trying  to  obtain  the  testimony  they  needed,  for  example, 
fi"om  N.  S.  Kaverznev,  former  deputy  chief  of  the  Smolensk  Prison,  and  V.  G.' 
Kovalev,  former  staff  member  of  the  same  prison,  and  others. 

Since  the  search  for  the  required  number  of  witnesses  failed  to  yield  any 
success,  the  Germans  posted  the  following  handbill  in  the  city  of  Smolensk 
and  neighboring  villages,  an  original  of  which  is  in  the  files  of  the  Special 
Commission : 

"Notice  to  the  population. 

"Who  can  give  information  concerning  the  mass  murder  of  prisoners,  Polish 
officers  and  priests,  by  the  Bolsheviks  in  the  forest  of  Kozy  Gory  near  the 
Gnezdovo-Katyn  highway  in  1940? 

"Who  saw  columns  of  trucks  on  their  way  from  Gnezdovo  to  Kozy  Gory,  or 

"Who  saw  or  heard  tlie  shootings?  Who  knows  residents  who  can  tell  about 

"Rewards  will  be  given  for  any  information. 

"Information  to  be  sent  to  Smolensk,  German  Police  Station,  No.  6,  Muzeinaya 
Street,  and  in  Gnezdovo  to  the  German  Police  Station,  house  No.  105  near  the 
railway  station. 


"Lietitenant  of  Field  Police, 

"May  3, 19J,3r 

A  similar  notice  was  printed  in  the  newspaper  Novy  Put,  published  by  the 
Germans  in  Smolensk— No.  35  (157)  for  May  6,  1943. 

The  fact  that  the  Germans  promised  rewards  for  the  evidence  they  needed 
on  the  "Katyn  Affair"  was  confirmed  by  witnesses  called  by  the  Special  Com- 
mission :  O.  E.  Sokolova,  E.  A.  Puschchina,  I.  I.  Bychkov,  G.  T.  Bondarev,  E.  P. 
Ustinov,  and  many  other  residents  of  Smolensk. 


Along  with  the  search  for  "witnesses"  the  Germans  proceeded  with  the  prepa- 
ration of  the  graves  in  Katyn  Forest ;  they  removed  from  the  clothing  of  the  Polish 
prisoners  whom  they  had  killed  all  documents  dated  later  than  April  1940 — 
that  is,  the  time  when,  according  to  the  German  provocational  version,  the  Poles 
were  shot  by  the  Bolsheviks — and  removed  all  material  evidence  which  could 
disprove  this  provocational  version 

In  its  investigation  the  Special  Commission  revealed  that  for  this  purpose 
the  Germans  used  up  to  500  Russian  war  prisoners  specially  selected  from  war 
prisoners'  camp  No.  126. 

The  Special  Commission  has  at  its  disposal  numerous  statements  of  witnesses 
on  this  matter. 

The  evidence  of  the  medical  personnel  of  the  above-mentioned  camp  merits 
special  attention. 

Dr.  A.  T.  Chizhov,  who  worked  in  camp  No.  126  during  the  German  occupation 
of  Smolensk,  testified : 

"Just  about  the  beginning  of  March  1943,  several  groups  of  the  physically 
stronger  war  prisoners,  totaling  about  500,  were  sent  from  the  Smolensk  camp 


No.  126  ostensibly  for  trench  work.     None  of  these  prisoners  ever  returned  to^ 
the  camp." 

Dr.  V.  A.  Khmyrov,  who  worked  in  the  same  camp  under  the  Germans,  testi- 
fied : 

"I  know  that  somewhere  about  the  second  half  of  February  or  the  beginning 
of  March  1943,  about  500  Red  Army  men  prisoners  were  sent  from  our  camp  to 
a  destination  unknown  to  me.  The  prisoners  were  apparently  to  be  used  for 
trench  digging,  for  the  most  physically  fit  men  were  selected     ♦     *     *." 

Identical  evidence  was  given  by  medical  nurse  O.  G.  Lenkovskaya,  medical 
nurse  A.  I.  Timofeyeva,  and  witnesses  P.  M.  Orlova,  E.  G.  Dobroserdova,  and 
B.  S.  Kochetkov. 

The  testimony  of  A.  M.  Moskovskya  made  it  clear  where  the  500  war  prisoners 
from  camp  126  were  actually  sent. 

On  October  5,  1943,  the  citizen  Moskovskaya,  Alexandra  Mikhailovna,  who 
lived  on  the  outskirts  of  Smolensk  and  had  worked  during  the  occupation  in 
the  kitchen  of  a  German  military  unit,  filed  an  application  to  the  Extraordinary 
Commission  for  the  Investigation  of  Atrocities  Perpetrated  by  the  German  In- 
vaders, requesting  them  to  summon  her  to  give  important  evidence. 

After  she  was  summoned  she  told  the  Special  Commission  that  before  leaving 
for  work  in  March  1943,  when  she  went  to  fetch  firewood  from  her  shed  in  the 
yard  on  the  banks  of  the  Dnieper,  she  discovered  tliere  an  unknown  person  who 
proved  to  be  a  Russian  war  prisoner. 

A.  M.  Moskovskaya,  who  was  born  in  1922,  testified : 

"From  conversation  with  him  I  learned  the  following : 

"His  name  was  Nikolai  Yegorov,  a  native  of  Leningrad.  Since  the  end  of  1941 
he  had  been  in  the  German  camp  No.  126  for  war  prisoners  in  the  town  of 
Smolensk.  At  the  beginning  of  March  1943  he  was  sent  with  a  column  of  several 
hundred  war  prisoners  from  the  camp  to  Katyn  Forest.  There  they,  including 
Yegorov,  were  compelled  to  dig  up  graves  containing  bodies  in  the  uniforms  of 
Polish  officers,  drag  these  bodies  out  of  the  graves  and  take  out  of  tht-ir  pocket.*; 
documents,  letters,  photographs,  and  all  other  articles. 

"The  Germans  gave  the  strictest  orders  that  nothing  be  left  in  the  pockets  on 
the  bodies.  Two  war  prisoners  were  shot  because  after  they  had  searched 
some  of  the  bodies,  a  German  officer  discovered  some  papers  on  these  bodies. 

"Articles,  documents,  and  letters  extracted  from  the  clothing  on  the  bodies  were 
examined  by  tlie  German  officers,  who  then  compelled  the  prisoners  to  put  part 
of  the  papers  back  into  the  pockets  on  the  bodies,  while  the  rest  were  flung  on  a 
heap  of  articles  and  documents  they  had  extracted,  and  later  burned. 

"Besides  this,  ttie  Germans  made  tlie  prisoners  put  into  the  pockets  of  the 
Polisli  officers  some  papers  which  they  took  from  cases  or  suitcases  (I  don't 
remember  exactly)  which  tliey  had  brought  along. 

"All  the  war  prisoners  lived  in  Katyn  Forest  in  dreadful  conditions  under  the 
open  sky,  and  were  exti'emely  strongly  guarded.  *  *  * 

"At  the  beginning  of  April  1943  all  the  work  planned  by  the  Germans  was 
apparently  completed,  as  for  8  days  not  one  of  the  war  prisoners  had  to  do  any 
w^ork.  *  *  * 

"Suddenly  at  night  all  of  them  without  exception  were  awakened  and  led 
somewhere.  The  guard  was  strengthened.  Yegorov  sensed  something  was 
wrong  and  began  to  watch  very  closely  everything  that  was  happening.  They 
marched  for  3  or  4  hours  in  an  unknown  direction.  They  stopped  in  the  forest 
at  a  pit  in  a  clearing.  He  saw  how  a  group  of  war  prisoners  were  separated 
from  the  i-est  and  driven  toward  the  pit  and  then  shot. 

"The  war  prisoners  grew  agitated,  restless,  and  noisy.  Not  far  from  Yegorov 
several  war  prisoners  attacked  the  guards.  Other  guards  ran  toward  the  place. 
Yegorov  took  advantage  of  the  confusion  and  ran  away  into  the  dark  forest, 
hearing  shouts  and  firing. 

"After  hearing  this  terrible  story,  which  is  engraved  on  my  memory  for  the  rest 
of  my  life,  I  became  very  sorry  for  Yegorov,  and  told  him  to  come  to  my  room, 
get  warm  and  hide  at  my  place  until  he  had  regained  his  strength.  But  Yegorov 
refused.  *  *  *  He  said  no  matter  what  happened  he  was  going  away  that  very 
niglit,  and  intended  to  try  to  get  through  the  front  line  to  the  Red  Army. 
But  Yegorov  did  not  leave  that  evening.  In  the  morning,  when  I  went  to  make 
sure  whether  Yegorov  had  gone,  he  was  still  in  the  shed.  It  appeared  that 
during  the  night  he  had  attempted  to  set  out,  but  had  only  taken  about  50 
steps  when  he  felt  so  weak  that  he  was  forced  to  return.  This  exhaustion  was 
cansed  by  the  long  imprisonment  at  the  camp  and  the  starvation  of  the  last  few 
days.  Wo  decided  he  should  remain  at  my  place  several  days  longer  to  regain 
his  strength.    After  feeding  Yegorov  I  went  to  work. 


"When  I  returned  home  in  the  evening  my  neighbors  Maria  Ivanovna  Baranova 
and  Yekaterina  Yiktorovna  Kabanovskaya  told  me  that  in  the  afternoon,  during 
a  search  by  the  Gei'man  police,  the  Red  Army  war  prisoner  had  been  found, 
and  taken  away." 

As  a  result  of  the  discovery  of  the  war  prisoner  Yegorov  in  the  shed, -Moskov- 
skaya  was  called  to  the  Gestapo,  where  she  was  accused  of  hiding  a  war 

At  the  Gestapo  interrogation  Moskovskaya  stoutly  denied  that  she  had  any 
connection  with  this  war  prisoner,  maintaining  she  knew  nothing  about  his 
presence  in  her  shed.  Since  they  got  no  admission  from  Moskovskaya,  and  also 
because  the  war  prisoner  Yegorov  evidently  had  not  incriminated  Moskov- 
skaya, she  was  let  out  of  the  Gestapo. 

The  same  Yegorov  told  Moskovskaya  that  besides  excavating  bodies  in-  Katyn 
Forest,  the  war  prisoners  were  used  for  bringing  bodies  to  the  Katyn  Forest  from 
other  places.  The  bodies  thus  brought  were  thrown  into  pits  along  with  the 
bodies  that  had  been  dug  up  earlier. 

The  fact  that  a  great  number  of  bodies  of  people  shot  by  the  Germans  in  other 
places  were  brought  to  the  Katyn  graves  is  confirmed  also  by  the  testimony  of 
Engineer  Mechanic  P.  F.  Sukhachev,  born  in  1912.  an  engineer  mechanic  of  the 
Rosglavkhleb  combine,  who  worked  under  the  Germans  as  a  mechanic  in  the 
Smolensk  city  mill.  On  October  8,  1943,  he  filed  a  request  that  he  be  called  to 

Called  before  the  Special  Commission,  he  stated  : 

•'Somehow  during  the  second  half  of  March  1943  I  spoke  at  the  mill  to  a  G^er- 
man  chauffeur  who  spoke  a  little  Ru.ssian.  Learning  that  he  was  carrying  flour 
to  Savenki  village  for  the  troops,  and  was  returning  on  the  next  day  to  Smolensk, 
I  asked  him  to  take  me  along  .so  that  I  could  buy  some  fat  in  the  village.  My 
idea  was  that  making  the  trip  in  a  German  truck  would  do  away  with  the  risk  of 
being  held  up  at  the  control  stations.  The  German  agreed  to  take  me,  at  a  price. 
On  the  same  day,  at  10  p.  m..  we  drove  on  to  the  Smolensk-Vitebsk  highway,  just 
myself  and  the  German  driver  in  the  truck.  The  night  was  light,  and  only  a  low 
mist  over  the  road  reduced  the  visibility.  Approximately  22  or  23  kilometers 
from  Smolensk,  at  a  demolished  bridge  on  the  highway,  there  is  a  rather  deep 
descent  at  the  bypass.  We  began  to  go  down  from  the  highway,  when  suddenly 
a  truck  appeared  out  of  the  fog  coming  toward  us.  Either  because  our  brakes 
were  out  of  order,  or  because  the  driver  was  inexperienced,  we  were  unable  to 
bring  our  truck  to  a  halt,  and  since  the  passage  was  quite  narrow  we  collided 
with  the  truck  coming  toward  us.  The  impact  was  not  very  violent,  as  the 
driver  of  the  other  truck  swerved  to  the  side,  as  a  result  of  which  the  trucks 
bumped  and  slid  alongside  each  other.  The  right  wheel  of  the  other  truck,  how- 
ever, landed  in  the  ditch,  and  the  truck  fell  over  on  the  slope.  Our  truck  remained 
upright.  The  driver  and  I  immediately  jumped  out  of  the  caltin  and  ran  up  to 
the  truck  which  had  fallen  down.  I  was  struck  by  a  heavy  stench  of  dead  bodies, 
evidently  coming  from  the  truck.  On  coming  nearer,  I  saw  that  the  truck  was 
carrying  a  load  covered  with  a  tarpaulin  and  tied  up  with  ropes.  The  ropes  had 
snapped  with  the  impact,  and  part  of  the  load  had  fallen  on  the  slope.  It  was  a 
horrible  load — human  bodies  dressed  in  military  uniforms. 

"As  far  as  I  can  remember  there  were  some  six  or  seven  men  near  the  truck : 
One  German  driver,  two  Germans  armed  with  tommy  guns — the  rest  were  Russian 
war  prisoners,  as  they  spoke  Russian  and  were  dressed  accordingly. 

"The  Germans  began  to  abuse  my  driver  and  then  made  some  attempts  to  right 
the  truck.  In  about  2  minutes'  time  two  more  trucks  drove  up  to  the  place  of 
the  accident  and  stopped.  A  group  of  Germans  and  Russian  war  prisoners,  about 
10  men  in  all.  came  up  to  us  from  these  trucks.  *  *  *  By  joint  efforts  we 
began  to  raise  the  truck.  Taking  advantage  of  an  opportune  moment  I  asked 
one  of  the  Russian  war  prisoners  in  a  low  voice  :  'What  is  it?'  He  answered  very 
quietly :  'For  many  nights  now  we  have  been  carrying  bodies  to  Katyn  Forest.' 

"Before  the  overturned  truck  had  been  raised  a  German  noncommissioned 
officer  came  up  to  me  and  my  driver  and  ordered  us  to  proceed  immediately.  As 
no  serious  damage  had  been  done  to  our  truck  the  driver  steei-ed  it  a  little  to  one 
side  and  got  onto  the  highway,  and  we  went  on.  When  we  were  passing  the  two 
covered  trucks  which  had  come  up  later,  I  again  smelted  the  horrible  stench  of 
dead  bodies." 

Sukhachev's  testimony  is  confirmed  by  that  of  Vladimir  Afanasievich  Yegorov, 
who  .served  as  policeman  in  the  police  station  during  the  occupation. 

Yegorov  testified  that  when,  owing  to  the  nature  of  his  duties,  he  was  guarding 
a  bridge  at  a  crossing  of  the  Moscow-Minsk  and  Smolensk- Vitebsk  highways  at 
the  end  of  March  and  early  in  April  1943,  he  saw  going  toward  Smolensk  on 
93744  O— 52— pt.  3-^3 


several  nights  big  trucks  covered  with  tarpaulins  and  spreading  a  heavy  stench 
of  dead  bodies.  Several  men,  some  of  whom  were  armed  and  were  undoubtedly 
Germans,  sat  in  the  driver's  cabin  of  each  truck,  and  behind. 

Yegorov  reported  his  observations  to  Kuzma  Demyanovich  Golovnev,  chief  of 
the  police  station  in  the  village  of  Arkhipovka,  who  advised  him  to  "hold  his 
tongue"  and  added  :  "This  does  not  concern  us.  We  have  no  business  to  be  mix- 
ing in  German  affairs." 

That  the  Germans  were  carrying  bodies  on  trucks  to  the  Katyn  Forest  is  also 
testified  by  Frol  Maximo vich  Yakovlev-Sokolov  (born  in  1806),  a  former  agent 
for  restaurant  supplies  in  the  Smolensk  restaurant  trust  and,  under  the  Germans, 
chief  of  police  of  Katyn  precinct.  He  stated  that  once,  early  in  April  1943  he 
himself  saw  four  tarpaulin-covered  trucks  passing  along  the  highway  to  Katyn 
Forest.  Several  men  armed  with  tommy  guns  and  rifles  rode  in  them.  An  acrid 
stench  of  dead  bodies  came  from  these  trucks. 

From  the  above  testimony  it  can  be  concluded  with  all  clarity  that  the  Germans 
shot  Poles  in  other  places,  too.  In  bringing  their  bodies  to  the  Katyn  Forest 
tliey  pursued  a  triple  object :  first,  to  destroy  the  traces  of  their  crimes ;  second, 
to  ascribe  their  own  crimes  to  the  Soviet  Government ;  third,  to  increase  the 
number  of  "victims  of  Bolshevism"  in  the  Katyn  Forest  graves. 

"excursions"  to  the  katyn  graves 

In  April  1943,  having  finished  all  the  preparatory  work  at  the  graves  in  Katyn 
Forest,  the  German  occupationists  began  a  wide  campaign  in  the  press  and  over 
the  radio  in  an  attempt  to  ascribe  to  the  Soviet  Power  atrocities  they  themselves 
had  committed  against  Polish  war  prisoners.  As  one  method  of  provocational 
agitation,  the  Germans  arranged  visits  to  the  Katyn  graves  by  residents  of  Smo- 
lensk and  its  suburbs,  as  well  as  "delegations"  from  countries  occupied  by  the 
German  invaders  or  their  vassals.  The  Special  Commission  questioned  a  number 
of  delegates  who  took  part  in  the  "excursions"  to  the  Katyn  graves. 

K.  P.  Zubkov,  a  doctor  specializing  in  pathological  anatomy,  who  worked  as 
medico-legal  expert  in  Smolensk,  testified  before  the  Special  Commission :  "The 
clothing  on  the  bodies,  particularly  the  overcoats,  boots  and  belts,  were  in  a  good 
state  of  preservation.  The  metal  parts  of  the  clothing — belt  buckles,  button 
hooks,  and  spikes  on  shoe  soles,  etc. — were  not  heavily  rusted,  and  in  some  cases 
the  metal  still  retained  its  polish.  Sections  of  the  skin  on  the  bodies,  which  could 
be  seen — faces,  necks,  arms — were  chiefly  a  dirty  green  color  and  in  some  cases 
dirty  brown,  but  there  was  no  complete  disintegration  of  the  tissues,  no  putre- 
faction. In  some  cases  bared  tendons  of  whitish  color  and  parts  of  muscles  could 
be  seen. 

"While  I  was  at  the  excavations  people  were  at  work  sorting  and  extracting 
bodies  at  the  bottom  of  a  big  pit.  For  this  purpose  they  used  spades  and  other 
tools,  and  also  took  hold  of  bodies  with  their  hands  and  dragged  them  from 
place  to  place  by  the  arms,  the  legs  or  the  clothing.  I  did  not  see  a  single  case  of 
bodies  falling  apart  or  any  member  being  torn  off. 

"Considering  all  the  above,  I  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  the  bodies  had 
remained  in  the  earth  not  3  years,  as  the  Germans  affirmed,  but  much  less. 
Knowing  that  in  mass  graves,  and  especially  without  coffins,  putrefaction  of 
bodies  progresses  more  quickly  than  in  single  graves,  I  concluded  that  the  mass 
shooting  of  the  Poles  had  taken  place  about  a  year  and  a  half  ago,  and  could 
have  occurred  in  the  autumn  of  1941  or  the  spring  of  1942.  As  a  result  of  my 
visit  to  the  excavation  site  I  became  firmly  convinced  that  a  monstrous  crime 
had  been  committed  by  the  Germans." 

Testimony  to  the  effect  that  the  clothing  of  the  bodies,  its  metal  parts,  shoes, 
and  even  the  bodies  themselves  were  well  preserved  was  given  by  numerous 
witnesses  who  took  part  in  "excursions"  to  the  Katyn  graves  and  who  were 
questioned  by  the  Special  Commission.  The  witnesses  include  I.  Z.  Kutzev.  the 
manager  of  the  Smolensk  water  supply  system ;  E.  N.  Vetrova,  a  Katyn  school- 
teacher ;  N.  G.  Shchedrova,  a  telephone  operator  of  the  Smolensk  communications 
bureau ;  M.  A.  Alexeyev,  a  resident  of  the  village  of  Borok ;  N.  G.  Krivozertsev, 
a  resident  of  the  village  of  Novye  Bateki ;  1.  V.  Savvateyev,  the  station  master 
(m  duty  at  Gnezdovo  station ;  E.  A.  Pushchina,  a  citizen  of  Smolensk ;  T.  A. 
Sidoruic.  a  doctor  at  the  Second  Smolensk  hospital ;  P.  M.  Kessarev,  a  doctor  at 
the  same  hospital ;  and  others. 


The  "excursions"  organized  by  the  Germans  failed  to  achieve  their  aims.  All 
who  visited  the  graves  saw  for  themselves  that  they  were  confronted  with  the  and  most  obvious  Gern)an-Fascist  frame-up.     The  German  authorities 


accordingly  took  steps  to  make  the  doubters  keep  quiet.  The  Special  Commission 
heard  the  testimony  of  a  great  number  of  witnesses  who  related  how  the 
(ierman  authorities  persecuted  those  who  doubted  or  disbelieved  the  provocation. 
These  doubters  were  discharged  from  work,  arrested,  threatened  with  shooting. 

The  Commission  established  that  in  two  cases  people  were  shot  for  failure  to 
"hold  their  tongues."  Such  reprisals  were  taken  against  the  former  German 
policeman  Zagainev,  and  against  Yegorov,  who  worked  on  the  excavation  of 
graves  in  Katyn  Forest.  Testimony  about  the  persecution  of  people  who  ex- 
pressed doubt  after  visiting  the  graves  in  Katyn  Forest  was  given  by  M.  S.  Zuba- 
reva,  a  woman  cleaner  employed  by  drug  store  No.  1  in  Smolensk ;  V.  F.  Kozlova, 
assistant  sanitation  doctor  of  the  Stalin  District  Health  Department  in  Smo- 
lensk, and  others. 

F.  M.  Yakovlev-Sokolov,  former  chief  of  police  of  the  Katyn  precinct,  testified : 
"A  situation  arose  which  caused  serious  alarm  in  the  German  commandant's 
office,  and  police  organs  round  about  were  given  urgent  instructions  to  nip  in 
the  bud  all  harmful  talk  at  any  price,  and  arrest  all  persons  who  expressed 
disbelief  in  the  'Katyn  affair.'  I,  myself,  as  chief  of  the  area  police,  was  given 
instructions  to  this  effect  at  the  end  of  May  1943  by  the  German  commandant 
of  the  village  of  Katyn,  Oberleutnant  Braung,  and  at  the  beginning  of  June  by 
the  chief  of  Smolensk  district  police,  Kametsky. 

"I  called  an  instructional  conference  of  the  police  in  my  area,  at  which  I 
ordered  the  police  to  detain  and  bring  to  the  police  station  anyone  who  expressed 
disbelief  or  doubted  the  truth  of  German  reports  about  the  shooting  of  Polish 
war  prisoners  by  the  Bolsheviks.  In  fulfilling  these  instructions  of  the  German 
authorities  I  clearly  acted  against  my  conscience,  as  I,  myself,  was  certain  that 
the  'Katyn  affair'  was  a  German  provocation.  I  became  finally  convinced  of  that 
when  I,  myself,  made  an  'excursion'  to  the  Katyn  Forest." 

Seeing  that  the  "excursions"  of  the  local  population  to  the  Katyn  graves 
did  not  achieve  their  purpose,  in  the  summer  of  1943  the  German  occupation 
authorities  ordered  the  graves  to  be  filled  in.  Before  their  retreat  from  Smolensk 
they  began  hastily  to  cover  up  the  traces  of  their  crimes.  The  country  house 
occupiedi  by  the  "Headquarters  of  the  Five  Hundred  and  Thirty-seventh  Engi- 
neer Battalion"  was  burned  to  the  ground. 

The  Germans  searched  for  the  three  girls — Alexeyeva,  Mikhailova,  and  Konak- 
hovskaya — in  the  village  of  Borok  in  order  to  take  them  away  and  perhaps  to 
kill  them.  They  also  searched  for  their  main  "witness,"  P.  G.  Kisselev,  who, 
together  with  his  family,  had  succeeded  in  hiding.  The  Germans  burned  down 
his  house. 

They  endeavored  to  seize  other  "witnesses"  too— the  former  station  master 
of  Gnezdovo,  S.  V.  Ivanov,  and  the  former  acting  station  master  of  the  same 
station,  I.  V.  Savvateyev,  as  well  as  the  former  coupler  at  the  Smolensk  station, 
M.  D.  Zakharov. 

During  the  very  last  days  before  their  retreat  from  Smolensk,  the  German- 
Fascist  occupationists  looked  for  Profs.  Brazilevsky  and  Yefimov.  Both 
succeeded  in  evading  deportation  or  death  only  because  they  had  escaped  in 
good  time.  Nevertheless,  the  German-Fascist  invaders  did  not  succeed  in  covering 
up  the  traces  of  or  concealing  their  crime. 

Examination  by  medico-legal  experts  of  the  exhumed  bodies  proved  irrefutably 
that  the  Polish  war  prisoners  were  shot  by  the  Germans  themselves.  The  report 
of  the  medico-legal  experts'  investigation  follows  : 


In  accordance  with  the  instructions  of  the  special  commission  for  ascertaining 
and  investigating  the  circumstances  of  the  shooting  of  Polish  oflScer  prisoners 
by  the  German-Fascist  invaders  in  Katyn  Forest  (near  Smolensk),  a  commission 
of  medico-legal  experts  was  set  up,  consisting  of  V.  I.  Prozorovsky,  chief  medico- 
legal expert  of  the  People's  Commissariat  of  Health  Protection  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R. 
and  director  of  the  State  Scientific  Research  Institute  of  Forensic  Medicine; 
Doctor  of  Medicine  V.  M.  Smolyaninov,  professor  of  forensic  medicine  at  the 
Second  Moscow  State  Medical  Institute;  Doctor  of  Medicine  D.  N.  Vyropayev, 
professor  of  pathological  anatomy ;  Dr.  P.  S.  Semenovsky,  senior  staff  scientist 
of  the  thanatology  department  of  the  State  Research  Institute  of  Forensic 
Medicine  under  the  People's  Commissariat  of  Health  Protection  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R. ; 
Assistant  Prof.  M.  D.  Shvaikova,  senior  staff  scientist  of  the  chemico-legal  depart- 
ment of  the  State  Scientific  Research  Institute  of  Forensic  Medicine  under  the 
People's  Commissariat  of  Health  Protection  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R. ;  with  the  participa- 


tion  of  Major  of  Medical  Service  Nikolsky,  diief  medico-legal  expert  of  the 
western  front;  Captain  of  Medical  Service  Bussoyedov,  medico-legal  expert  of 
the  *  *  *  Army  ;  Major  of  Medical  Service  Subbotin,  chief  of  the  pathological 
anatomy  laboratory  No.  92  ;  Major  of  Medical  Service  ( )globlin  ;  Senior  Lieutenant 
of  ]\Tedical  Service  Sadykov,  medical  specialist ;  Senior  Lieutenant  of  Medical 
Service  Pushkareva. 

During  the  period  between  January  16  and  January  23.  1944,  these  medico- 
legal experts  conducted  exhumation  and  medico-legal  examination  of  the  bodies 
of  Polish  war  prisoners  buried  in  graves  on  the  territory  of  Kozy  Gory  in  Katyn 
Forest,  1")  kilometers  from  Smolensk.  The  bodies  of  Polish  war  prisoners  were 
buried  in  a  common  grave  about  60  by  60  by  3  meters  in  dimension,  and  also  in 
another  grave  about  7  by  6  by  3i/j  meters.  Nine  hundred  and  twenty-five  bodies 
were  exhumed  from  the  graves  and  examined.  The  exhumation  and  medico- 
legal examination  of  the  bodies  were  effected  in  order  to  establish  :  (a)  Identity 
of  the  dead  ;  (ft)  causes  of  death  ;  (e)  time  of  burial. 

Circumstances  of  the  case  :  See  materials  of  the  special  commission.  Objective 
evidence :  See  the  reports  of  the  medico-legal  examination  of  the  bodies. 


On  the  basis  of  the  results  of  the  medico-legal  examination  of  the  bodies,  the 
commission  of  medico-legal  experts  ai'rived  at  the  following  conclusion : 

Upon  the  opening  of  the  graves  and  exhumations  of  bodies  from  them,  it  was 
established  that : 

(a)  Among  the  mass  of  bodies  of  Polish  war  prisoners  there  were  bodies  in 
civilian  clothes,  the  number  of  which,  in  relation  to  the  total  number  of  bodies 
examined,  is  insignificant  (in  all,  2  out  of  925  exhumed  bodies)  ;  shoes  of  army 
type  were  on  these  bodies. 

(h)  The  clothing  on  the  bodies  of  the  war  prisoners  showed  that  they  were 
officers,  and  included  some  privates  of  the  Polish  Army. 

(c)  Slits  in  the  pockets,  pockets  turned  inside  out,  and  tears  in  them  discovered 
during  examination  of  the  clothing  show  that  as  a  I'ule  all  the  clothes  on  each 
body  (overcoats,  trousers,  etc.)  bear  traces  of  searches  effected  on  the  dead  bodies. 

(rf)  In  some  cases  whole  pockets  were  found  during  examination  of  the  cloth- 
ing and  scraps  of  newspapers,  prayer  books,  pocketbooks,  postage  stamps,  post- 
cards and  letters,  receipts,  notes  and  other  documents,  as  well  as  articles  of  value 
(a  gold  nugget,  dollars).  Pipes,  pocketknives,  cigarette  papers,  handkerchiefs, 
and  other  articles  were  found  in  these  pockets,  as  well  as  in  the  cut  and  torn 
pockets,  under  the  linings,  in  the  belts  of  the  coats,  and  in  footwear  and  socks. 

(e)  Some  of  the  documents  were  found  (without  special  examination)  to 
contain  data  referring  to  the  period  between  November  12, 1940,  and  June  20, 1941. 

(/)  The  fabric  of  the  clothes,  especially  of  overcoats,  uniforms,  trousers,  and 
tunics,  is  in  a  good  state  of  preservation  and  can  be  torn  with  the  hands  only 
with  great  difficulty. 

(g)  A  very  small  proportion  of  the  bodies  (20  out  of  925)  had  the  hands  tied 
behind  the  back  with  woven  cords. 

The  conditicm  of  the  clothes  on  the  bodies — namely,  the  fact  that  uniform 
jackets,  shirts,  belts,  trousers,  and  underwear  are  buttoned  up,  boots  or  shoes 
are  on  the  feet,  scarves  and  ties  tied  around  the  necks,  suspenders  attached, 
shirts  tucked  in — testifies  that  no  external  examination  of  the  bodies  and  ex- 
tremities of  the  bodies  had  been  effected  previously.  The  intact  state  of  the 
skin  on  the  heads,  and  the  absence  on  them,  as  on  the  skin  of  the  chests  and  abdo- 
mens (save  in  3  cases  out  of  925)  of  any  incisions,  cuts,  or  other  signs,  show 
convincingly  that,  judging  by  the  bodies  exhumed  by  the  experts'  commission, 
there  had  been  no  medico-legal  examination  of  the  bodies. 

External  and  internal  examination  of  925  bodies  proves  the  existence  of  bullet 
wounds  on  the  head  and  neck,  combined  in  4  cases  with  injury  of  the  bones  of 
the  cranium  caused  by  a  blunt,  hard,  heavy  object.  Also,  injuries  of  the  abdomen 
caused  simultaneously  with  the  wound  in  the  head  were  discovered  in  a  small 
number  of  cases. 

Entry  orifices  of  the  bullet  wounds,  as  a  rule  singular,  more  rarely  double, 
are  situated  in  the  occipital  part  of  the  head  near  the  occipital  protuberance,  at 
the  big  occipital  orifice  or  at  its  edge.  In  a  few  cases  entry  orifices  of  bullets 
have  been  found  on  the  back  surface  of  the  neck,  corresponding  to  the  first, 
second,  or  third  vertebra  of  the  neck. 

The  points  of  exit  of  the  bullets  have  been  found  more  frequently  in  the  frontal 
area,  more  rarely  in  the  parietal  and  temporal  areas  as  well  as  in  the  face  and 
neck.  In  27  cases  the  bullet  wounds  proved  to  be  blind  (without  exit  orifices), 
and  at  the  end  of  the  bullet  channels  under  the  soft  membrane  of  the  cranium, 


in  its  bones,  in  the  membranes,  and  in  the  brain  matter,  were  found  deformed, 
barely  deformed,  or  altogether  nndeformed  cased  bullets  of  the  type  used  with 
automatic  pistols,  mostly  of  7.65  millimeter  caliber. 

The  dimensions  of  the  entry  oritices  in  the  occipital  bone  make  it  possible  to 
draw  the  conclusion  that  firearms  of  two  calibers  were  employed  in  the  shooting : 
in  the  majority  of  cases,  those  of  less  than  8  millimeter,  i.  e.,  7.65  millimeter  and 
less ;  and  in  a  lesser  number  of  cases,  those  of  more  than  8  millimeter,  i.  e.,  9 

The  nature  of  the  fissures  of  the  cranial  bones,  and  the  fact  that  in  some 
cases  traces  of  powder  were  found  at  the  entry  orifice,  proves  that  the  shots 
were  fired  pointblank  or  nearly  pointblank. 

Correlation  of  the  points  of  entry  and  exit  of  the  bullets  shows  that  the  shots 
were  fired  from  behind  with  the  head  bent  forward.  The  bullet  channel  pierced 
the  vital  parts  of  the  brain,  or  near  them,  and  death  was  caused  by  destruction 
of  the  brain  tissues. 

The  injuries  infiicted  by  a  blunt,  hard,  heavy  object  found  on  the  parietal 
bones  of  the  cranium  wei-e  concurrent  with  the  bullet  wounds  of  the  head,  and 
were  not  in  themselves  the  cause  of  death. 

The  medico-legal  examination  of  the  liodies  carried  out  between  January  16 
and  January  23,  1944,  testifies  that  there  are  absolutely  no  bodies  in  a  condition 
of  decay  or  disintegi-ation,  and  that  all  the  925  bodies  are  in  a  state  of  preserva- 
tion— in  the  initial  phase  of  desiccation  of  the  body — which  most  frequently  and 
clearly  was  expressed  in  the  region  of  the  thorax  and  abdomen,  sometimes  also 
in  the  extremities;  and  in  the  initial  stage  of  formation  of  adipocere  (in  an 
advanced  phase  of  formation  of  a  dipocere  in  the  bodies  extracted  from  the  bottom 
of  the  graves)  ;  in  a  combination  of  desiccation  of  the  tis.sues  of  the  body  with 
the  formation  of  adipocere. 

Especially  noteworthy  is  the  fact  that  the  muscles  of  the  trunk  and  extremities 
absolutely  preserved  their  macroscopic  structure  and  almost  normal  color ;  the 
internal  organs  of  the  thorax  and  peritoneal  cavity  preserved  their  configura- 
tion. In  many  cases  sections  of  heart  muscle  have  a  clearly  discernible  structure 
and  specific  coloration,  while  the  brain  presented  its  characteristic  structural 
peculiarities  with  a  distinctly  discernible  border  between  the  gray  and  white 

Besides  the  macroscopic  examination  of  the  tissues  and  organs  of  the  bodies, 
the  medico-legal  experts  removed  the  necessary  material  for  subsequent  micro- 
scopic and  chemical  studies  in  laboratory  conditions. 

Properties  of  the  soil  in  the  place  of  discovery  were  of  a  certain  significance 
in  the  preservation  of  the  tissues  and  organs  of  the  bodies. 

After  the  opening  of  the  graves  and  exhumation  of  the  bodies  and  their  ex- 
posure to  the  air,  the  corpses  were  .subject  to  the  action  of  warmth  and  moisture 
in  the  late  summer  season  of  1943.  This  could  have  resulted  in  a  marked  progress 
of  decay  of  the  bodies.  However,  the  degree  of  desiccation  of  the  bodies  and 
formation  of  a  dipocere  in  them,  especially  the  good  state  of  preservation  of  the 
muscles  and  internal  organs,  as  well  as  of  the  clothes,  give  grounds  to  affirm 
that  the  bodies  had  not  remained  in  the  earth  for  long. 

Comparing  the  condition  of  bodies  in  the  graves  in  the  territory  of  Kozy  Gory 
with  the  condition  of  the  bodies  in  other  burial  places  in  Smolensk  and  its  near- 
est environs — Gedeonovka,  Magalenshchina,  Readovka,  Camp  No.  126,  Krasny 
Bor,  etc.  (see  report  of  the  commission  of  medico-legal  experts  dated  October 
22,  1943) — it  should  be  recognized  that  the  bodies  of  the  Polish  war  prisoners 
were  buried  in  the  territory  of  Korey  Gory  about  2  years  ago.  This  finds  its 
complete  corroboration  in  the  documents  found  in  the  clothes  of  the  bodies, 
which  preclude  the  possibility  of  earlier  burial  (see  point  d  of  paragraph  36 
and  list  of  documents). 

The  commission  of  medico-legal  experts — on  the  basis  of  the  data  and  results 
of  the  investigation — 

Consider  as  proved  the  act  of  killing  by  shooting  of  the  Polish  Army  officers 
and  soldiers  who  were  war  prisoners. 

Asserts  that  this  shooting  dates  back  to  about  2  years  ago,  i.  e.,  between 
September  and  December  of  1941 ; 

Regards  the  fact  of  the  discovery  by  the  commission  of  medico-legal  experts, 
in  the  clothes  on  the  bodies,  of  valuables  and  documents  dated  1941,  as  proof 
that  the  German-Fascist  authorities  who  undertook  a  search  of  the  bodies  in  the 
spring-summer  season  of  1943  did  not  do  it  thoroughly,  while  the  documents 
discovered  testify  that  the  shooting  was  done  after  June  1941 ; 

States  that  in  1943  the  Germans  made  an  extremely  small  number  of  post- 
mortem examinations  of  the  bodies  of  the  shot  Polish  war  prisoners  ; 


Notes  the  complete  identity  of  method  of  the  shooting  of  the  Polish  war  prison- 
ers with  that  of  the  shooting  of  Soviet  civilians  and  war  prisoners  widely  prac- 
ticed by  the  German-Fascist  authorities  in  the  temporarily  occupied  territory 
of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.,  including  the  towns  of  Smolensk,  Orel,  Kharkov,  Krasnodar, 
and  Voronezh. 

(Signed)  Chief  Medico-Legal  Expert  of  the  People's  Commissariat  of  Health 
Protection  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.,  Director  of  the  State  Scientific  Re- 
search Institute  of  Forensic  Medicine  under  the  People's  Commis- 
sariat of  Health  Protection  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.,  V.  I.  Prozorovsky ; 
Professor  of  Forensic  Medicine  at  the  Second  Moscow  State  Med- 
ical Institute,  Doctor  of  Medicine  V.  M.  Smolyaninov ;  Professor 
of  Pathological  Anatomy,  Doctor  of  Medicine  D.  N.  Vyropayev ; 
Senior  Staff  Scientist  of  Thanatological  Department  of  the  State 
Scientific  Research  Institute  of  Forensic  Medicine  under  the  Peo- 
ple's Commissariat  of  Health  Protection  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.,  Doc- 
tor P.  S.  Semenovsky  ;  Senior  Staff  Scientist  of  the  Forensic  Chem- 
istry Department  of  the  State  Scientific  Research  Institute  of 
Forensic  Medicine  under  the  People's  Commissariat  of  Health 
Protection  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.,  Assistant  Professor  M.  D.  Shvaikova. 
Smolensk,  January  2If,  1944- 


Besides  the  data  recorded  in  the  protocol  of  the  commission  of  medico-legal 
experts,  the  time  of  the  shooting  of  the  Polish  officer  prisoners  by  the  Germans 
(autumn,  1941,  and  not  spring,  1940,  as  the  Germans  assert)  is  also  ascertained 
by  documents  found  when  the  graves  were  opened,  dated  not  only  the  latter  half 
of  1940  but  also  the  spring  and  summer  (March- June)  of  1941.  Of  the  docu- 
ments discovered  by  the  medico-legal  experts,  the  following  deserve  special  at- 
tention : 

1.  On  body  No.  92 : 

A  letter  from  Warsaw  addressed  to  the  Central  War  Prisoners'  Bureau  of  the 
Red  Cross,  Moscow,  Kuibyshev  Street,  House  No.  12.  The  letter  is  written  in 
Russian.  In  this  letter  Sofia  Zigon  inquires  the  whereabouts  of  her  hHsband 
Tomasz  Zigon.  The  letter  is  dated  September  12,  1940.  The  envelope  bears  the 
imprint  of  a  German  rubber  stamp  "Warsaw  Sept.  1940"  and  a  rubber  stamp 
"Moscow,  Central  Post  Office,  ninth  delivery,  Sept.  28,  1940"  and  an  inscription 
in  red  ink  in  the  Russian  language :  "Ascertain  camp  and  forward  for  delivery, 
November  15,  1940"  (signature  illegible). 

2.  On  body  No.  4  : 

A  post  card  registered  under  the  number  0112  from  Tarnopol  stamped  "Tarn- 
opol  November  12,  1940." 

The  written  text  and  address  are  discolored. 

3.  On  body  No.  101 : 

A  receipt  No.  10293  dated  December  19,  1939,  issued  by  the  Kozelsk  camp  testi- 
fying receipt  of  a  gold  watch  from  Eduard  Adamovich  Lewandowski.  On  the 
back  of  the  receipt  is  a  note  dated  March  14,  1941,  on  the  sale  of  this  watch  to 
the  Jewelry  trading  trust. 

4.  On  body  No.  46  : 

A  receipt  (number  illegible)  issued  December  16,  1939,  by  the  Starobelsk  camp 
testifying  receipt  of  a  gold  watch  from  Vladimir  Rudolfovich  Araszkevicz.  On 
the  back  of  the  receipt  is  a  note  dated  March  25,  1941,  stating  that  the  watch  was 
sold  to  the  Jewelery  trading  trust. 

5.  On  body  No.  71 : 

A  small  paper  ikon  with  the  image  of  Christ,  found  between  pages  144  and  145 
of  a  Catholic  prayer  book.  The  inscription,  with  legible  signature,  on  the  back 
of  the  ikon,  reads :  "Jadwiga"  and  bears  the  date  "April  4,  1941." 

6.  On  body  No.  46 : 

A  receipt  dated  April  6,  1941,  issued  by  camp  No.  1-ON,  showing  receipt  of  225 
rubles  from  Araszkevicz. 

7.  On  the  same  body.  No.  46 : 

A  receipt  dated  May  5,  1941,  issued  by  Camp  No.  l-'ON,  showing  receipt  of 
102  rubles  from  Araszkevics. 

8.  On  body  No.  101 : 

A  receipt  dated  May  18,  1941,  issued  by  Camp  No.  1-ON,  showing  receipt  of  175 
rubles  from  Lewandowski. 

9.  On  body  No.  53 : 


An  unniailed  postcard  in  the  polish  language  addressed  Warsaw  Bagatelia 
15,  apartment  47,  to  Irene  Knczinska,  and  dated  June  20,  1941.  The  sender  is 
Stanislaw  Kuczinski. 


From  all  the  material  at  the  disposal  of  the  special  commission,  namely,  evi- 
dence given  by  over  100  witnesses  questioned,  data  supplied  by  the  medico-legal 
experts,  documents,  and  material  evidence  found  in  the  graves  in  the  Katyn 
Forest,  the  following  conclusions  emerge  with  irrefutable  clarity  : 

1.  The  Tolish  prisoners  of  war  who  were  in  the  three  camps  west  of  Smo- 
lensk, and  employed  on  road  building  up  to  the  outbreak  of  war,  remained  there 
after  the  (German  invaders  reached  Smolensk,  until  September  1941,  inclusive; 

2.  In  the  Katyn  Fcn-est,  in  the  autumn  of  1941,  the  German  occupation  authori- 
ties carried  out  mass  shootings  of  Polish  prisoners  of  war  from  the  above-named 
camps ; 

8.  The  mass  shootings  of  Polish  prisoners  of  war  in  the  Katyn  Forest  were  car- 
ried out  by  a  German  military  organization  hiding  behind  the  conventional  name 
of  "Headquarters  of  the  Five  Hundred  and  Thirty-seventh  Engineer  Battalion," 
which  was  headed  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Arnes  and  his  assistants,  First  Lieu- 
tenant Rekst  and  Second  Lieutenant  Hott ; 

4.  In  connection  with  the  deterioration  of  the  general  military  and  political 
situation  for  Germany  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  1943,  the  German  occupation 
authorities,  with  provocational  aims,  took  a  number  of  steps  in  order  to  ascribe 
their  own  crimes  to  the  organs  of  the  Soviet  power,  calculating  on  setting  Rus- 
sians and  Poles  at  loggerheads ; 

5.  With  this  aim : 

in)  The  German-Fascist  invaders,  using  persuasion,  attempts  at  bribery, 
threats,  and  barbarous  torture,  tried  to  find  "witnesses"  among  Soviet  citizens, 
from  whom  they  tried  to  extort  false  evidence,  alleging  that  the  Polish  prisoners 
of  war  had  been  shot  by  the  organs  of  Soviet  power  in  the  spring  of  1940; 

(ft)  The  German  occupation  authorities  in  the  spring  of  1943  brought  in  from 
other  places  bodies  of  Polish  war  prisoners  whom  they  had  shot  and  put  them 
into  the  opened  graves  in  the  Katyn  Forest,  calculating  on  covering  up  the  traces 
of  their  own  crimes,  and  on  increasing  the  number  of  "victims  of  Bolshevik 
atrocities"  in  the  Katyn  Forest ; 

(c)  Preparing  for  their  provocation,  the  German  occupation  authorities  started 
opening  the  graves  in  the  Katyn  Forest  in  order  to  take  out  documents  and 
material  evidence  which  exposed  them,  using  for  this  work  about  500  Russian 
prisoners  of  war  who  were  shot  by  the  Germans  after  the  work  was  completed. 

6.  It  has  been  established  beyond  doubt  from  the  evidence  of  the  medico-legal 
experts  that : 

(ff )  The  tiPie  of  the  shooting  was  the  autumn  of  1941 ; 

(&)  In  shooting  the  Polish  war  prisoners  the  German  executioners  applied  the 
same  method  of  pistol  shots  in  the  back  of  the  head  as  they  applied  in  the  mass 
execution  of  Soviet  citizens  in  other  towns,  e.  g.,  Orel,  Voronezh,  Krasnodar,  and  itself. 

7.  The  conclusions  drawn  from  the  evidence  given  by  witnesses,  and  from  the 
findings  of  the  medico-legal  experts  on  the  shooting  of  Polish  war  prisoners  by 
the  Germans  in  the  autumn  of  1941,  are  completely  confirmed  by  the  material 
evidence  and  documents  excavated  from  the  Katyn  graves ; 

8.  In  shooting  the  Polish  war  prisoners  in  the  Katyn  Forest,  the  German- 
Fascist  invaders  consistently  carried  out  their  policy  of  physical  extermination 
of  the  Slav  i)eop]es. 

( Signed : ) 

Chairman  of  the  Special  Commission,  Member  of  the  Extraordinary  State 
Committee  Academlcin  N.  N.  Burdenko. 
Members : 

Member  of  Extraordinary  State  Committee,  Academician  Alexei  Tolstoi, 
Member  of  the  Extraordinary  State  Committee,  Metropolitan  Nikolai. 
Chairman  of  the  All-Slav  Committee,  Lt.  Gen.  A.  S.  Gundorov. 
Chairman  of  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  Union  of  the  Red  Cross  and 

Red  Cresent  Societies,  S.  A.  Kolesnikov. 
People's  Commissar  of  Education  of  the  Russian   SFSR(    Academician 
V.  P.  Potemkin. 
Chief  of  the  Central  Medical  Administration  of  the  Red  Army,  Col.  Gen. 

E.  I.  Smirnov. 
Chairman  of  the  Smolensk  Regional  Executive  Committee,  R.  E.  Melnikov. 
Smolensk,  January  24,  1944. 
Translasted  from  the  Russian. 


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q.^eH    -ip^  3Hhm«"i  o"    i  icy,,' t  '-"t.  HPiO''    m»':'c:'_:/m   aKa;;evKK  AjieKCei: 
To,.:To..,    q.if.'H   'ip'  .-'.;■  ,;--i.'i'(.'T-    .•'■;■,  o ;  cTi  *  hho;-     'oi/t'CCHU  !.HTpono- 
nv.'v   1.-  .'w/.r..,    nr  •  ;■;  ce,;?'""' J, }      ""cqahrtHCKOro    ,^Ofn'T':Ta   reHepa;!- 
,T^'7T^HaHT   i'j.:,,wi^.,    i..J.;    ;!;■.;;(•■?  ,,?^:T' j:b   ^xnOj"KOwa  Oowsa   oCa;ecTE 
.;  aoHoro   .^lOCTa    h   .i|,acHOro   ..o;:;/"-    ■  ■.;  e     c^ — .......uis   w.^..,    i.apo,;- 

HUV    .-.OMMCCaf-    IipOCbOu  •HUH    I  J  ^Ji     Q-KH,^'  V.V..-:    ..u'i  .  u.  .i..i    i-.!,.,     Haqajifc- 

HMK  I'jifiHHoro  rooHHO-'JaHHTar Horo  .Vnpa^JieHUH  ..lacHOy-  A|  mum  roHe- 
pa/i-no.iKOhHKK  Jl..i..'j;-.  :.,i.,  npc4ceMaTe;it  OMOjicHCKoro 
y.OVB.   ..^^J.LUl.:^J^^    i  .;  . 

^jiH    Bbino.aHf^Hffl   nocTafiJi'-HHOi-    ikj  t^u   Hew   aaAanvr   .vOm/.cchh 
n];nHJieKJia  ,;,.w   yqacTUfi    b   ctOf-;    ;;.  uoTt   cjiOAyK..u;MX   cyA(.'6H0-f,'eAS'- 
UMHCKHx   r-,.-:cnf  j  TO?  :    r.'ia:-!i!oro  cyAf;rjHo-Me;j,MUHHCKoro  OKcnepra 



■y     ■.  ./       :  '■,..•■■  VA-.K    ■-iv.^^iv,    vv..,.^     .-....,     ■■^hY-t'-^y-' ill:  VO    ViX.i-.^- 

fof'    cy  /  •  H  \    "■     .:  ;-H..   .--ro   'ocK^i-CKOro   Me^MT.'HCKoro   KHCTHTyra 

AOKTOJf     •■      .:■■   '.'HCKi'A     HaVK    0!.u..^...   ,  .,0.  r.    1..'..,     CT.HaVMHOI'O    COT- 

py^HUKa  i^:)cy4eiT  nTHt  HHOro  ..ayqn  :-,.  ■c:.  ^  j-- ?■  .ikCKOro  i'h.- i/r .  ra 
cy;;eEHO'"'   "••,;'■■;' H.-i   ..aj  KOM^^yiapa   ^JJr    ^^      ..k.'^^..^,u  u.C.  ;    ct, 
HayMHoro  coT}.y,.H;i:-:a  I  ocy^nj^cTp'  kkoto^opaT*-;'}  cko- 
ro   /HC'T'i^TVTa  cy,^e'hO'''   ?."  .y/.:'i^Hu   ..a: --ov-^^inf-a  C  ^  Ji    „o:;t  H7a 
i^zA-...Ui.o    .  .^,.;    vn.    naro.nor'.    yj  OHTa  varopa  »'t,,i'.i;i<HCKO''   cjiy'*:0bi 
np  oc'-f  ccoT:.a  .-....:  u!.;..-,../!.  ^, . .: . 

1-    }  scr'O:  .'•^'»  ^■•.■i'.      ::   :  ,"^;:' ;-:o-'   r^Ofucc/H   Haxo^'^TCH   or.ii:v!{,HKi' 
yh'^^]  v.aji ,    r:  •  .,:-"'a"-."'  HHti!'    ^.TeHOw    -•  espfciMaf  hov"'    I  ocVmS-I  cTteHHO'/ 
---"OMKcciiH  aKa;,t  KS'OM  ;. ..;  ..'■•i  „-*.a.\u,   ero  coTf  y^KHKavK   h  cy^' &ho- 
Mt;;v'ri!HOK',i»."/   "Kcn<|TaMH,    KOTOiae    r:j;K6HjTM    b  rop.    Cwojiohck  ^o 
c>"HTH'}:-{   i-t^    ro,,'.,    Hr Mei^.r: (-HHO  no:-;it-  -ro   oc'-oco-:,.>'Hi^>i    M   nt  ope- 
Jivi   n]  t  .;!-a;  v"!^   ;. f  hch    MpyM- hi'.-.    i".  pC'-jit  ,iOpaK;:e  ooctoht-,  jibctb 
Ecex  ym^h- HHr.;x   h- vuaw/  3/iO;;e/[HH"/ . 

Jnr  i;i'.a.ii:-Ka>;   .'omi^cc/.k   npOHC]  ii.ia  h  ycTaHor-Mjia   Ha  f^ecre, 
MTO  Ha  in-O!,'   KK;!??'t?^e   ot   rop.   OMOJieHCKa  no  hHTeccKOwy  mocce 
E  pa'i'OHe    ..aTKH.-Koro  nece.,    ]AveHye\'Ov  ";.03bH   Tophi",    e  ^uU-x 
».'e?pax   OT  Liiocce  Ha  ^^ro-sana^   no  nani  aB.i*>HiiK  k  ^nenpy,    Haxo^HT- 

CH    }'ZrV.-'i,     P    KOTO:  NX     -<a[UT;'     -Ot^HHOn.TPHHbie    nOJIH-Ci'.,     paccTpejiHH- 

HHe   H   yxi'vvv.   os'Ky;:aHTa»'.i' . 

'..0    pPCT'^;  -.-•  H  i^"-"!    CT'  '.'JiajlEHO'/     ..OVY.CCyiA     i'.     E    npMCyTCTEHH 

Bcex  MJu  HOP    -';••  ;;ra;:tHO-'    ^om/cchu   v.  cvA'^'&HO-MeAt'UHHCKi'.x   3Kcnep- 
Top  Mori^TH   "'tijw.   PCKT-.Ti;.   L  Mornjiax   0''Hapy,-'eH0  5ojii>uioe   KOJiHUe- 
CTPO  Trynop  p   ooji^ckow    poeHHOM  ODvyH^wpopaK/K.   u6mee   kojihmpcteo 



TpynoB  no  noAcqery  cyfle6H0-MeAHUHHCKHx  SKcnepTOB  AOCTHraer 

CyAe6H0-MeAHUHHCKiie  SKcnepru   npoiiafee;ii!  noApoSHoe  HCCJie- 
AOBaHHe  HSBJieMeHHux  TpynoB  h  Tex  AOKyweHTOB  k  BemecTBeHHHx 
AOKaaaTejibCTB,    KOTopue  Chjik  o6Hapy«eHH  Ha  rpynax  h  b  wornjiax. 

OAHOBpeMeHHO  CO  BCKpHTweM  MorH;i  H  HCCiieAOHaHneu  TpynoE 
CneuHajiBHan  Xomhcchh  np0H3Be;ia  onpoc  MHoroMHCJieHHux  CBHAere- 
Jieft  H3  MecTHoro  HacejiewMH,    noKasaHMflMH  KOTopux  tomho  ycTaHas- 
JiKBawTCfl  BpeuK  H  o6cTOHTejibCTBa  npecTynjieHii{»,    coBepmeHHHX 
HeweuKHMH  OKKynaHTawK. 

ila  noKaaaHHt?  CBHAeTejiei!  BHHCHHeTCH  cjieAyrcuiee: 


KaAaBHa  KaTbiHCKHl?  nee  6uji  M3Jfiio6;ieHHbiv  wecTOu,    PAe  Hacejie- 
HHe  CwojieHCKa  oOaqHO  npoBOAHJio  iipaaAHHqHH^  otahx.   OnpecTHoe 
Hace;ieHMe  nacjio  ckot  b  KaTUHCtcoM  ;iecy  h  aaroTOBJWJio  ajw  ceSa 
TonJiHBO.   HHKaKHx  aanpeTOB  h  orpaHK^eHHR  AOCTyna  b  riaTMHCKHp 
jiec  He  cymecTBOBajio. 

TaKoe  nojiowBHHe  b  .-laTWHCKOM  Jiecy  cymecTBOBajio  ao  caiioR 
boRhw.  Eme  jieTOM  iS4l  roAa  b  3tom  Jiecy  HaxoAHJica  nHOHepcKHft 
jiarepb  KpoMCTpaxKaccu,   KOTopaR  6mji  CBepwyT  jimuib  b  vaone   I94I   r, 

C  aaxBaroM  CMOJieHCKa  HeweuKMMH  OKKynaHTaMW  b  .-vaTHHCKOM 
Jiecy  6biJi  ycTaHOBJieH  coBepnieHHO  hhoR  pe>«HM.  Jlec  CTa;i  oxpaHHTt- 
CH  ycMJieHHhivM  naTpyARMn;    bo  mhopkx  wecTax  noHBK;incb  HaAnMCH, 
npeAynpejKAaBiDne,   mto  Jinua,    BxoAHuiHe   b  Jiec  Sea  oco6oro  nponyc- 
Ka,    noAJit^waT  paccTpejiy  Ha  MecTe. 



OcoCeHHO  CTporo  oxpaHHJiacB  ra  qacTi.  KaTHHCKoro  Jieca,   ko- 
Topaii  HMeHOBajiacB  "Kosbh  Fopbi",   a  Taicae  TeppHTopiw  Ha  fiepery 
JiHenpa,  rfle,   Ha  pacc-poHHHH  700  MTp.   ot  o6HapyxeHHHx  iiophji 
nojiBCKHx  BoeHHonjieHHHx,   HaxoflHJiacB  Aa^a  -  aom  OTAwxa  Ciiojien- 
CKoro  ynpaBJieHHH  HKB^.  IIo  npHxofle     Heimes  b  sroR     Aeme  pac- 
nojiOJKHJiocB  HeiieuKoe  yypejsfleHHe,    HMeHOBaBmeecH :   "lilraC  537-ro 
CTpoHTejiBHoro  6aTajiB0Ha" , 

BO£HHOrL:ii;iiHKE  nO.^KM  b  PAllOHE  CLOJ.iLhCKA. 

CneunajiBHoW  KoyHccae^  ycTaHOB/ieHO,   qto  ao  aaxBara  Heiieu- 
KHMH  OKKynaHTaMM  CMo;ieHCKa  b  aanaAHwx  pa{*OHax  ofijiacTM  wa  cTpoH- 
TejiBCTBe  H  peiiOHTe  moccel*HHX  flopor  pa60Ta;iM  no;iBCKHe  BoeHHonjieHfc 
Hbie  o^Hiiepa  h  co;iflaTH.   PaawetuajiMCB  3th  BoeHHOHJienHHe  nojiSKH  b 
Tpex  JiarepHx  ocofioro  nasHaMeHMfl,    HMeHOBaBinHxcfl:  JiarepB  N    I -OK, 
W  2-OH  H  K'  3-OH,   Ha  paccTOHHHH  ot  25  flo  45  sanafl     ot 

IloKasaHiiaMii  CBHAeTejiei!  h  AOKyiieHTa;iBHHMM  waTepMajiaMH  ycTa- 
HOBjieno,    MTO  nocjie  naqajia  BoeHHwx  AeficTBufi,    b  cnjiy  cjiowMBiueJtcH 
oScTaHOBKH,  iiarepH  ne  motjih  Shtb  CBoeBpeMeHHO  aBaKyHposaHhi  h 
Bce  BoeHHon;ieHHfaie  nojiAKH,   a  Ta-Kwe  nacTB  oxpaHu  h  coTpyAHHKOB 
jiarepeJ^  nonajiH  b  nnen  k  neMuaw. 

MonpomeHHuIl  CneuHajibHO^  KoMHCcwef*  6hb.   nay.   Jiarepa  N^  I-OH 
waSop  rocyAapcTBeHHOt*  SeaonacnocTH  bETOiia.iuiOb  B.M.   noKaaaji: 

" . .  .H  OKHAa-'i  npKKasa  o  jiMKBMAauHH  Jiarepa,   ho  cbhsb  co 
CMOJieHCKOM  npepBajiacB.   TorAa  a  caw  c  HecKo;iBKMMH  coTpyA- 
HKKauM  Bbiexaji  B  CMOJieHCK  AJifl  BUflCHeHKH  oficTaHOBKH.  b  Cmo- 
jieHCKe  H  aacTa;!  HanpisteHHoe  nojioxeHHe.  H  ofipaTHiiCH  k  Han. 



ABHweHHH  CMO;ieHCKoro  yqacTKa  TanaMHOt?  h.m.   T./.^rwiUcy   c 
npoctSoR   o66cneqnTb  ;iarejB   BaroHawn  i^nn  BbiB03a  BoeHHO- 
njieHHHX  nojiHKOB.    no  T.^hmioh  OTfeeT;«ji,    mto   ^accMHThieaTB 
Ha  no;iyqeHKe  naroHOB  h   He   Mory.  n  nbJTajicfi  CBHsaTtcfl  tbk- 
j«e   c  !!ocKBO{^   A-fiH  no.nyqeHiw   paapeiueHiiH  ABi^HyTbCK  neiiiMM  no- 
pflAKOM,    HO  MHe   3T0  He  y^ajiocb. 

K  3T0My  EpeMeHM  CwojieHCK  ywe   6uJi  OTj-'eaan  HewnaMH  ot 
jiarepa  h  mto  crajio  c  BoeHHonjieHHUfin  uojihkslv.w  k  ocTasuieJ^- 
CH  B  Jiarepe  oxpano*^  -  h  hi;  3HaK)". 
SaMemaBOiMft   b  nio;ie    1941    r.    naqajitHUKe  4BHxeHiw  CuojieHCKOro 

yqacTKa  ''anaAHofi  jk.a.    MH^Kenep  ilh/.:iub  u.B.    noKa;m;i  unem«a;ibH0{* 


"Ko  MHe  B  OT^ejieH^^e  o5paiua;iacb  aAMHHMCTpaunn   ;iarepeK 
A^H   nojibCK/x   BoeHHOnjieHHux,    mtoGu  no;iyMHTb  BaroHU  ajih   ot- 
npaBKM  nojiHKOB,    ho  CE060AHKX  BaroHOB  y  Hi.c  He   ^,dno.   Lommwo 
Toro,    no4aTb   BaroHW   Ha  Tpaccy  TycMHO,    r^e   Cbuio  Sojibme   sce- 
ro  BoeHHon;ieHHbix  noASKOB,   wa  He  motjim,   Tan  k&k  sra  AOpora 
yxe  HaxOAHiiacb  noA  o6cTpf /iom.   Iloii^TOMy  Ma  ne  motjih  BHno.THKXb 
npocb6  aAMMHMCTpauHM  Jiarepe!^.   TaKHM  oSpaaow,    EoeHHOnAeHHue 
nOJIHKH    OCTajlUCb    B    CwOJieHCKOi'    oS^acTK" . 
HaxojKAeHne  no;ibCKHx  BoeHhonjif-HHUX   e  Jiarcpax  CMOJieHCKofi 

o6;i.    noATBepjKAaeTCH  no-ca:^aHMHMM  MHoroMHCJieHHux  cEHAfcTejiel',   ko- 

TOpwe  BHAt'JiM   r>TKx   no;iflKOB  Cjim3   3M0;ieHCKa  b  n^psue  MecHuu  OKKy- 

nauMH  AO  ceHTa6pfl  M~ua  1^41  r.  BK;iK)m«Te;ibH0. 

CsHAeTejibHuna  CAiLULLA  !v'ap/H  AjieKcawApOBHa,   ymiTe;ibHHua 

HaMajiBHoK  uiKOJibi  Aep,   neHbKOBO,  paccKaaajia  CneuKajibHot*  aommcchh 



o  TOM,   MTO  B  asrycTe  M-D;e  I94I  r.    OHa  npHWTHJia  y  ce6fl  b  Aowe 
B  Asp.   reHBKOBO  6ewaBuiero   H3  ;iarepH   BoeHHOnJieHHoro  nojwKa. 

"...riojiHK  6bi;i  B  nojibCKoJ?  BoeHHo!:  c|x)pMe,   KOTOpyw  r  cpasy 
ysHajia,   tbk  Kan  b  TeqewMe   1940-41  r.r.   BviAena.  Ha  mocce 
rpynnu  BoeHHonjieHHux  uonnKOB,   KOTopwe  noA  kohbocm  bbjik 
KaKne-TO  pa6oTbi  Ha  mocce...   liojiAK  uenn  saHHTepecosaji  to- 
nOMy,   MTO,   KaK  hjhchmjiocb,   oh  flo  npHSbiBa  na  BoeHHyw  cjiyst- 
6y  6hi;i  b  IIojiBme  y^HTejiew  HaMajitHOfi  mKOJibi.   Tan  KaK  fl  cawa 
OKOH^HJia  EeATexHUKyw  h  roTOBUjiacb  6hti>  yMMTe;ifcHMueM,   to 
noTOMy  H  aasejia  c  hum  paaroBop.   Oh  paccKasaji  mhb,   mto 
okoh^hji  b  Jlojihme  yunTejiBCKyio  ceMHHapHW,   a  saTew  ymiJicH 
B  KaKOtt-TO  boghho!^  uiKOJie  H  6u;i  nOAnopyiHKOM  aanaca.   C 
Haqajia   BoeHHUx  asPctbh}?  IIojibihh  c  FepManneK  oh  6hji  npHssaH 
Ha  Aet^cT  BHTeiibHyio  cjiyxfiy,   HaxoAHiicH  b  CpecT-JlMTOBCKe,   rfle 
H  nonaji  b  n;ieH  k  qacTAw  ^pacHoJ!  ApMMM...   Bo;iBuie  roAa     oh 
HaxoAMJicH  B  jiarepe  noA  CwojieHCKOM. 

rCorAa  npHm^iM  Hejflxbi,   ohm  saxnaTHJiH  nojibCKnJ?  Jiarepfc, 
yoTaHOBHJiH  B  Hew  KecTKii{*  pe;«MM.   Lem^  ne  cuMTajiH  nojiHKOB 
sa  JiJOAeti,    BC/iqecKH  npMTecHH;iH  «  HSAeBajiHCb  HaA  hhmm.   Bmjih 
CJiyMaH  paccTpejia  nojWKOB  hh  sa  mto.   Torfla  oh  peiuHJi  6eacaTi>. 
FaccKa.3hiBafl  o  ce6e,   oh  CKa3aji,    mto  xceHa  ero  TaKwe  ym/irenh- 
HMua,    MTO  y  Hero  ecTB  Asa  6paTa  k  abc  cectpu..." 
YxOAfl  Ha  ApyroR  ashb,   hojihk  nasBaji  cbow  (JawMJiKW,    KOTopyw 
CAiiIiic.5A  3anHca;ia  b  KHHre.   B  npeACTaB/ieHHOJ^  CAlilhi-faOL  CneuHajiiHoR 
KOMHCCHH  KHHre  "IIpaKTimecKHe  aaHHTHH  no  ecTecTBOSHaHHw"  Avoaob- 
CKoro  Ha  nocJieAHeft  cTpaHKue  HweeTCfl  aanMCb*. 



"JIO£K  iCsecJ)  h  Co(J)i.fl.   FopoA  TaMOCTBe  yjiKua  uropo^Haa  aom 
N    25". 

B  onyGjiUKOBaHHHx  Hevoiawn  cnncKax  no^  K    3796  JiOiiA  r^seq^), 
jiePTeHaHT,    3HaMKTCfl,   KaK  peccTpejiflHuiP  wa  "rvosbiix  lOpax"    b 
iiaTMHCKOM  Jiecy  BecHoP    1940  r. 

TaKHM  o6pa3ov,    no  HewenKOwy  cooO'meHMw  nojiyqaercfl,    wto 
y.uv.K  1-3  6(1)  6hiJi  peccTpejiHH   sa   roA  AO  Toro,    KaK  ero   E^Aejia  cbm- 
AeTe;ibHHna  GAuLixl^A. 

CsHAeTejiB  ,,>-aii^.r..;..ub  n.E.,    KpecTbflHHH   KOJixosa  "r^pacHaH 
Sapn"    .'."aTHHCKoro  cejiiCOBeTe ,    ncKasa/i: 

"b   r.-^4l    r.    B  aErycTe-ceHTflO{  e  i^-iie,    xorAa   ii] /uijih  HeMUU, 

H   BCTpeuaji  nojiHKo;;,    paSoTaioaiHx   Ha  iiiocce   rpynnavH   no   lb-60 

TaKHe  we   norcasaHHH   ^ajin  cbma'-tp.^h:    'Ju..„r.i — .ub  -   ShiB.cra- 
pocTa  Aei.Z.opOK,    ^Oj.A^iLb  A.C.   -   Bjaq  CMo;ieHCKa,    oi,.uJ-.i.n  a. 11. 
-CBHUieHHHK ,    ^.A^'iiT.h  'i.V..    -  AopO'^rOj!'  vacTep,    CLjrj-.'.i,.ri  i.,A.    -   kh- 
xc'Hep,    ;.'o'J/iU_/Gi-:X-i  A.'.:.    -  wMTe;ibHMua  'Jwoji*  HCKa,   iv-.::...^^^^  a.'  .   - 
nj  e/i,Cf,i,aTejiL   KOJixosa  ^ep.    ZopOK,    c'j .^i^'t)  j^..b.    -   BOAonpO'-OAHu-/ 
TexKHK,    1 'J:  u„!:.;.,.tiL.    -   CBHii'eHHUK,    Jn.....iji/v  A. v.    -   6yxra;iTcp, 
.-.r/ri  Oi-.A   ,  . ,.    -  ymiTejibHHiia,    'JAo:--AV.>,;i->  i..h,    -  Ae;-:ypHuf   no  ct. 
FKe^AOBO   V.  .i.p. 

U.-..r..;..ji    I.J.    i.KjjihC\i..^   ^.Ui'....iOiiv.j,MiiiLA^v 

riajiuMKe   '^oeHHcnjirHHiix   noAHKOE   oawh")   i'::'Ti   r.    ■-  |:a;'Ohax 
Cvo;ieHCKa  noAT--epK;;aeTCH   'v^.kwm  'iavTOM  nposeAeHKfl   Hew.eiMH  mho- 
roMMc/ieHHWx  Oi.JiaB  Ha  r^rux   fioeHHOi:7ii^.HHrJX,    6e-'KaBiunx   H3  ;iarepei*. 



CBHAeTejib  itAPTOuiailH  MJ/.. ,    hjiothhk,   noKasaji: 

"BoeHHonjieHHHX  nojWKOB  oceHbio  I94I   r.   Heinoj  MCKajiH  He 
TOJibKO  B  Jiecax,   ho  h  npnBJieKa;iacb  nojimyia  A-tji  homhhx  o6bic- 
KOB   B  AepeBHHx". 

Bmb.   cTapocTa  Aep.^  iiOBwe  BaTeKM  3Ay.AP0b  M.^.    noKesaji,    qro 
oceHiw  194 1   r.    Hewiibi  ycji;ieHHO  "npoqecuBajin"   AepesHH  n  jieca.  b 
nojicKax  nojiiCKHx  BoeHHOftjieHHHx. 

CsHfleTejiL  ^.hiu/ihriAUb  u.B,,    KpecTBHHt'H   KOJixosa  "ApacHan 
3apfl" ,   noKasa;! : 

"y  Mac  npon3BOAH/iHCb  cnei;MajibHbie  ofijiaBu   no  poaucKy   6e- 
KaeuiMx  H3-noA  CTpawu  BoeHf  onjif-ntaix  nojiaxoB.   TaKHe  oGnckh 
ABa  KJiK  TjK  pasa  6fai;iH  b  Moew  Aowe.   iiOcjie  o;^Horo  o6HCKa  a 
cnpocMJi   CTapocTy  Gi!.lri  li^r^BA  AOHCTaHTHna  -   Koro   n:uyT   b  nau'eJ^ 
AepesHe.    C:::Pri^j.B  CKaaa/i,    mto  npnoi-ji   npi-Kas   M.-3   neMeuKoR 
KOMeHAarypj,    no  KOTOpowy  bo  Rcex   Sea   ncKJiwqeHMH  ^ovax 
AOJimeH  6biTb   npoH.aReAeH  o6uck,    tpk  KaK  h   Hauef^   A^psBHe 
CKpaeawTCH   BoeHHonjienHHe  nonnKVi,    Se^aEtUMe  M3.;iarepH.    'ie- 
pea   HeK0T0|  Oh   sr^eMK  oSmckh   nj  eKpaTHjiHCb" . 
CBi^AeTejib   i^iiTL.iUj.  T.;,.,    ko,tx03HHk,    roxaaaji: 

"OSjiaBbi  no  poabiCKy  h^iphhux  iiojikkoe  n|  ov'-^pOAH.THcf,  aec- 
K0;ibK0  pe.3.  ^'TO  Gujio  B  aBPycTt -ceHTH5pe  ^i:/-ti  roAa.  ..ocjie 
ceHTH6pfl    rr-"ii    r.    T-aKMe   o^j/iaP'^   ni  -  kj. arnjiKCb   m   5o;:bme   hkkto 

nO^lbCKKX    BOeHHOr.JieHHHX    Hf;    El'Af;-'!"  . 


PACC  it  ..^^..    :^0:..  i.Ui. i...^ j,u .o:j 

y^o^'HHyT^^'•   B^ujt-    "i  t-;'    •- '    CT|  otrrf.;:t.Horo   ';&?a-;ioti;." ,    nove- 
maBLUKf-CH   Ha  ;;8Me   e  ":\0?}i:>:   .ojax",    hc   ii|  o;:.  :  j,jm   H/Kax/.x   ct]  o/- 


';fM  Ha    ca»'0»'  „(  jif    :•;?  H;:r.«fij:c,-;    r.'^oT   "uiTtJ,",    no.<ar-a..M  »':-orMe 

CPK^eTOJIH,     H     TO?'    MKCJK;     C'-I-.V   "'  -'i  J  HllVr'  :     a J>:...'^t,    ji .'.    .,     .../..„• 0- 

hk  0,j;.  11  .tUi.A>.u^J/j^.  c.\..  -  ••^'i'-^.  ;;ih;'-Ii.:  ,,(]-.  .'o;  ok  .'8TUKC:-:oro 

liO  j.HcnofH'-' H/K)  H>  T.'r"r-oro    ■■•)•.••    .,hHTa   n'^c*  ;::--a  ..a'l'iiHfc  oh;i 

6uj1V:   H8-npaHjif' Hi,i    crajoc^o''    ,i'r^'^i:i'   ,  o:  ok   -   ^^u..,,.-.'. w.  ...      ^.,. 

;HJfl   rr-^o?!.;    no  oCcjiyxKr-eHZK   j:i"f!'oro   ^•^r^-^f;. •e    "i::t>-'!-"    iit   yv'Vr'y- 

TO"'-     A^Me. 

•  iO    IIJUfi.'Tl'H     H    "..iOril-.K     iO]u"     K"     Mf;!f=?     !!•    :  '   ;0,,M  i'   'U     ''.'i'^-O     HJC- 

TaB/ien   pha  orrPHMMeHM'- :    f5'.:;'o   .Mani  •  "> 'io   yoi-r.>    y,,^-.;,-;-:^;  o.-:   or  .;aMH 

H    XO^!''Tb     H    Jlf-C,     ;<8X0„l''^I     ''••■■<     BUBOha    V.     '.<:>.    C:Oi:|  0  rO"- ,,■   H  :',•.    Hf  )'•:;- 

KKx   coi!;\ftT   B   KOMHard   A^'-ii',    or'Tf..  .-arM.-H    ?      •:  ■:,o.""--  ■ //   ,;am'.   b 
HOMHOe   p]C'MH.    i.;  Mxo;;nTL    '.•   y/.o,,/-?!    H-    :-..,o-"v   _ '  ■■  ;  •  ..f-r.ocb   no 
CTj-oro  oil}  (i^f  .ncHHOvy   nyr;^   :■   tj-.i..-'o    ;    .o;:^  ,:-o-„*k/1!   co.:AaT, 

uTO   n; '',•,, yi^i '  ,-:,^e:HHf'    6hLno  c,,f  ;i.:  .-io   j_ ^...;.^,.,    !  .j...:..  ..^..u,.   / 

.tOi./vw.u^C.v«j..  qepes  Hf.-pt.-BOAMi'.Ka  Hcr.ot .  -  „c  ">  k;;  j  cf.Ki'v.  liana.TLHK- 
KOM  Hf-weiTKOro  yM]  (:>:,;'  Ht^.T  ,  O'.*  j  c"-;:'  "•  :  •  :?ov  Aiw..Jo;..,  KOTOjui' 
aJW    3T0^   ;-(.-jik   nooMi'HOMKe   ELir!b!Ba.n   iix   k  c -^c  . 

..o   Ronpocy  o  .ii"-iH0?«   cocTaBe   "mraCa"   /•.... ....J:.:..-'/!,  i.....    i:0Ka- 

3a;ia : 


"iia  ^e-Me  b  "aOsbmx  I'opax"    nocTOHKiiO   HaxOMMJioct   okojio 
ckJ  HcMTif.B,    CTapiiiHM  y   H/x   6u;i   oSepcT-JieFrciiaHT  ^■.'n.^C,    ero 

afl"K)78HT0M    HBJIHjICH    OG'  p-Jiei'TL'HaHT    leKCT.     T'.M    HaxO;i,KJIl'.Cb 

Te.K'T.e  jie/TGHaHT,    eaxMHCTp  JIwfejjT,    yHTep-o4-'HUt.p   no 

X03HrCTEeHHMM    J^^^-JIB.}'.    r  036:  ,     KTO    IIOMOUJHKK     i..--l/.Ke,     00-  p-     ^'/.BA- 

ve^ejib  J  p<  h^'BCkk:"  ,    peAa?u:Ki'   9.'ieKTpocTaHr;^L:'-,    i.oTorpa  ;. 
ofiep-o|pe'-TOi  ,      avi'.">iwi  kotojopo  h   He   nO"HK  ,    nc.-]  f,ho„Mi".K  H3 
iiewiieB-^OHOJiK^H ,    MKH   ero   KSur.hTCH   i'.oraHH,    HO  roi  ero   naabi- 
HajiM  ir.BaHOf,    nopaj:    h^mbu  lycraH  h  pHA  AP'Vrp^x,   ciawijjiMn   m 
Mvena  KOTO|tix  r/ne   h*  H3:^ccth;j"  . 

BcKope   noc.'/.p   CHOfPO   riocTyru;'  hj-.h   Ha   pafjOTy  Avlr..tL)^a,t,A, 
;.'jr->.^.,^.Jr A  H   ..Uwr...u..J.^/.'  crajiH   .^aMOMart,    mto   Ha  ^a^e   coBejmawT- 

CH    "KaK/e-TO.  TfJMi.MB    ^cjia". 

k^i^.:Xr:i.:jA  A..'  .    noKa.^a.Ta: 

" . .  JiepeBOAMHK  i.oraHH,    ot    nweHW  ^JriiuJA,    nac   HecKO;ibKO 
paa  npeAynp»;-KAaji   o  tom,    mto  uh   aox^^hiii   "A^pMaTB  ht-iuk   aa 
syCawK"    n  hc   6ojiTaTB   o  toc,    mto  b/ai^m  m   cjihimviw.  He,  Af^'^e. 

rjpowe  Toro,   H   no  r-Jiowy  paAy  mombhtoh  Aora/^^upajiact ,  mto 
Ha   DTo!'-   Aane   HeMUM  tboj-ht  KaKze-TO  TewKbie  abjib,.. 

B  KOHue  aBTvcTa  h    6o;!biuyKi  MacTB   cbhthSjh   vecHua    ly-il 
roAa  Ha   Afi^y   b  "Koabu  lojiw"    nouTu  '  >-t,v,,H(.HHO   niv.hs-MiJio 
HB'CKO.TbKO  rpyaoEbix  wauj/H. 

OHaMa.fia   h   H',-  ot.p'iTi'jia   Ha  3to  pHi^r'aHKH,    ho   hotom  savie- 
T/Jia,    mto   BCHKnf   pan,    :<orAH  na  TeppMTO]  hki  a^imm  aaeswajiK 
3TH  MaiiiHHH,    OHM   Rj B,; paj;HTejibH0  Ha  nojiuaca,    a  to   H   Ha  uejiHi? 
Mac,    0CTaHaBjii^Ba;iiTCb   rAft-TO  na  npoceJioMHOf*  AOpore,    BCAymei! 
OT  mocce  k  Aa^e. 

93744  O— 52— pt.  3 4 



?,  cAf--':5-'':a.  TftKOJ*   BaBOM   ^OTO^'y,    mto  uj yw  f.'a^iKH   qejes   h-3- 
KOTO-  :■       ,    vn   noc;ie  aaea,,?;    I'.x   h     t^  j  :  i^to, /k  ^tmt;  yr/xa;!. 
O^HOp;  •  '■   .     0   c   n]>fKrai':eH/rM  tuvMa  wain/H   HaMKHa;:aci,   o^khom- 
Hftj?  CTjf-JiB6a.    r.hiCTif.T-i  cji',;>pajin   OmHh   aa  AiyrHM  qepes   ko- 
j'OTK/e,    HO,    np'r_H',    041^1?  --OBue   r;  Dwe:*-yTKH    rjcweKH.    carev 
CTpejibOa  CTt-xa^qa  n  Ma:':s^Hu    n3,,"e3Kajin  k  caMOti   ^awe. 

iis  waiuKH  Bwxoafj'i'  Hf  MP"K!"'  cojiAa'^  w  yHTf-p-o:;.;ii5epbJ, 
H'yMHO  pa3ro".a}  Kpan  ?'f"':r<Ay  c--.  ji-,  ohh  iuav?  MJiTbC/i  e  CaKtc, 
nocj'.f-    I'^ro  nbHHCTFOpajH': .    ..aHH    b   r*TK  ^hi^   HcerAU  Toni^/iach. 

CO/fA'-bl     K3    KaKO''-TO     li'- V  ;    --Oi-     FOKHC-:0;'     M-.C'">'.     ,,j1H     HUX     CIK'- 

^^!aJlbHO  cra'-KJU'CB  ko/kh  ;-  1:  •"  .:•  v.v.w  c ';.';,, ?-.?c koto  Kaa^^HO, 
oj  re.HtT'or-riHHoro  b  oahoI'  I'a  .-''..n  ;\--^v..  ■:,  arn  „hh  Ha  KyxHCi 
roTo:"P5/iO(;t  '"^ojif.iio-  .--oji/ •:•  r-- -.  ^  3f'40?^,  a  k  CTo.-:y  iio,,aha- 
;iacb   y^HO'Hran   riOfUKH    c: /.  . :-    ;■.   h?  ;:/tkob. 

ae3a4o;!ro  so   !i[H'--i«'"t'H  vaiiiKH   na   Af'>-'^y   ^-''">'-  cojiAaru   c  0{  y- 
•v.Vi^iU  yxo^iijii'    •;-   -T  c,    OH!  r;',/';o   :-;  r-ecTV   'JCT^.ho -ki^  vk:^.\-m  ,    Tan 
KaK  M'^-: '..'-;    m.':^^"fca   /jij^   mc;  •  :■   Mac   :-:!.■•!-]  a j.a.Tia;b   Ho    "tkx  va:::/- 
Hax    KM'.'CT-    c   CO/;;; ?-.?<'->.'/ ,    hoctohh   0  }-;irrUi^«'v:  w?    ^,a'-i';. 

r.a.K    :Ao7i;xv«,T    i'    "  .:   V  ,.      _.  _  ,n    _  ,  v    :.;.;•;,...  .-ai  i..i:  X    hf-.   A^-^y    ''fUMH 

ec.:M   6',:    Ka.HAi.i/    ;'■■■,    ■'-.'.,-     .y /.easfijiM  Maiiii'Kbi,    Hac   /mph>^,    .^o- 
i,A.vU^C.-v.'.    v«  ■..>., a...... u^y/   He   38:0::h;;k   na   xyxHK),    f;c;:n  wi.i   naxo- 

AHJiHCB   p   -TO    -:-?/>!   Ha  APOpe  y  Mam:,    ur.j^  h'.    Hf;   PHn;-CKa;.M   K3 

KyXHM,'    ?'W     HaXO^SIJi/CB     hp.     KyXrif.  . 



bTO  o6cTOHTe;iiCTBO,   a  raiC'Ke   to,    mto  h   HecKOJiRKO  pas 
aaweqajia  cjie^w   c^.ew.eV   KfOBn   Ha  O/^ew^e  AEyx  eq|>r.  to]  ob, 
sacTaBKJio  weHH   RH/waTejiBHO   n]^/.cuoTyeThCfi   sa   Tr,M,    mto 
npoMCxoAHJio  Ha  A&'^e.    ToPAa  h   h   .^av.eri'.Jia  cTpaHnwe  nej.fcpbiBhi 
B  ABH^eHMM  waiiJMH,    MX   ocTftHOPKn   E  Jifccy.   ,1  saweTHJia  TaK;«e, 
MTO  cjieAhi  KpoHM   Gu/iii  Ha  OA'.'-KAe  OAHHx  n  Tex  He  ;im^ei' 
AByx  eCypePTOpOE .   Uamh   h3  hux   ObiJi   bucokkK,    pii:':i^i',    ApyroK 
-cpeAHero  pocTt.,    G.iohakh. 

iia  Rcero  sToro  h  aaKJiKMKJia,  mto  Hewicu  Ha-MauiHHe  npw- 
B03MJI11  Ha  Aft^y  .nK'At--/  /  MX  iaccTpejinHa^'in.  /:  AaKo  ii]n6;iM3K- 
Te^ifcHO  AoraAi^Ba;iach ,  rAe  3T0,  Tan  Kax,  npuxo- 
Afl  K  yxOAH  c  Aa^n,  H  .laweqajia  HcMa-fi*^^  ko  ot  ^oi.orn  b  Hec- 
KOJibKHx  vecTax  CEe;-<eHa'JpocaHHyK)  sauJiK..  ii.TomaAfc,  aaHHTan 
OTOi?  CBeKenafjpocaHHOr  aej/jieS,  exfcAHeBHO  yBe;iimnBa.mcb  b 
A^i'.HHy.   C  TeqeHnew  bp^mchh   rneM/iH   b  3Tiix  MecTax   npHHHJia 

CROll    OOUMHbl'/     2HA". 

ha  Bonpoc  Znciiy.&f.hHOv  .-Iomucchk,  hto  .^a  ;iKAt^  j  accTpejiHsa- 
/iMCB  B  ;iecy  6jih3  ;[smvi  jij.L.:l^::^^A  o-vp.eriAfii. ,  mto  j.accTj.e.iitaajiKCt 
BOeHHOUJieHi-iae  nojiHKH,  /  b  i!0;^THe|:xA€HM0  cbomx  cnoh  pac -Kaaajia 
cjieAywicee : 

"ZbiJiiA  AHU,  KOTAa  waiUMHbi  Ha  AftHy  HC  iiji'SH'-ajiH,  a  T(;M  ne 
MeH^e  cojiAaTfci  yxOAMjin  c  a^mm  b  ji<;C,  OTTyA&  cjiauajiacb  m&c- 
Tafl   0M/H04Ha/i   c'r[-t;;iB6a.   iiO   B03EpameH/i»   cojiAaTbi    o6H3aT";;L- 

HO    WJIH     H     ^aHK)    M     3fcT':f<    HBH  HCT  HOfiajlK  . 

>'    HOT   fibui   <-'u:-.-  TaKO!'  c;iyMai':.   .'.   Kan-TO   3aA<.;.-:a::acfc   na 
AaMO  HocKOJiBKO   n03:-<t    O'jbmHoro   ri'M'n;;.    ...- .  j.....^.-/-.   m    ,.o.„...*-:i- 
G.-lA.'I  yxe  yuiJiii.   ,,   eji(;   H'.  yci!o-;ia   auKOHMi^Ti)   cpooi:   j.uLotu  ,}  ua;' 


^"      ■     '     ■  ■'.„:.    .;.  /    .    ■c'.>  C0i;;:a;:fv:   h'-    ;  ^'-r'o; /r-c  hvo 

^  •        .       ■  .  .  ,:    "CfiH   „o  :i;o  :'-f . 

:   /     K  OTOi;:;;?-    r^o   ::;occe   ot   r        ;   /:•  ,,i.^:y   ;-(  ?;  oj- 

Ihvj-^Uu,    H  yF^4f:jia,    :-aK  no  .   .  .:.;a   r] ynna  hOCHHorjifjHHux 

}-' '    ' ' 



OHil    C 


-    -^  " ,  "i;.-;;a     ■  ,,,  ■■     ,    --OfAa 



i.ecKOjih'f-o  J".?   o   i:]  v.fyj'vvii'.   ho.'ihkob    b  ".oOr-si-n   .opu"    vi^; 
,10rF:.,^upaji;ic  L   in   H;-n|-H:-'' hho''    O'-ct'.  Hor-Kt; ,    kotc  Ur;   vj-q  Aj-if. 
E   3T0   RfieMH   Ha  ;j,aMe . . . 

"'.eci)  o^' /I''  ;.ck:i''   cocrap    ;/.■.')„, :;i   ^3  ^ami,    b   3„aHni^   O'-'raHa- 

JlOCh     'ro,TI:,KO    K'.CKO^IBKO    Ka]  ay.T  J=H! !  X  ,     a     HaXM«CT|      ■-.'   Clil  ■■   ;  i.i  htiO 

II ] ' o  ;■:/•. ;:    r • ' ;  •  -^h    no   T •  .'i ":. (JjO h y  .  .  .  " 
'.'.i..^-..  ..^..h.  o.A.    noKa^ajia: 

".:    CeHTH^f-'/    ?^'CHI!*;     .'.' ii     TO., a     B    jlf;Cy     "..O.-lI.H     .0]!,;"     OMOHb 

MacTO  ].-;3,ifi  pa.nacT)   !■■•";'.;■    - .     ,-::'•■  Majia  h    h^     O',;    :;....?.    ;-H,'Ma- 

HHH    H5    no,," '■:■-'■■  ■iV.-':    K    H'r:  ■  ■   .      ,,r:.  '        :  r   /  :^  ^  i    :  •      'r ,   "^  ,"a.  :KH;i  , 
•<j;:t^p-    r    '^okof    v.    cnefxy,    o.-:.  a  :>  ;•:;.:•     ^    :■■,:';•;■     ::.:',  :-;'.-p^a 
conj.opo'*' ,a'-.;i;"i  CH   vht-  : -O'.'-i'ii' ].av;'; .      ■  -   v  .-i    •.•.'■  Ti':j;a,    mto 
:(TM   raiiiHHu    hi-  -or,.,-:    ;'■     ■■r^xi.,  :t    •-   :;-.:-:    r\:>:.-     ,:    ■■    ro    -•.    rjtMH 
He    f«:^r;   'xa-  -"'vi .    .  t,i    rp..30b;^i;,:;;ii.»    ..;,•.-•     oi/    g4.;HL 
qaCT),     0:0\''':hO    P    CHTHOp'    Iv4i    TO^a. 

Cit;;/  ynr-  ,-  ^;/--    ;  op .    ko'^oju'     .-cer,;'i    ^^.-uii-'iii   b  Ka-HHax 
[H,iO"  c   ;.iO     i  e.Mi' ,    H   crajia  .'laMeqaTL  o,i,Horo   Bi^coKoro  c   G;Hi<^- 

HUK»    JlVi;!,Or/    H    JU-Tl/wr     HOXOcavil  .     -     ^.,'..    :■"'/     ";;  Mlii.;     liO,,"-   ;' -:'i,lH 
K    4a4t',     TO     r-Ct;    yHTf-:{--0.|.-;^Ut]JU  ,     KaK     ;iO    KOMaH,^c,     liJJlM     fc     OaHK) 

;i   ,;o.Tro  i-   h*  ;■   fbiji/cb,    nocjic   Mf-ro   c/jilho  ni)>i:sCTHo;-ajiM   Ha 
A  awe. 

vJ.itiM*%,:j      •^0''-    :  :'-o--i',',    [fivt'!'   H'  '.'en ,    plj:-,,h    i;3   ?/a.;MHii, 
Hai!:  ■  .•,■-  ■;.■■:       ■'  ■' "■   BO,;u .    .'or^a   oh   nK;i   v.-a   cTa- 

KaHa  ROAy,    h  yHJi^f-Jia  Kponb  na  o'jjjjiare  niaHoro  pyKDPa  ero 



i[}'...n...:Jhk   u.A.    n   aU::k..^j,Ci-'LM.-:   ".I..    OAi^H   jaa   jikhho   BVi/^envi, 
KaK   6unyi.  ;  accTpejiHKij  ;;pa  RoeHHon;i'-rHHbix   vonnKe.,   oqeEHAHO  6eKaB- 
mwe  OT  Hew^eB  m  sarew  noJ'MaHKhie. 

'JJi.Ji..^.'o^k  06   3T0V   noKasajia: 

"UAHa)K4M,    KaK  oCbiMhO,   H   n   .tO.u-^.'^jC. Jui  patJOTP.jiK   Ha  KyxHe 

H   yciiLiujajiM   H' ,ia;ieKO  ot  ^emvi  uiyv..    ohI^.^r   3a  ^Eej^b,   mk  yBMAe- 

;iH  AHyx  BoeK.'.onjieHHHX  nojiHKOB,    OKjy:«eHHux   HcweuKHMH  co^iAa- 

TaWH,     MTO-TO    fa3"fiCHHBUiMMK    y  HTej -O-:  HU*^}  y    lUw..,     saTeM    K    H/M 

nOAOLueji  ooepcT-Jief^TeHPHT  ^^r.^G   h  mto-to  CKa3a;i  lOo^.     ;:iU 
cnpHTa;iHCh   p  ctolohv  ,    tiik  KaK   CoHJiKCb,    4T0   aa  nj^OABJieHHoe 

/Ir360nrJTCTHO    I  v'-.:.    HaC     H306beT,     .iO    HaC    HCfc-TaKH     3aMeTilJIH,     1« 

MexaHHK  .../...;-^C.xi.,.,    no   PHany  iu^i,    aarHaji  Hf.c  Ha  KyxHw,   a 
no.n.HKOB  no-c;:   p  cTOfO.Hy   ot  Aa^i'.   '-ier(.3   neCKOjiLKO  mi^hvt   mu 

yC-riHUiajIK    BUCTpOJIbl.     ..ef'HyBilJHeCH     bCKOp.,    Hi"f\-.-:Hf;    COJIAaTU    / 

wejiaa   BHHCHMTb,    KaK   nocTy;!;^'!^'   w  y.:H  c   aaAe]  ■>':aHHUMH  nojiHKa- 

MH,     CHOpa     Bb;:iJ/IH     Ha    yjimiy.     UAHOP!  fMeHHO    C     H?:?/!^     h::,i!i.'eA:!iH'' 

qepe3    r;iapHHf^    rxoa   asmm  aA"H-.TaHT  .-t:..,Jn   no-n-  ?."  :;-:t^  m?o-to 
cn],0CM;i  juc,    Ha  mto   mcjieAHM!-    t?.k--^:(-     i.j-.-i'---y.v.   or.i-'vv.ji: 
";.ce   R   nO},HA:-^o".    -.  t/   cjio'-a  h    ;;OH>ij:''i,    t^k  ?:hh-   .•■■:   Hfv.vj.i    qhCTO 
ynoTpH' JiH/in    b   ra-'-roBOja/.   "'f  x ^,7   co'.o:-.    >..-;   iipoKcui' A^i^fc- 
ro  H   •■•.aK/iwuM-fia,    mto   :ti;   A>-a  nojiHKa  ]accT|  t/iHH.i" . 
AHPJiorKHHue   ;!0.;a:-.aHKH   no  rroMy   ponjocy  „f^a  ruKxe   AUi.^...oo- 

i.anyraHMhiP   rew,    mto   iij^omcxoai^jio  na  ASMf',    ^^ .J...,uA,    i.!i«. ,-.,.- 



ocTaBHTb  pa6oTy  Ha  ^aye.   Bocno;it30BaBmMCb  CHMxeHMew  mm  "sapnjia- 
th"   c  9  wapoK  AO  3-x  wapoK  b  MecHij   e  naqajie  HHBapH   I94Z  r. ,    no 
npeA-nojteHMK)  }i.ju\A.^.i)^60..,    ohk  He   buuijiii   na  paSoTy.    3a  hhvm   b  tot 
we  fleHB   BeqepOM   npi^exa;iM   Ha   wauiKHe ,    npuBesjiM  Ha  ^emy  k   b  Hana- 
saHwe  noc&AKJivi  b  xojiOAHyio  -  UyL.Jx'.^.<uc^'  Ha  b  cyTOK,   a  AJ.^AGshfjhy 
H  KOii/u.ObGrX^;  Ha  3-e  cyrOK. 

iiocjie  Toro,    naK  ohk  OTCHAejin   stot   CfiOK,    kx  bccx  yboakjik, 
3a  BpeMH  CBoe{^   pa6oTH   Ha  ;;aMe  j-j-iLAJ;.LBA,    ..io_n.,-.u^A     h 
i-COiiAy-UbCrlL.   fiOHJi/.ct  Ae-nnTBca   ^pyr  c  Apyrow  ceoiimh  Ha6jiw;ieHHfl- 

MH    060    BCBM    TOM,     MTO    H?.    A^Me    npOKCXOAKJIO .     An:iJb    6yAy^H    a],CCTO- 

BaHHHMH,   cm,;h    p  xo-TOAHOi',    HoqtKi  OHH   no;i,  o6  ^To^•, 

]:.i'^.L....o-,A  Ha  Acnpoce  ot  24  AenadpH   i';-*i3  roAa  noKa3ajia: 

"T-APCB  MH   BnepEwe  noro  ^-opHjii!  OTKfOBeHHO  o  tom,    mto  m&- 

jiaercrf  na  Aa^e.   /;'   psccKanajia   pcc,    mto   r^Hajia,  ho   oxaaajiocb, 

MTO    H    ..U.J.,.Oi:>J..^-.    H    A.^,  ..Jw.iiii    TaKnP    3HaJi;{    RCe    3Tl^   .^aXTbl, 

HO  TO/«e,    Kan  m  h,    CoHJiMCb   ropopMTb  wne   of^   3tom.    lyT  :%  h 
ysaajia  o  to«',    mto  h^mw    b  ".\03bH:x  i'opax"   paccTft:;i;^:-a.Ti'. 

MMeHHO    nO/il.CKMX    B0eHH0n;i-H;.liX,     TUK    KaK    --^.....C.^.l.A    ;  e.  ■;  -Ka- 

aa^ia,    mto  OHa   oahh^ah   oceHbio   i-?4i   roAa  mjia  c   pa^'-OTti    i<  ;!/w- 
ho   hum'  -na,    KaK  H'  Muu   r-.&roHHJiv.   h   ^t-  c  '*  !03bn"    6o.'ibuiyK) 
rj  ynny   BOeHHon;ieHHhix  no;iHKOB,   a  -.iUTnu  cJiHUiajia   t  .-tom  woc- 
Te  CTrejibgy". 

AHajiorHHHLie   noKaaaHna  o6   dto>:  AajiK   -'aK.xe   o^..--.a  h   ao../.- 


ConOCTPBl^B     CEOW     HhC-TK'Af'HMH  ,     /■. '.J.,....-,     ',....  ,.u../-.     H     .cU.wi..:ii- 

C/tAH  npKfUJiK   K  Tper'AOMy  y6e:+tA';Hww,    mto  h  aprycTe   v.   cew^Hf.Le   Mt-;CH- 



i:ax   Il''ii.   ro,;a-  hp.  ;;aMe   p   "  lOr-.tHx  ^  opax"    Ht,?/iuif,'/   n]  oi<r';HO,;n;iKc> 
naccopue  f-ccTjf.ji'u   ho(,hho;ij!''Hhlix   .'io.thk'Ob. 

;.'-iKO..''hHKH   /T...r..iC..„'.-.U.     no;iTpe]'>;,-;t>.:-';'"CH   no-<a.".aH;!/i*';^   <  {•   o?-;a   - 
A.-r,.X!,..-jA  I..;ixa'/J]a,    :-otot 'w    th'.    ■  ::>-    :••    ,:■  :  ;■;■„   c;-oe!-    {a'/OTii   Ha 
flE:  Me   0'"OHl>;''    iV'ti.    TO^iH    [  ^ocK?.  nin '-a;;a    0   c  •oil:-:    h-- ^..:•^;•  hxhx   iio   i:o.o- 

"uH<-    "■■■•     .^ojirn   ir.'v  :o   ;■■•■•     ro^-o:  ;','?;"  ,    -   no-rar-.aji  .-.  ...^....d 

[(i'^OTaTB   CTjaujHO   t:   oh-:    h^    --HKfT,    KSK  f-;-   o'^'"y,,a    p.u] '-r.TiCH. 
.^OT'/lfi.    K    ''     r-r:  fi:!;i'pf,;i,    ::oM--f.'y    •.••     -'';  c:::.h''' ,    T;^    ror  c;  K;ia ,  qro 
B  .T'':y   OHf'H}:    Mac7o  c.u:::inTC/i    ;■"";■;:!':?;.    iu,;f?t  - .,.  i ,    !i;  r,,,/i   „o«.'or, 
OH'r    c-'e:-?!;:?;    r'he    no   cpki't;/,    mt  j    '-   ."f  cy    "..'i-F;'    .  :.:;,"    Ht;r:u,i 
[  [.r---^  ;•;■;•  ^-j:.  •?    li'uiKKO}-.    .- ;.iC.T-:jf:  ■■    ,        ",    ■■    ■        j^k-  \\\.   c^j  oi'O    i:j.  ■ - 
,yi:['  „.-..,     ■••fj-'.:    -)H^'    '0.-}a;t     hi'.-0",/    j',    ;'T0"    h-     ]  a  j;-r-a:-u!-a.ia, 

i.OKa.-'aHi:>i   o    ;!  ;i}-o,i,'     hp.    "    orov    .':,."      o  HhO'i/.'  hhlx   nj;iH.--Oi' 
h  •  ("'cTi  LJii»'H    r-r  v:;-f:>'i'    v   ^u-;  u  M^jio-fK,    no,,    o,:;'.ho;    ;.-"    wvivyvrA 
cOj'iAPT,    .;;:;:"    ;■    .,:  ynu    C!  i;^'  ■:^'';i/ ,    „oni  OiU' hh;.-'     ,i:'  ■.•;-p  ;!  lio;-     .or/c- 

Q.vy\  :    .■>■■''  ■   -.1.    -   KJ'.CTLHurH   xvTOja   "..o.-an   iOjr:",     j  i.:-.u.,..i  ^i'.:> 

I.. I',    -    n.'iOTiii'K    f^'^aHri'ii    -.jacHu''     '';:     >-     .fi-'i.iiicKnf   .;' cy ,    i...A..oD    J./.. 

-  GuP.'i^M.    CT.  I't-f  r,^Oi-o    !■■    ra.>>H"      >:■"■;       '.■•lo     .'  ca,    .^.-.....r-. ....:.   i..:,. 

-  j;(:yvpHb;'"    no   to:'    •->.    '■:'.•■';'/,    A^.„...'...  :    :  .r..    -    n:  •  MCe„RT(J!t   r:o;i- 
xoae  A^:\  .    "OJ..OK,    ^^..,^...1...    •..,,.    -   c;-    /  nanr:    .yn]  i^HCKOi*  :  •  ;  khk 

e,TK   Chviaf  Tf^-.TK   CJj ..:::: RJi J'   m    hkct;  <  .iu,    j  6p,v- ■•^a'^.,;:*   ch    v^r-    ;:'  ca  na 
"  .!oaf  I'x   -  oj^iy"  . 



Uco6o   pa---Hoe   anaMeHMe   ;;j1h   BbiHcnr  huh   Toro,    mto   ui,ov.c/.o^ 
Hfl.  ;iaMe  b   "  io.iBnx   /0}ax"    oceHtK;   I'/ix    r.,    irfeioT   noKa^aHi^H   njo-iec- 
copa  ac-r.oHor'i'n,    ;;n;»'KTO;a  o'-'Cj  BaTOf  hh   p.   'JMO-i^HCKe   -   x^^.. -. .,.»:. B- 
CnUiU  :.^. 

iipo^'-ccop  J/.;....  ,/..;..;„.   B   ru.fBue  ^hv.  o-'Kynan.MH   HeM:;&;'n  Gmo- 

jieHCKS    6ujI  HacMJiKHO   Ha.-^Hf-.MCH    iif'n   3e.!,',    KfiMa.-;}  Hi^'-a   roj  o.^a   /ovjro- 
MHCTia/,    a   HaMajiFHiiKO?'   ro:  o,i,a    '<•,:;!    naru-f: 'i.  h    !f.M::a;'H    a„BO.-:aT 
Iv.iLi.L.../..'j.i.    .'.i.,    ^nocj,t;;,'-^7  ^/ii   ;,  >  ^1.:/;     ;-''fCT«     c   hhi.:;!,    nj  i.,;?;-"' ;:l  , 
no;i}-..'',OHa^^.::7'-C/!    ono']  .w  ^o  -epMew  y   H^f/eiiKoro  Kor/aH,;oi'aH'.iH   k   b 
MacTHOCTK  ;/    :<o»'K-v;c.  nra  CwojifHCKa    .  oii--^^.,'A. 

1.  Haqajie   cohthGjh    i.'-^ti   r.    ......  i...  ,  u  u...   o^paTn.TCK   c   upocLfioi; 

K  ,..*...i,.-..'.i  i-.,j    -   7.o^aTa!-c?  .'OpaTB   npj'f;^   Kore:  ^aHTOM    ;oh-u.-..-.u  ot. 
ocBOf'o>:,ifHiiH   H.-5  jiar-pH   hOPHHOnriOHHHx  '■    iic6  nc^cjrora  .....i-i..w..Ui  u. 

hunojiHH/i   OTV    njoci.f'y,      ;',.iLui'a  *.»:  oGjaT/Jicn   k    ■  OH-i..^/.>^j    ■/,    :',aTo?,', 
noj-;^8;i   r.A-  j..,,,r^w..w.,.j  ,    hto   ero   iiroc-^^a   hc    wox't    tj^?}.  y,,o;-;i('Tp.opeHe, 
TaK  K8K   no   c.nopar    jx:)h-^-:'..,'a  "nojiyqeHa  /:,npeKTHKa  h.t   F.f'p.TKHa, 
nj  r4n/chiBaKjr;aH   HeyKOCHi'Tf;jibHO   npO:',o,^wTh   cauM'-  ;--rCTKM'/    | ':.^mv!   k 
OTHOiL'-.'HMM    poeHiiOn;if  HHux,    He   .^onycKa>-:   KUKaKnx   no c;iafi;if:Hi5i-    b   dtov 
BOnroce" . 

"/I   Hf.'BOjTbHO   BO^ra.-^^^i,    -   no/anaji  cbiw  Te^iK  JiJ  i...:.f>jAi;..,   - 
"mto  ;+:(;   vo:^?    OtiTh   xooTMC   cyu-fCTByKivfTO   B   jispf^'pfc  p.:f:;iMa?" 
liii.iiiiiAii'i::  crpaKHO  nocvorj  rji   Ha   yenp   n,    h&i<AOHV.?<.iii-iC.h   ko  vne, 
TKxo  OTi-PTUji:    "' o--i:rT    ojjtb!   l-'yccKHf^,    no  Kfai'hei'   re]-  ,    ;^avi! 
Cy^yT  yMMpaTi),    a  bot   BOf'Hi-:on/ie,HHux   nojiHKOB    np^,^^7oy(:HO  n]  octo 



"Kan   ran?     .iaK  nxo   nOHv^varb?"    -   fiOcxn/xHyji  h. 

"'•OHUf'aTB     Hfv;0     B    GyKHa^TbHOM    CWUCjIC.     rXTb    TanaH    „Mp*,-KTKBa 

M3  DepjinHa"  ,    -   oTBeTKJi  ;.  i..Ll--Ai  I.,.  M  TyT  He   nonpocn;!  mchh 
"paAK   Bcero  cbhtoto"   HHKOwy  oC  ^tok-  hc  roBoj  htb.  . ." 

"Hej;e;iH   qejer*  A^e  nocjie  onvscartHoro  Buaie  pasroBopa     c 
.'^ciix-,-.  fl,    6yAy4H  CHom  y   H'^ro  Ha  np/e-Me,    ne  y^frpaiaji- 
cfl    n  cnpocMJi:    "'-ito  c;il.uoho  o   no;iflKax?"   'JjunhuJ^'i.:.  nove^nviJi, 
a  noTO?.'   Rce  ne  ©•"peT/Ji:    "G   h/vh  vko  noKOjiMOHO.    :OK-ii.D::.i, 
CKeaaji   ?.5He ,    4to  ohk   jaccrjejiflHu   r^e-TO  H'^a^ioKO  ot  Cuojibh- 
CKa" . 

■"bMjiH  Mor-  t  &CT(  pHHKOCTt,   .  ..i.i-w-I'i...  cHOBa  npfcAynje^KJi 
MGHH  0  Heo6xo,;^:»'OCTH  A*{ '-^e/rB   nro  „ejio  b  CTpor-a:>aieM  ceKpere 

K    tib.Ter/    CftLjl    "06"HCHHTf."     UHt;    JIV.HV.K    UQhe^eHV^H    H'  MUfc  fi     E     ?TOM 

Eonpoce.   Uh  CKar-eui,    mto  ].?iCOTj'f^ji   no.a>!.-<OB  hejihc-tch   ?, l-chov   b 
o6u;ei'   uenn   npopo^KMO*:   i'<^'pvaHHt  f  aHT^inoju-cKoi-   iiojirTKKi',    oco- 
fieHHO  oGocTpuhiuei'CH   p  cph3K  c   .laKjiK.yeHKew  pyccKO-nojiiCKoro 
Aoropoja" . 
i>A^  .*.-.. i-;.OAi^.   Tajc-re  paccKa^aji  Cnc-nviajitHO".'  .-.OMMCcnH  o  CEoei'    6e- 

ceAe  c   30HAef(|)!0T  r;T:OM  ^-po  OTA'^-J^a   HeweriKoi'    KOMBHAaTyj^u  r..i-.^^Uu. 

-   uj.v.CjB.jit^.vckv.v  H(:m\f.}',    xoj.o:uo   ro?0|Hxi^M  ro-_:yccKM: 

"I'ypm'Uflhp,    C    UMHl'MHOt      OT-';j.OB(  HHOCTbK     P.ilHhV.n    t'He,     MTO    HC- 

TOj  ;<Mf;cK/  aO:<a-'''^Ha   bjcahoctb  in;:.-i;:ob   m   v.a   if  nojiHOP.CHHOCTi-.a 
noT-)f.'y  yt/eKhmeH/c    Hece;ieH«K   ^lOjihuivi   ■ao(.:ay^:v[t  y,,oopeKMeM  hoh-bu 
M   co«AacT   BOSMOKHOc-Tb  ;;jiH   px-;jnt  ^-Hi^H  KK.THeHHoro  npocTjrahCTr-a 
PpT'MaHMi:"  .    r.  3tO''  cbh.-iH   i'>a  l.x;.,.l„  c   CfiXRajibCThOM  ]:ac:Ka3aji, 

M'^O    B    .iOjn.IUe     KHTyJlJIMI  tH'IMK     H'      OCTl-JIOCb    CObepUIGHHO ,     TUK    KBK 

OHa  iiOBomcHa.paccTptjWKa   h   nKKJiKMena   b  ;iarepK" . 



IIoKaaaHHfl  BA^-iu.ciBCAUru  noATBepxcfleHH  onpoujeHHUM  CneuM- 
ajiBHoW  KoMHCCMeJ^  CBHAeTejieM-npodeccopow  ;tiM3MKK  i^.i^:.Ubudl  i..;-:., 
KOTOpowy  Ba;  iu.iLi>CrX-  Tor^a  w.e  oceHbio  ib'^i    r.    paccKaaaji   o 
CBOeM  paaroBope  c  liJ^i^L'uJ-A'i.L^.Z. 

^^OKyMeHTajiBHUM  noATpefX/iRHKeM  noKa^aHMp   3A:.i-.^^U..Uiu 
H  lL*i.!:Ui^A  HBJiflWTCfl  cotcTEeHHOpywHbie  sariKCM   ......i.^..  ,.,./•.,    c^e- 

JiaHHbie    MM    B    CPOeM    fijIOKHOTe. 

oTOT  6JI0KH0T,    coA-.p"'«amK!''-   B  ceoe   17  HenojiHux  crpaHHH, 
6un  o6Hapy:4{eH  b  Renax  iopo^CKoro  yniatJieHHH  C\AOJit;HCKa  noc- 
Jie  ero  ocbo6o5«a<-hkh  r^pacHOi!  Apv'iieM. 

IipHHaA^e:KHOCTb  yKaaaHHoro  SjiOKHOTa  ,  ....LtLkriAJ  k  ero 
noqepK  yAOCTOpepeHbi  KaK  noKasaHMHVH  .I/i.  i-...^,u..ui  u,  xdi-Ol^o 
SHawmero  none^K  .'....  .,^.ij  ..ti,    Tan  h   rpa-^ojiorMMecKoi'    o.-:cnep- 


Cyflfl  no  KMOfomMMCH  b  6jiOKHOTf  Aaraf,  (,ro  coj\eiKt.HviQ 
OTHOCKTCH  K  ne|,KOAy  OT  nepBbix  AHe;"'  aBrycTa  .Vti  roAa  ao 
HOflfipa  Toro  -i^e   roAa. 

B  micjie  pasJinqHiix'eTOK  no  /.o:^HvcTb^.u>iuv   bonpocaM 
/o  Apo;Hax,   00   sjieKTpoaHpprnii,    roproEjie   m  njOM,/   wreeTCH 
pHA   aanncer,    CH-^aHHhix  . -..x ...... x,..;^-;..,    OMebiiAHO,    ajih  naMHTz, 

KaK  yKasaHiiH   H('Moukoi"   KOveHAaTypu   CMo;ieHCKa, 

ii3   STMx  sanMce-/   ,40CTaT0HH0  qoTKO  BU].MCOBbiEaeTCH  Kpyr 
BOnpocoR,    KOTOpbiMK   3aHi^Ma;iocb  l^np-chJieHvie  popoAa,    KaK  opraH, 
Bfaino/iHHBuiHi^   Bce  yKa.^aHUH  Hever.Kon  KowaHAOHaH/K . 



na  ne]  pux   'r{(;x  crifiHuuex   C;iOKHOTa   liO^T  o^ho  m.-uioh. 
noiH^OK   0!  rf;HM3aunM  ebpei-CKoro  "rtTTo"    i:  c/c'tMa  ]  fjri].fcciij', 
KOTOpi-se  AOJirrpu   y  r-hpoHf  nj  •/veHH"'LCH. 

ha  r'vifi.Hvii-;e    j.0-o:',   mve'-icHHofl  15  ahrycTf-   ..  n   ro,;a, 

."ilif.  Mt-TCH  : 

"I-CeX     ^-     ■•■■?  '-,:-l^-.     nO.'i  ■r'Oh     BOf-HHOIIJli   HHI^IX     3.  .^crA-ilKaTL 

Ha  cTjaHi^:'-     l.,-ov     ' ;  t  :■    ,,■.•;';;'    r<?ir:i-caHO: 

";.04HT   JIM   C]',,!'    H-  '-' ji'  ;•;;■  n   c;:yxi:   o  ]accr{  ^;;e    no.-}  ;;kkx 

BOeiiHOnJlOHHblX     B     :iO:' .     TOJ  .     /..  MHOPy/"  . 

iia    n«  }  pof-   3f!n/0K  «PCTpyt;7,    i-o-::«  :  bux,    mto   II  a;-rycT& 
r.-'il    ro,i,n  FOf  Hiior;.-'  i-!':'    :  "i;^ .' -';■   .;;     n^ /.i,,/-;i'''F    b  pai'.OKO  Cwo- 
;iiHCKa  11,    PO-BTO}  ::.ix ,    UTO   oHi"   f-.  «-CT^Oi-b;"-a.Ti'Ci   H(  mi  ;••,.-:;;  i.'.i^   EJiac- 


!.T0|  an    ■•^.aiincB   cpi»,;   t'   o  tom,    mto  H(»'t:;KOe   ko- 
MaH40>^aH;:f. ,    o6' cnoxof.;;   O'     ho;^ •"J-i'OCTfc'-ci  ii_  OHi^.cHOhOHi'H  c.iyxop 

O    COBf.jUihH  Hot/     V\V     H]      C'"y!!.iiHHH     H    <" ;  '  ^y     Tf  fa.-:4aHCK0  TO    -iaCf;.!  •;- 

HMK,    cnti:najiBHO  ^  yk-a.-'aH^fH   o   ji^jhcrKt;  r-^Toro  cnoero  n]e^- 

nO.TO;KOH/H  . 

jl..ii:r.,    KOTOjui'   y ::"'}■:' Hh ■  --r-/    u    •!i;:i'cM,    bi.n   na  uij;I:HI'.-:om 
pyc  'KO/    r.o.iKr.i^/  Cmoji*  HrjKa   h   ..   j  !'.->    •'■  c--;::j  •  ro  OKKynai:!*/.. 


.lofi^  V  .  .iiL,     i'.j,..^..    .Uj.     i.r^^J  ^O    .TLi^xijl 

iHHOM    i.J-i^-nO    r.r.     O&'TtH    HOeHH:-iq    OtjCTaHOK :-'?).    i.t;2K0    l'a-,:,H;'.- 
/laCb    He    H    nOJlbSV    Hf;>1i;fiB.     UO-^HH  iH    MO:':h    oOhcTCKOrO    uOhj?.H    BOe    J'c;;- 
JlUBaj'dCh,    -ri^UHi'HMe    uwur    c    CO- •     :v-: \"  !     ■      '-'io.     ,0!,'ri;    '■:::'.":^    :^    -•< 
Ha  nncBOKannK),    iicno;ib30Bap  ;-;ia   :5to.'   :',-iji.i  JiJior^-.-HH/m,    cot-rj  ,,-;HH:.;e 
HK«/   B   .^TKHCKO!'   .'lecv ,    '^   no^iivfrriH   IK     )prm%M   uoi-.utcko,     h::-xCT:^.. 
<J7-m:,  OHH  raccMMTi:Ba>i;i   nocco[.iiiTB  n''ccKi<x   c   no/.H/.f-:'   m    /(aMecTn 
cjio.jiu  CBoero   np'.CT-T.;i -huh. 

bHaiMftHHHK   cp;:'..    .•''n'^i^H')  ovojit- HCK'T po   o-H.a  A .  i.i..'riio&,i!':H   noA-a- 

",..".oc^T;?  wTariHHrpaflCKnx  co&?JTHi.,    Korr,'L   HHv.-rj:  roM^BOTnOBa- 

0''ir<  roHiv :-;,    'JTO    "Heh^:!K   CBO:i    .';e;ia   noi;-   .  ;■    ■-■?". 

i.n'.icT^'iijfb  X  mrroTOBKe   KaTKHCKo..   n'<oBo-'a:!i'!/,    H-;i/:ih,    b    nur^- 

P"'0;B,     .latlHJUlCb    i  O ;-!(.;  KaWil    "  01,  %"»i,-T' '/leil"  ,     OTOni^'    I-or;:;;    '  (, 

noA   Bosr^si'f''^ '■':!??'  'TOBOpop,    nof^f^na   iiJi;*  ^Tr.oa   t'^tb   'iy-r-iK','   'lej/.-iaf: 

rj-i'M' ifi-ic.   He'uioB   r!^'.;Bj;'.;K   ii;>o^.;ib  .h.  =  i,.   H.i   c-oe»    x^'Tor-.;   6;iK-,-<e 
BC'^-     •   ..m^   B  "..03b:ix   >o-)'i.x"    ,<-,hc.ThHHV.H     .'ce.ieb  !.arv.r;H   ]  vspw.iio- 
B!<m,    i,-7u   rc)/;H  fiO;i<r,-;Ht!H. 

•».i?CH;ieHa   B!'?B'i;!!'    b    recrano   eu:e    b   KOHue   l.-'-t-L.   rc;;a,    -4,    vpro- 

•«aH     :    .  ■■•  ^   ■  TV!;' ,     Tn,   *,it(-ri'      >?     .;   'PJ    J'   .Tb     B.- ,f-  !  i.i.-H  H  I  .  -     Ij  )  K'a,- ■..  i  U:    O 
TOM,     MTO    HMV,     H.-COCH,      .laBOCTHO,     KaK     BeCH   1..     1     '•-■-     l\---:    '.0;:B''J     bil  ;:' 

Ha  7saMfc  .'-'..aD,    p   "  .o-My-AA.   iOr^ax"    \>:xC'::->i^..,HnA   SvOc,:iHonji'--HH5.:K   :;ojin<Oh 


^o . 

06  3T0M    vAcenen  noKaaaji: 

"OceHBK)  I-'-x^  ^o^^Q■  Ko  yme  no?'ofe  npmix.v.  p^nfx  no;i4ueiiCKHx  w 
"peAiiowMJiM  HBi'.TbCfl   h  recTsino  na.  cTanuHK)  iHeajf.OBO.   o  tot  ve 
nenh  f  noraeji  b  recTano,    KOToooe  noMema;iocb  b  /iBvy.^TawHOM  jioue 
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93744  O— 52— pt.  3 5 


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niieHHbDC    nOJl«'KOB. 

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paSoMWM  rapa»a,   a  tao'i.epoM, 

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fipioK;*,    noJiOKW.TH   iia  cto/.  i:   nanajiM   Cktb  peanHOEuvn  najiKaMM, 

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yae  ohh  venn  paccT^'  .ih-ot. 

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v.  yrpo3  f^acoi'r.e.aa,    r.aji  .'io--<H!!f  noKaaaH;^^   'i  no;inHC''.;i  npoTOKOJi. 
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r^i^Tb   T-\M   CHOH    noKa.^aHHfl. 

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nOKas'-.HiiH,    TO   'fcnwTaHJ  ei'ie   ropaa/io  xyAUJee,    uew   nrnMT?-.ji   b  nnpHHii 
na3   B   recTano. 

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p'-Kv  w   CKaaaji  fH.--,    mto  >;   v  ahh.i  ir^'^cpv^-   w  vory  irt:i  aohok"  . 

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60H    0    PHBORe. 

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93744  O— 52— pt.  3 6 



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Haqajia  bo^hh,  ocraBajiHCb  T'au  v.  nocne  BTopweHMH  HeweiiKnx  OKKy- 
naHTOB  b  CwojieHCK  ao  ceHT,H6pH    i04i   r.    BK;iK)'-it?TejiBHo; 

2.  B  .-[aTMHCKOM  Jiecy  oceHbw   Il-ii    r.    npoK3Bo'MH;i/.Cb  HeMei.'KH- 

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njieHHHx  M3  BbiiueyKa3aHHbix  Jiarepei'; 

?.   "accoBue  jaccTpe;iu   uojihCKvx   hoeHKonjioHHux  b  .^aTUHCKOw 
Jiecy  npoK3BOAH;io  HeweuKoe   BoeHHoe  yqpe:*cAeHHe,    CKpHEaBmeeoi   no4 
ycjiOBHbiM  HaviiAeHOB&HKeu  "ujTa5,L37   cTpoi'.Te;iBHoro   G  -TavibOHa"  ,    bo 
rjiaBe  KOTOporo  ctoh;im  oSepcT-jieKTeHaHT   .ii-ui!.G  m  ero  coTj-yAH/iKM   - 
o6ep-jie?.'v>iH&HT  ri^iiCT,   ,ie{*TOHaHT  j.oiT; 

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caTB  CBOH  coGcTBeHHue  3JiOAeHHHH  0|,raHafv!  coheTCKO'/    bJiacTH   b  pac- 
qeTe  noccopKTb  pyccKHx  c  nojinnaMn; 

5.  b  3THX  i!e;;Hx: 

a/   HeMenKO-'i'aujKCTCKne   naxBaTquKU,    ir/Tem  yroBopoB,    no- 
nbiTOK  noAKyna,    yrp03   m   Raj  EapcKiix   KCTHsanni',    cTaj-ajincB 


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HeMeiiKO-tijaiuMCTCKHt.    r-ny.  -p-T^'AKVi  nocji' A- '  f--'^oj; ). HO  ocy::(ecTp;i.4JiM 

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roc'/Aar  cTf  f.'HHOi'   .^ommcchk,    aKa^-' k'Hk 
/  u.i..::.Vi-^b.,..u  /. 

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aKa/ttiMMK     /AjieKcei^   'iu,.^'i'u,.  /, 

'LiPH    -ij.e.TBUMaf'HO"   i  ocy^a^r-Tf-eH-io!'     .ovkccmh   - 

-    '''MTpOnOnvn       /    ii/.;JJ;Jii.    /. 

Ilpf-AceAaTftjib  Kcec;iRBHHCKoro    .or'pT'jT^  r<'. n';].aji-;it,':"TeHaHT 

/    A.  J ,  i-J  .v^ji'o^    /  . 

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n   "  vf  acHOi'O   i,o/iyMOt:Hna"      /   :>  ,y. .  .-u..:.w..,...Od   /. 

i.apOAHL!''"   ..oi'viccnr'  l.}  or;:-;!"   hi^.h   iJ.Ji      n:-;aA'.'f.'iiK 
liaMaJibHMK  i;K-tHHoro   ,.o  ■Huo-'JaHMTfquo'^o  .Vii,  aM.'u.Hiw 
Lj'<-4CeAaT(  ;ib    Jvoji'.HCKoro  oLJiHcnoAKOwa     /  i'i-.L-u-.ub  /, 

24  HHBapfl   I^-'-i't   roAa,    roj  .   QMOjir-HCK. 


HfijiKCh  Jio-Ktnix   noKar-aHH!'   o  ro?/,    mto   i-oeHhonjieHHijc   fio.i.tkh  h.-coGdi 

OUJIH    ]  f  CCT!  ;Ji -ilLl     0]  rcHRMt!     GO'- •'•'"C  KOr     "-jIUCTK     EeCHO'/     ^.'lU    P.; 

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A^yrux  5'OCT   Tj-yiiu   ]  ficcT|  f.-zmh^ibix   ;;;.■/   "-ocKHonjieHiiDix  nojiHKOp   m 
CKJiaii  :Eaj!/    nx    h  |,a.sjUTb!e   fornjii-i     .arwucKoro  ;it,ca  c   it.CMe-TJM 
CKtbiTb   cjif.viH   ChOi'x   co'.CT  'Hhtix    p,J!04<.>i H M/    H  ;/ p'-.TV^M^TB   q;;c^io 

"■•KttjTB     'JOJlLlUeBKCTCKi:/.     .-<!^(]CTf-"     H      ^aTj.HCKOW    Jl'-iCV; 

p/    roT'jpHCB   K  cho-:'    n},o  -  ona'ii'.H ,    Hvytv.v.i^.t   OKKynaii/OHHue 
pjiacTH  A-TH   {.8f)0T   110  ja.TjtjT/K-.  vorK.i    P   .•.a'^b;HCK':)M  m  cy ,    i»:'.pjit Me- 
HMK)  OT'^y,;,a    vino^JiimaKiiu/x   vy.  ,,0Ky^';^•t1•T0•-    /    pei'u.cTpcHHiiX  ^^onasa- 

Tf'/tlCTE     MCnOJIbnO-'.Tl'!    4O    OOw     iVfCKnX     HOeH  HOiUf  H>.blX ,     KOTOjUe 

no   cujiojiHPHi'V*   T'TO'-    t  ;-.■:. ©■"N    6;>iji/   H'  ».v:ar.'/   ;  fccTj ',;:H:ia. 

b.     ^aHHUMl^    Cy4e''H0-MeAMIU1HCK'"j:'     :'KClU^J,.T/:^-a    C    H!  COVieHHOCTbK- 

yc^aHap/iHH&ii  TCH : 

a/    Pj'f  MH   })fccTj/(;ia     -     ocfnib    i.-ii    r.; 

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poeHHOnjif  HHHX   T'oro  kc-   cnoc)'.a   liycTOJit.'^Horo   PUCTttJia   p   :;?  ■^'•,:ok, 
koto:  hi'    iij  i'vt.'H/i;:cH   n»'H    iij  i*   vaccT- ix   v^r'C?■■ax  co- (  ?(:k/x   r]a-;- 
^aH   Fi  ,^]yrKx   roro^ax,    p   Mbc7Hoc*:r,    p   ^pT  ,    :o;oH<..:n^,    ..jacnoHa- 

f  f;     H     P    TOM    >•'       ^MOjlcHCKe. 

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3Kcnf;]Tii3u   0  jacc^p^ji*'  Hf:Mi;av/    BoehHon;:f-HiibiX  no-i/i-'OB  occkp-k)   i.-ii 
roAa  no.THOCTPK*  iio^.Tpei'-AhK-^cH    '•^<-iLf;G'"Pf;HHti>'/  ^0 'a.-'aTo.iicTpaMU   m 
AOKyi/eHTawji,    n.?F;ieM(  hhmi.'h   i^r^  kutuhc/hx  vori^ii; 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  Since  that  communication  has  been  read  into  the 
record  I  think  it  should  be  made  clear  that  when  they  speak  of  an 
official  investigation,  what  they  mean  is  an  all-Russian  investigation. 
1  think  that  should  be  made  clear  so  there  will  be  no  misunderstanding. 

Chairman  Madden.  That  is  right.  The  remarks  of  the  gentleman 
from  Michigan  are  part  of  the  record. 

The  first  witness  will  be  Dr.  Edward  Miloslavich.  The  doctor  will 
take  the  chair. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Mr.  Chairman,  Dr.  Edward  Miloslavich  is  a  witness 
before  your  committee  this  morning.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Inter- 
nationa] Commission  of  Medical  Authorities  taken  to  the  Katyn  mass 
graves  in  April  1948  at  the  time  of  the  German  investigation.  Will 
yon  swear  him  in. 

Chairman  Madden.  Doctor,  if  yon  will  stand  to  be  sworn.  Do  you 
solemnly  swear  the  testimony  you  will  give  in  the  hearing  about  to 
be  held  will  be  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth, 
so  help  you  God  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  I  do. 


Mr.  Mitchell.  Doctor,  will  you  state  your  full  name  for  the  pur- 
pose of  the  record,  please. 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Dr.  Edward  Lucas  Miloslavich,  spelled  L-u-c-a-s 

Chairman  Madden.  I  might  state  for  the  record  that  the  Doctor  is 
appearing  here  under  subpena. 

Chairman  Madden.  Doctor,  would  you  like  to  make  a  general 
statement,  or  would  you  like  to  start  your  testimony  and  then  have 
the  counsel  or  the  members  interrupt  you  from  time  to  time?  The 
committee  wants  you  to  select  whichever  way  you  would  like  to  pro- 
ceed. If  you  wish  you  may  make  a  general  statement  as  to  when 
you  first  became  familiar  and  knew  about  the  Katyn  massacres  and 
then  what  transpired  inmiediately  after  and  proceed  from  there  with- 
out interrruption.  Whatever  way  you  would  like  to  proceed  is  satis- 
factory to  the  committee. 

Mr.  Mitchefx.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  like  to  suggest  that  the 
doctor  identify  himself  and  give  the  connnittee  a  statement  of  his  own 
personal  background.  Then  I  would  like  to  ask  the  doctor  to  make  a 
statement  without  interruption  and  the  committee  may  interrogate 

Chairman  Madden.  Proceed. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Doctor,  where  were  you  born? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Oakland,  Calif. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  AVhen? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  December  1884. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  December  1884? 

Dr.  Mh.oslavich.  Yes. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Will  you  give  the  connnittee  a  brief  history  of  your 
own  personal  background  from  the  date  of  your  birth  until  the  time 
you  returned  to  Eui-ope? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  My  father  t(K)k  me  back  to  Europe  to  Austria 
when  I  was  a  child  of  approximately  7  years  to  give  us  an  Austrian 


education.  He  sent  me  to  the  I^niversity  of  Vienna  and  I  studied 
medicine  at  the  University  of  Vienna  from  the  year  1903  up  until  the 
year  1908. 

In  December  1908  I  graduated  as  doctor  of  medicine.  Since  my 
student  time  up  to  date,  which  means  now  approximately  45  years,  I 
am  studying  mainly  the  dead  human  body.  During  the  year  of  the 
Second  Balkan  War  in  the  summertime  of  1913,  I  was  there  with 
the  European  war  authorities  studying  the  effects  of  the  gunshot 
wounds  upon  the  human  body.  I  had  opportunity  to  perform  my  first 
exhumation  at  that  time.  Then  when  the  First  World  War  started 
in  July  1914  I  went  to  Serbia  at  that  time  in  January  1915,  and  I  had 
also  opportunity  not  only  to  do  my  pathological  studies  but  also  to 
exhume  several  bodies  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  criminal  actions. 

At  that  time  1  exhumed  two  women  who  had  been  buried,  one, 
3  years  and  3  months  and  the  other  one,  3  years  and  7  months,  ample 
op])ortunities  to  see  how  the  human  body  decomposes  and  decays. 

Then  afterward,  after  the  end  of  the  First  World  War,  I  returned 
to  the  land  of  my  birth  and  assumed  a  position  as  professor  of  path- 
ology and  medico-legal  pathology  at  the  ITniversity  of  Marquette, 
Milwaukee,  AVis.,  in  which  State  I  was  working  up  to  July  1934. 

Prior  to  that  time  I  had  great  opportunities  to  work  as  a  criminolo- 
gist in  the  State  of  Wisconsin  as  medical  adviser  to  different  district 
attorneys  and  as  coroners'  physician  throughout  the  State  of  Wis- 
consin and  was  very  well  familiar  not  only  with  the  criminal  actions 
performed  and  establishing  how  to  examine  a  criminal  affair,  but  at 
the  same  time  to  exhume  the  bodies  after  they  had  been  buried  a 
certain  period  of  time,  endeavoring  to  establish  the  cause  of  death 
and  to  establish  the  wounds  which  the  interred  individual  suffered. 

In  the  year  1934  I  received  a  call  from  the  University  of  Zagreb, 
Croatia,  a  province  which  used  to  belong  to  the  old  Austro-Hungarian 
Empire,  and  I  accepted  that  position  because  I  was  called  by  the 
Government  to  establish  an  institute  of  legal  medicine  and  crimi- 
nology, because  that  country  didn't  have  methods  how  to  investigate 
crime  scientifically.  1  had  opportunity  to  organize  an  efficent,  well- 
equipped  institute  and  to  show  to  my  assistants,  to  the  youngsters,  how 
crime  should  be  investigated,  always  in  a  firm  endeavor  to  return  to 
Am.erica  as  soon  as  I  finished  my  work. 

Chairman  Madden.  Could  I  interrupt  you.  Doctor,  if  you  get 
tired  standing,  you  may  take  the  chair. 

Dr.  MiLosLAVicH.  I  am  very  comfortable,  thank  you.  I  talk  bet- 
ter standing. 

In  the  middle  of  my  work,  while  I  was  completely  independent 
from  anybody,  the  Hitler  war  started. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  When  you  say  in  the  middle  of  your  work,  where 
was  your  work  at  that  particular  time  'i 

Dr.  Mieoslavich.  In  Zagreb. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  In  Zagreb. 

Dr.  MiLosLAvicH.  Yes. 

Mr.  Macrowicz.  Zagreb  is  where? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAVicH.  Croatia,  now  a  part  of  Yugoslavia. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  What  was  your  official  position  there  at  that  time  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAVicH.  I  was  professor  of  legal  medicine  and  crimi- 
nology and  director  of  those  institutes  at  the  University  of  Zagreb. 


At  tlie  same  time  I  was  teaching  legal  medicine  at  the  theological 
faculty,  the  significance  of  legal  medicine  to  the  clergy. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Doctor,  will  you  give  us  youi"  definition  of  the  term 
"legal  medicine"  as  it  pertains  to  the  European  meaning  of  the  word 
and  the  American  meaning  of  the  word  ^ 

Dr.  MiLOSLAVicH.  In  our  country  we  have  here  the  expression  foren- 
sic medicine,  which  corresponds  to  the  European  conception  of  legal 
medicine,  the  application  of  theoretical  and  practical  legal  medicine 
to  law. 

Mr.  MiTCHFXL.  Will  you  continue  your  statements 

Dr.  Miu)SLAViCH.  In  the  year  1940-41  throughout  that  territory 
of  Yugoslavia  there  were  many  cases  of  slaughtering.  I  had  again 
opportunity  to  exhume  those  bodies  and  to  prove  what  kind  of  atroc- 
ities were  performed.  One  day — I  don't  remember  exactly  when  it 
was^ — it  was  approximately  around  the  14th  or  15th  of  March  1940 — 
I  read  in  the  papers  that  the  Germans  discovered  big  graves  where 
hundreds,  maybe  thousands  of  people,  Polish  soldiers  and  officers  had 
been  buried. 

Chairman  Madden.  Did  you  say  that  was  in  1940  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAviCH.  1940,  correct. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Are  you  sure  it  wasn't  later? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAviCH.  Excuse  me.  I  made  a  mistake.  You  are  right, 

Chairman  Madden.  1943. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Where  did  you  read  that,  Doctor  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  In  a  local  paper. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  A^'^lere  were  you  at  that  time? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  In  Croatia,  in  Zagreb. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  What  was  tl>e  approximate  date? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  I  don't  know  exactly.  I  have  no  notes  or  any- 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  At  that  time  Croatia  was  occupied  by  the  Germans; 
is  that  correct  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  That  is  correct.  That  newspaper  notice,  I  think 
it  was  somewhere  around  the  13th,  14th,  15th,  something  like  that,  of 
April  1943.    I  think  I  have  that  straight. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  say  you  read  that  in  a  German  paper? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  No;  in  a  Croatian  paper.  Then  I  was  greatly  in- 
terested to  see  those  graves,  greatly  interested  to  see  the  decay,  the 
decomposition  of  human  bodies,  to  study  that  and  to  endeavor  to  estab- 
lish for  how  long  a  time  they  had  been  buried.  I  went  to  the  diplomatic 
representative  of  Germany  and  offered  my  services.  I  said  I  w^ould 
be  very  happy  if  he  would  help  me  to  go  to  Smolensk  or  Katyn  so  I 
could  examine  those  graves. 

He  was  very  kind,  but  he  said  to  me,  "I  have  no  instructions  from 
Berlin  that  you  can  go." 

In  the  meantime.  Professor  Walz,  W-a-l-z,  a  German,  a  professor  of 
international  law,  who  was  a  good  friend  of  mine,  arrived  at  Zagreb  the 
next  day,  and  I  was  talking  to  him  if  he  could  help  me  so  that  I  could 
go  to  Katyn.  The  next  day  I  received  permission  to  go.  The  Germans 
said,  "We  have  no  authorization  to  pay  your  expenses." 

I  replied,  "I  don't  care  for  that.    I  will  pay  my  own  expenses." 


So  the  next  day  I  left  Zagreb  and  I  arrived  in  Berlin  on  the  2Tth — 
maybe  I  am  again  mistaken — the  27th  of  April  1943.  They  had  tele- 
phoned them  and  they  knew  I  was  coming.  Then  they  said  to  me  and 
informed  me  that  a  commission  has  been  put  together  of  internation- 
ally known  men  in  Europe,  and  they  will  put  me  as  a  member  of  that 
commission.  Since  more  than  half  of  those  men  I  knew  personally  I 
was  very  glad  to  be  together  with  them. 

The  next  day  we  left  by  airplane  for  Smolensk. 

Chairman  ^NIaddex.  This  was  a  voluntary  mission  on  your  part? 

Dr.  MiLosLAvicH.  For  my  part,  yes;  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Doctor,  can  you  recall,  or  Avould  you  prefer  to  tell 
us  later,  the  names  of  the  individuals  wlio  went  with  you  to  Katyn,  the 
doctors  or  anybody  else  in  your  party  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAVicH.  I  don't  recall,  but  I  can  tell  you  a  few  of  the 

Chairman  Madden.  He  can  put  that  in  the  record  later. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Go  on  with  your  story  and  the  committee  will  inter- 
rogate later. 

Dr.  MiLOSLAVicii.  I  know  some  of  the  names. 

Chairman  Madden.  All  right,  if  you  can  recollect  them,  all  right, 

Dr.  MiLOSLAviCH.  Professor  Palmieri,  from  Italy,  from  the  Univer- 
sity of  Naples.  Then  Professor  Orsos,  Franz  O-r-s-o-s,  from  the  Uni- 
versity of  Budapest. 

Mr.  Flood.  Is  that  the  professor  who  may  now  be  at  Heidelberg? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAVicH.  That  is  right.  Congressman. 

Mr.  Flood.  An  authority  on  legal  medicine. 

Dr.  IMiLosLA^Tcii.  Yes :  all  of  these  men  are  specialists  in  legal  medi- 
cine and  criminologv'.  All  of  them  have  chairs  in  the  leading  univer- 
sities of  Europe. 

Mr.  Flood.  Dr.  Palmieri  is  an  Italian? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAviCH.  He  is  an  Italian. 

Mr.  Flood.  Where  might  he  be  ?    Naples  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  I  suppose  he  is  either  in  Naples  or  in  Rome. 
Orsos  is  from  Budapest.  Then  Buerckle,  B-u-e-r-c-k-1-e,  from 

Mr.  Sheehan.  If  it  might  help,  I  have  the  official  names  in  the  list 

Dr.  MiL0SL.\vicH.  I  would  like  to  name  those  I  remember.  Then, 
Markoff,  M-a-r-k-o-f-f ,  from  Sofia,  Bulgaria,  Then  Professor  Naville 
from  Geneva,  Switzerland. 

Mr.  Flood.  Is  he  at  the  University  of  Geneva  now  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Yes ;  I  think  so.  I  left  Europe  several  years  ago. 
I  don't  know  exactly  what  is  going  on. 

Then  Tramsen,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  from  Helsingford,  no,  Copen- 
hagen, T-r-a-m-s-e-n.    Then  there  was  Speleers,  if  I  am  not  mistaken. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Machrow^icz.  Will  you  speak  a  little  louder?  I  think  there  are 
objections  from  those  attending  that  they  can't  hear. 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Speleers,  S-p-e-I-e-e-r-s,  from  Belgium.  There 
are  several  others  and  I  don't  remember  the  names. 

Then  there  was  the  representative  from  the  French  Government. 

93744— 52— pt.  3 8 


Mr.  Mitchell.  Of  the  French  Government? 

Dr.  Milosla\t:ch.  Of  tlie  French  Government. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Do  you  know  who  that  was  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Costedoat,  C-o-s-t-e-cl-o-a-t. 

Mr.  Flood.  Would  that  be  the  Vichy  French  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Yes. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Doctor,  did  these  other  members  that  went  with 
3'ou  at  any  time  tell  you  how  they  came  to  be  selected  ?  You  have  told 
the  committee  that  you  voluntarily  asked  to  go  because  of  your  basic 
interest,  that  you  had  been  studying  tliis  for  a  long  time.  Did  any  of 
these  other  doctors  whom  you  have  just  named  tell  j^ou  personally  how 
they  were  selected  to  go  to  Katyn  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  No  ;  we  didn't  talk  about  that,  so  far  as  I  remem- 
ber, but  I  know  that  all  of  them  went  of  their  own  initiative. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Of  their  own  initiative? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  So  far  as  I  know.    I  am  not  sure  of  that. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  May  I  ask  the  witness  about  these  other  doctors  who 
were  there?  Do  you  remember  a  doctor  by  the  name  of  Saxen, 
S-a-x-e-n  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Surely. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  From  Finland? 

Dr.  Miloslavich,  He  was  in  uniform.  I  know  him  very  well,  a 
wonderful  gentleman. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  And  a  Dr.  de  Burlett,  B-u-r-1-e-t-t,  from  the  Nether- 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  I  don't  recall  that  name. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Dr.  Subik,  S-u-b-i-k,  from  Slovakia. 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  No,  he  was  from  Czechoslovakia,  from  Prague. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Then  there  was  a  Dr.  Buhtz,  B-u-h-t-z. 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Yes. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Official  of  the  German  (Tovennnent  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Buhtz  was  quite  prominent  criminologist  and 
medico-legal  expert.  He  gave  us  enormous  help  at  Katyn  Forest. 
He  was  a  very  fine  gentleman.     I  am  sorry  to  say  he  was  killed. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  That  is  all.  Doctor.  Counsel,  all  the  witnesses  the 
doctor  remembers  plus  the  ones  he  didn't  remember  are  all  listed  in 
the  official  German  documents  as  being  present  there. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Yes. 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Then  when  I  arrived  in  the  Katyn  Forest  to- 
gether with  those  men,  12  of  us,  we  were  given  a  short  description  of 
the  position  of  the  graves.  One  big  grave,  a  very  large  grave,  I 
would  estimate  larger  than  this  room.  It  is  in  the  form  of  an  L.  The 
horizontal  part  of  the  L  was  I  don't  remember  now  how  many  meters 
or  feet  long.  And  in  the  L  here — anyway  they  were  in  threes  like  this, 
in  rows  up  to  12.  So  in  estimating  the  number  of  dead,  killed,  mur- 
dered Polish  officers  it  was  a  little  less  than  3,000  in  that  grave. 

Mr.  Flood.  Would  you  desci-ibe  the  size  of  the  grave  with  reference 
lo  the  size  of  this  room,  for  instance? 


Dr.  MiLOSLAvicH.  I  would  say  it  was  longer  than  this  room.  It 
was  narrower.  It  was  just  as  wide  so  that  you  could  put  three  bodies 
like  this. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Three  bodies  lengthwise. 

Dr.  MiLOSLAvicH.  No;  transversely. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  About  20  feet  wide? 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  estimate  how  many,  15  to  20  feet? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAvicii.  The  width? 

Mr.  Machroavicz.  The  width. 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  I  think  it  would  be. 

Mr.  Flood.  About  20  feet  wide  and  longer  than  this  room ;  is  that 
right  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  about  the  depth?  Have  you  any  idea  about  the 
depth  with  reference  to  the  ceiling  here?    How  deep  was  it,  about? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  I  would  say  this  depth. 

Mr.  Flood.  About  as  deep  as  this  room  and  a  little  longer  and  about 
20  feet  wide. 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  In  the  shape  of  an  L. 

Mr.  Flood.  Can  anybody  here  tell  us  how  high  this  ceiling  is  ? 

From  the  Floor.  Twelve  feet. 

Mr.  Flood.  Never  mind.    We  will  get  that. 

(Note.- — The  custodian  of  the  United  States  courthouse  in  Chicago 
subsequently  informed  the  committee  that  the  room  is  18  feet  high.) 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  To  get  a  pretty  accurate  estimate  of  how  many 
bodies  were  placed  in  that  grave,  I  asked  at  tliat  time,  that  they  should 
dig  deep  down,  close  to  the  end  of  the  horizontal  limb  of  the  L  in 
order  to  see  liow  many  layers  of  bodies  are  present.  Then  we  counted 
12  layers  of  dead  bodies.  I  remember  that  a  photograph  was  taken  of 
that  part  of  it,  because  the  (Termans  didn't  have  enough  help  and 
time  to  exhume  all  the  bodies.  Just  the  superficial  layers,  if  I  am 
not  mistaken,  somewhere  around  six  or  seven  layers  were  removed 
and  the  rest  remained  in  original  position. 

Mr.  Machrow^icz.  Were  these  layers  one  solidly  on  top  of  another 
or  was  there  any  ground  between  one  or  the  other  ? 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Counsel,  would  the  Doctor  like  to  identify  this  pic- 
ture?   This  is  the  German  version  of  Katyn. 

Dr.  Mn^osLAviCH.  Exactly,  that  is  it. 

Mr.  MACHR0^^^cz.  Your  answer  is  that  there  was  no  ground  between 
them ;  is  that  right  ?    Solid,  one  on  top  of  another  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Exactly  like  that  picture? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAATECH.  That  is  right. 

Chairman  Madden.  We  will  make  tliis  Exhibit  No.  5. 



(The  photograph  referred  to  was  marked  "Exhibit  No.  5"  and  is 
as  follows:) 

Mr.  MircHKLL.  Mr.  Sheehan,  woiilti  \  uu  inark  that  "Exhibit  5." 
Mi-.  Siieeiian.  I  will  turn  it  over  to  the  committee  as  soon  as  we  are 
through.    We  may  refer  to  it  further. 

Dr.  Mii,()8i.AviGii.  One  body  was  placed  on  top  of  the  other  one,  with 
thoii-  faces  down.  They  were  close  together,  nothing  between  them. 
All  the  bodies  were  dressed  in  Polish  ofKcers'  uniforms,  the  clothing 
being  winter  clothing,  underwear  and  the  nniform,  and  coats  on  some^ 
The  heads  were  downward.    One  body  like  this,  the  next  one  like  this, 


and  the  next  one  like  this  [indicating].  This  was  the  width  of  the 
grave.  Then  12  layers  down,  and  then  multiply  by  the  length.  I 
don't  remember  how  many  we  found  in  the  length.  Anyway,  at  that 
time  when  I  was  examining  and  making  my  own  estimations  I  didn't 
follow  anybody,  and  no  one  tried  to  give  me  any  advice  because  I 
knew  what  to  do.  I  estimated  approximately  2,870,  something  like 
that,  a  little  less  than  3,000  officers.  They  were  packed  completely 
together  by  decaying  fluids  of  the  human  body,  the  decomposing  fluids, 
which  started  to  penetrate,  to  imbibe,  to  infiltrate  every  dead  body 
in  there.  That  was  a  solid  mass  in  which  you  just  saw  skulls  you 
could  recognize  and  that  they  were  human  beings. 

Then  I  went  into  the  graves  and  studied  which  ones  of  them  would 
give  me  the  best  information,  what  the  dead  body  could  tell  us.  With 
the  help  of  two  Russian  peasants  I  picked  a  body,  and  slowly  and 
gradually — it  took  them  close  to  an  hour — they  removed  the  body  and 
brought  it  out.  I  examined  it  very  carefully  to  find  out  two  main 
points.  First,  what  was  the  cause  of  death.  Second,  how  long  a 
time  was  this  individual  buried.    Third,  who  he  was  ? 

In  examining  the  body  I  found  a  gunshot  wound  at  the  boundary 
between  the  back  of  the  neck  and  the  head.  The  Germans  gave  the 
expression  "nacken  schuss."  That  is  the  precise  description  of  the 
vShot  which  was  fired.  The  majority  of  them  had  just  one  shot,  because 
it  entered  in  here  [pointing  with  finger]  and  came  out  here  at  the 
root  of  the  nose,  which  means  the  head  was  bend  downward.  It  was 
administered  with  such  precision  that  the  medulla  was  completely 

Mr.  Flood.  I  tell  you  what  you  do:  You  take  Mr.  Mitchell  here, 
if  your  gun  isn't  loaded,  and  demonstrated  on  him  for  us,  will  you, 
just  at  what  point  at  the  base  of  the  skull  this  missile  entered  and  on 
what  part  of  the  face  was  the  point  of  exit. 

Dr.  MiLosLAvicH.  The  position  of  the  head  was  like  this  [demon- 

Mr.  Flood.  In  what  position  would  the  living  man  have  to  be  in 
your  judgment,  from  your  experience,  at  the  time  the  shot  was  fired, 
standing,  kneeling,  lying  down,  or  what,  mostly  likely. 

Dr.  MiLOSLAviCH.  Most  likely  kneeling. 

Mr.  Flood,  In  what  position,  show  us. 

Dr.  MiLosLAviCH.  Like  this. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Doctor,  you  have  to  tell  me  what  to  do. 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  I  will  guide  you.  It  was  shot  in  here.  You  have 
to  figure  that  the  bullet  is  going  always  straight.  If  I  take  this  line 
and  put  it  this  way  you  see  it  comes  out  here  [indicating].  The  head 
was  not  like  this  and  then  shot. 

Mr.  Flood.  Why? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Because  the  bullet  would  come  out  here. 

Mr.  Flood.  Witness  demonstrates  with  finger  at  the  base  of  the  skull 
of  cotnisel,  bullet  on  a  straight  line  shot  up,  coming  out  at  the  middle 
of  the  hairline.  If  sliot  down  as  you  indicated  in  your  testimony, 
where  would  the  bullet  exit  on  the  fact  of  the  exhibiter  'I 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  The  bullet  exit  would  be  approximately  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  root  of  the  nose. 

Mr.  Flood.  Between  the  eyes. 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  That  is  right,  or  a  little  above  or  a  little  below, 
but  in  this  region  here. 


Mr.  Flood.  In  the  area  of  the  forehead  or  between  the  eyes. 

Dr.  MiLosLAviCH.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  would  indicate  great  precision  and  skill  at  the 
time  of  the  discharge  from  the  base  of  the  skull  ? 

Dr.  MiLosLAvicH.  That  is  right. 

Mr,  Flood.  With  the  face  pointing  down  toward  the  ground  and 
the  victim  in  a  kneeling  or  bent  forward  position  ? 

Dr.  MiLosLAvicH.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  One  question  there :  You  do  not  mean  they  neces- 
sarily had  to  be  in  a  kneeling  position? 

Dr.  MiLosLAVicH.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  Most  likely,  in  any  case. 

Dr.  MILOSLAVICH.  Yes.    I  wasn't  present.    I  don't  know. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Doctor,  you  just  demonstrated  on  me  how  you 
thought  that  bullet  traveled.  I  would  like  for  you  to  tell  the  commit- 
tee why  you  say  that  bullet  would  come  out  here  in  the  forehead  as 
you  demonstrated  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAvicH.  I  have  shown  with  this  how  the  bullet  travels, 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Is  there  any  obstruction  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  He  has  the  gun  in  a  little  slanting  position,  like 
this,  and  consequently  if  it  goes  like  this  it  has  to  come  out  here 

Mr.  Flood.  Of  course.  Doctor,  you  didn't  examine  all  of  the  bodies 
in  the  grave  and  it  is  possible  because  of  that  fact  that  many  of  these 
killings  resulted  from  other  kinds  of  position  of  the  gun.  In  other 
words,  some  of  them  may  have  been  shot  standing  up,  some  of  them 
may  have  been  shot  kneeling  down,  or  some  not  shot  at  all  as  far  as 
you  know. 

Dr.  MILosLA^^CH.  Sure. 

Mr,  Flood.  But  what  you  saw  you  describe  as  you  are  now  pre- 
senting it. 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  On  how  many  bodies  did  you  make  a  post  mortem? 

Dr,  Miloslavich,  I  made  a  post  mortem  on  one. 

Mr.  Flood,  Yourself. 

Dr,  Miloslavich.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Now  that  I  have  interrupted  you,  you  said  the  Russian 
peasants  took  an  hour  to  get  this  one  body,  that  you  performed  the 
post  mortem  on,  out  of  the  grave. 

Dr,  Miloslavich.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  How  many  peasants  helped  you  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Two. 

Mr,  Flood.  Why  would  it  take  two  peasants  1  hour  to  get  one  body 
out  of  one  grave? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Because  they  were  all  packed  in  one  big  firm 
mass.    All  the  bodies  were  packed  together. 

M.  Flood.  You  mean  the  body  fluids,  as  a  result  of  the  decomposi- 
tion, composed  a  huge  sticky  mass  of  all  these  bodies;  is  that  it? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  That  is  right,  in  cold  weather. 

Mr,  Machrowicz.  When  was  it  that  you  were  there?  I  don't  think 
you  set  the  time.  What  month  was  it  that  you  made  this  post 
mortem  ? 

Dr,  Miloslavich.  When  I  was  in  that  grave  it  was  April  29,  1943. 


Mr.  Mitchell.  Doctor,  did  you  yourself  select  the  body  on  which 
you  did  the  post  mortem  or  the  autopsy  ? 

Dr.  MiLosLAvicH.  Surely. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  You  were  given  that  opportunity  freely  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAvicH.  Absolutely. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  What  layer  was  the  body  in  that  j^ou  selected  ?  You 
said  that  there  were  a  lot  of  layers.    AVliat  layer  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  I  couldn't  tell  you  that  exactly.  It  was  about,  I 
would  guess 

Mr.  Mitchell.  The  top,  the  middle,  the  bottom? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAviCH.  The  middle  of  the  grave,  the  middle  counting 
from  up  down,  the  middle  of  the  grave. 

Chairman  Maddex.  I  believe  it  would  be  well  now  if  the  doctor 
would  finish  about  his  investigation  of  the  skull  and  also  state  in  your 
opinion  as  a  doctor  what  you  think,  after  the  investigation  that  you 
made,  was  the  approximate  time  of  the  killing  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAvicH.  At  the  time  when  I  finished  the  post  mortem  ex- 
amination I  dictated  my  findings  right  there  at  the  burial  place  and 
gave  my  expert  opinion  as  to  the  cause  of  death  and  about  the  main 
cadaveric  changes  of  the  body.  Then  the  next  day,  late  in  the  after- 
noon, all  the  experts,  12  of  them,  together  with  Dr.  Buhtz — and  there 
were  two  more  German  specialists  there — got  together  and  every  one 
of  us  expressed  opinions  as  to  our  findings,  and  we  all  agreed  that  the 
bodies  were  buried,  approximately,  not  less  than  3  years  ago. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Die!  you  say  you  all  agreed  to  that  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Yes.  It  was  pointed  out  upon  which  facts  that 
opinion  was  based.  All  of  us  reported  that  death  was  caused  by  the 
gunshot  wounds  fired  from  the  immediate  proximity,  close  to  the  line 
of  the  back  of  the  head  and  back  of  the  neck,  so-called  nacken  schuss. 
I  repeat  that  name  because  it  is  the  best  name  for  it.  They  were  fired, 
of  course,  from  behind  in  the  direction  to  the  front,  with  a  shattering 
of  the  entire  skull  due  to  explosive  action  of  the  near  shot.  Powder 
marks  were  found  on  the  skull  itself,  and  I  found  it  also.  In  some 
instances  in  the  skulls  we  found  three  gunshot  wounds,  but  in  instances 
if  there  was  a  real,  well-placed  nacken  schuss,  there  was  just  one  shot 
because — I  want  to  explain  what  just  came  to  my  mind — because  the 
bullet  wound  which  enters  in  here  and  comes  out  here  passes  through 
the — I  have  to  give  it  in  technical  terms. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Please  give  it  in  technical  language. 
Dr.  Miloslavich.  Medulla  oblongata  and  pons  cerebri.  Those  are 
the  two  vital  points  in  the  human  iDrain.  If  you  destro}^  ajiy  one  of 
those  two,  death  is  instantaneous.  If  you  miss  that,  the  individual 
might  live  a  few  hours,  maybe  1  day  or  2  days.  That  is  the  reason 
why  in  a  few  cases  there  are  three  shots,  because  the  first  one  was  not 
fired  correctly. 

Mr.  Flood.  Since  you  stopped  there,  it  is  entirely  possible  that 
anybody  shooting  into  the  head  under  those  circumstances,  if  there 
were  many  shootings  at  the  same  time  and  everybody  was  very  busy 
and  in  a  hurry,  many  of  those  bodies  may  have  been  thrown  into  that 
grave  before  they  were  dead? 

Dr.  Milosla\t:ch.  I  don't  know  that. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  is  entirely  possible.     I  am  not  asking  your  opinion. 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  I  have  no  opinion  on  that. 


Mv.  Flood.  You  wouldn't  say  it  was  not  possible? 

You  have  no  opinion  about  that? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAviCH.  Very  well. 

Chairman  Madden.  Doctor,  could  you  explain  very  briefly  for  the 
record  how  you  could  scientifically  determine  by  the  wound  to  the 
skull  the  approximate  time  that  that  wound  wa^  inflicted  after  several 
years  had  passed? 

Dr.  MiLOSAvicii.  Sir,  that  is  impossible  in  instances  wliere  the  wound 
was  inflicted  2  or  8  years  ago,  because  the  age  of  a  wound  is  judged  by 
the  changes  one  can  see.  If  the  body  is  completely  decayed  and  the 
brain  mass  is  completely  dissolved,  you  can  only  state  that  that 
is  a  bullet  hole  and  here  is  a  bullet  exit,  but  how  old  that  is  from  the 
wound  alone  j^ou  cannot  tell  that. 

Mr.  Flood.  However,  from  your  experience  as  a  pathologist  over 
many  years  and  from  the  statement  that  you  luive  placed  on  our  record 
now,  you  could,  as  an  expert  pathologist,  be  able  to  determine  from 
all  the  circumstances  of  the  body  otherwise,  in  addition  to  the  wound, 
how  long  that  body  had  been  dead  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAviCH,  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  Later  on,  I  will  ask  you  how  long,  but  at  this  point  I 
will  ask  you  to  finish  your  statement.  But  that  could  be  done  and 
you  can  so  do. 

Dr.  ]\IiLOSLAViCH.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  In  order  to  get  these  dates  straight  for  the  committee, 
you  say  all  the  bodies  were  buried  not  less  than  3  years,  and  you  place 
this  date  at  April  28,  1943  ? 

Dr.  MiLosLAViCH.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Which  would  mean  that  all  bodies  were  put  in  the 
grave  prior  to  April  28,  1940  ? 

Dr.  MILOSLAVICH.  That  is  correct,  approximately.  One  month  more 
or  less. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  I  think  it  would  be  good  to  call  to  the  attention  of 
the  committee  members  tliat  at  this  time  the  Russians  were  in  control 
of  the  Smolensk  area  and  the  Germans  did  not  capture  the  area  until 
August  of  1941,  approximately  a  year  later. 

Chairman  Madden.  Doctor,  did  you  observe  tlie  boots  and  cloth- 
ing on  the  soldiers  and  officers,  as  to  tlie  type,  whether  they  were  in 
good  condition  or  bad  condition,  if  you  know  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Senator,  I  don't  remember  exactly,  but  I  know 
the  boots  were  in  pretty  good  condition.  The  heels  of  some  of  them 
were  a  little  bit  worn  out,  but  the  uniforms  were  perfectly  fitted. 
They  fitted  the  dead  body  completely,  very  nicely  buttoned  and  every- 

Chairman  Madden.  Were  all  of  the  dead  soldiers  officers? 

Dr.  Milosi^vvich.  So  far  as  I  saw,  what  I  saw,  all  of  them  were 
officers.  I  remember  two  generals,  I  remember  even  the  names  because 
I  was  deeply  impressed  to  see  them.  One  was  General  Bohaterowicz, 
and  the  other  one  was  (Jeneral  Smorawinski. 

Chairman  IMadden.  Did  you  observe  any  bodies  there  that  had 
clothing  on  otlier  than  army  officers? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Yes,  I  saw  one.    Tliat  was  a  chaplain. 

Chairman  Madden.  How  many  bodies  did  you  have  a  chance  to 
observe  as  to  clotliing,  just  roughly? 


Dr.  MiLOSLAvicH.  At  that  time  when  I  ^Yas  there  they  removed  980 
and  some,  close  to  1,000. 

Chairman  Madden.  Close  to  a  thonsand.  Doctor,  is  there  anything 
else  that  you  would  like  to  add  to  your  testimony  before  the  members, 
if  they  desire",  have  any  questions  to  ask? 

Dr.'  MiLOSLAVicH.  Senator,  I  don't  know.  I  think  I  have  covered 
everything  that  is  necessary. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  like  to  recess  for  a  minute. 
I  believe  the  doctor  would  like  to  have  a  short  rest. 

Chairman  Madden.  The  committee  will  recess  for  a  few  minutes. 

(Brief  recess.) 

Chairman  Madden.  The  committee  will  come  to  order. 

Mr.  Maciirowicz.  Mr.  Chairman,  before  the  witness  resumes  may 
I  make  an  observation  that  after  the  ruling  I  think  there  has  been  a 
little  misunderstanding  among  some  of  the  photographers  and  the 
press  as  to  the  extent  of  the  so-called  ban  on  the  pictures.  As  I  under- 
stand the  ruling  to  Jbe — and  I  would  like  to  be  corrected  if  I  am 
wrong,  Mr.  Chairman — it  is  that  if  a  witness  is  testifying  and  he  has 
no  objections  to  his  picture  being  taken,  pictures  may  be  taken  of 
him  while  he  is  testifying  ? 

Chairman  Madden.  If  the  witness  does  not  object,  that  is  permis- 
sible.    But  if  the  witness  objects 

Mr.  Maciirowciz.  I  hope  the  photographers  will  respect  the  wishes 
of  the  witness. 

Chairman  Madden.  I  might  say  if  the  Doctor  cares  to  he  may  sit 
down  while  he  is  testifying.     We  will  proceed. 

Mr.  Flood.  Doctor,  I  think  I  will  call  you  Professor  instead  of  Doc- 
tor, is  that  all  right? 

I))-.  MiLosLAvicH.  That  is  okay.     It  makes  no  difference. 

Mr,  Flood.  You  correct  me  if  I  am  wrong.  I  have  some  biography 
on  you,  and  you  correct  me  if  this  is  not  correct :  "Prof.  Edward  L. 
Miloslavich,  MD.  F.  A.  P.  H.  A."  I  suppose  that  means  Fellow  of 
the  Amei'ican  Public  Health  Association. 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  "F.  A.  A.  A.  S.,"  fellow  of  the  American  Academy  for 
the  Advancement  of  Science  ? 

Dr.  MmosLAVicH.  Correct. 

Mr.  Flood  (reading)  : 

Diploinate,  American  Board  of  Pathology ;  doctor  of  medicine,  honoris  causa, 
University  of  Vienna,  Austria. 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Correct. 
]\Tr.  Flood  (reading)  : 

Doctor  of  medicine,  honores  causa,  University  of  Breslau,  Germany. 
Dr.  Miloslavich.  Correct. 
^\r.  Flood  (reading)  : 

Director,  department  of  pathology,  DePaul  Hospital,  St.  Louis,  Mo.  Formerly 
ass(-ciate  professor,  pathologic  anatomy.  University  of  Vienna,  Austria.  Pro- 
fessor, pathology  and  bacteriology,  Marquette  University,  Milwaukee,  Wis. 
Professor,  legal  medicine  and  criminology.  University  of  Zagreb,  Yugoslavia. 
Honorary  professor,  pastoral  medicine,  theologic  faculty,  University  of  Zagreb, 

By  "pastoral  medicine,"  you  refer  to  that  part  of  your  teaching 
which  connects  legal  medicine  with  theology  ? 


Dr.  MiLOSLAvicH.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  have  had  in  your  experience  as  pathologist  and  as 
an  authority  on  legal  medicine  in  Europe  and  America  many  years 
of  experience  in  the  exhumation  and  the  post  mortems  of  the  human 
body ;  is  that  correct  ? 

Dr.  JNIiLosLAvicH.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  have  such  experience  in  those  two  categories 
before  your  investigation  of  the  bodies  at  the  Katyn  Forest  massacre  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAvicH.  Yes ;  I  did. 

Mr.  Flood.  Is  it  possible  for  you  and  is  it  possible  for  an  experienced 
pathologist  by  examining  the  human  body  and  its  condition  at  the 
time  of  exhumation  to  be  able  to  determine  within  reason  the  date  of 
the  burial,  the  time  of  the  burial?  Can  you  tell  about  how  long  a 
body  has  been  in  the  ground  by  examining  it  after  it  has  been  exhumed, 
from  the  condition  of  the  body  at  that  time,  based  upon  your  ex- 
perience as  a  pathologist  and  similar  exhumations  and  examinations  in 
the  past? 

Dr.  jVIiloslavich.  Yes ;  I  can. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  can. 

Dr.  Miloslavicii.  I  can. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  told  us  that  you  did  make  such  post  mortems  and 
exhumations  of  the  bodies  at  Katyn  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAvicH.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  made  such  an  examination  upon  one  body  your- 

Dr.  MiLOSLAVicH.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  describe  for  us,  without  going  into  complete 
detail,  but  some  detail,  Avhat  examination  you  performed  upon  that 
corpse  at  Katyn? 

Dr.  ]\IiL0SLAVicii.  I  paid  particular  attention  to  the  process  known 
as  adipocere 

Mr.  Flood.  May  I  interrupt  to  point  out,  this  answer  will  of  neces- 
sity have  to  be  highly  technical.  Will  you  make  it  as  technical  as  you 
wish,  and  take  time  to  spell  out  for  the  clerk  whatever  technical  ter- 
minology you  wish  to  use. 

Dr.  Miloslavicii.  I  am  sorry  I  have  to  use  that. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  it  your  way. 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Adipocere,  a-d-i-p-o-c-e-r-e,  in  plain  English 
would  be  saponification.  In  other  w^ords,  it  will  be  the  formation  of 
soap.  When  a  body  decays  in  an  environment,  in  a  soil,  in  the  earth 
which  is  humid  or  contains  water,  ground  water 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  any  of  those  elements  present  at  the  grave  at 

Dr.  Miloslavicii.  You  mean  adipocere? 

Mr.  Flood.  Humidity  or  water. 

Dr.  Miloslavicii.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wliicli  one  or  both  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavicii.  On  the  outside  water,  inside  humidity. 

Mr.  Flood.  Go  ahead. 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  They  form  adipocere.  Adipocere  alone  is  not 
conchisive  as  to  the  exact  time  when  the  body  was  buried,  because  adi- 

gocere  under  certain  circumstances  can  develop  within  the  first  year, 
lut  then  you  have  to  study  the  musculature,  cut  into  the  muscles  and 


see  if  the  muscles  contained  adipocere,  because  adipocere  will  appear 
in  the  muscle  at  the  end  of  the  complete  decay.     That  is  point  one. 

I  examined  that,  Senator.     I  examined  that. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  find  that  element  to  be  present? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAviCH.  Yes,  I  did,  in  the  muscles  of  the  gluteal  region, 
in  the  muscles  in  the  depth  of  the  thigh,  and  iiX  muscles  known  as  ileo 

Mr.  Flood.  That  first  element  was  present,  and  was  it  present  in  a 
sufficient  degree  to  permit  you  to  make  a  conclusion  ? 

Dr.  MiLosLAVicH.'  Quite. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  your  second  element  ? 

Dr.  jMiloslavich.  If  I  may  continue  with  the  element. 

Mr.  Flood.  Go  ahead. 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  To  be  absolutely  positive,  I  removed  parts  of 
those  adipocere  muscles  and  took  them  along  to  my  institute,  to  my 

Mv.  Flood.  You  took  part  of  the  body  with  you  ? 

Dr.  MILOSLA\^cH,  No,  no,  the  muscles. 

Mr.  Flood.  Part  of  the  muscle.     That  is  part  of  the  body. 

Dr.  MiLOSLAvicH.  Sure. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  took  it  where  ? 

Dr.  ISliLOSLAVicH.  I  got  it  at  Katyn  and  took  it  down  to  Zagreb. 

]Mr.  Flood.  After  you  left  the  forest. 

Dr.  MIL0SLA\^cH.  x\fter  I  left. 

Mr.  Flood.  All  right,  go  ahead. 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  In  order  to  make  miscroscopic  examinations  of  the 
muscle  to  see  if  there  is  any  structure  of  the  muscle  still  present. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  take  any  other  part  of  the  body  from  the  Katyn 
Forest,  that  same  body,  to  Zagreb  with  you,  other  than  the  muscle? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAVTCH.  Yes,  I  did. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  part  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAvicH.  I  took  the  skull. 

Mr.  Flood.  Go  ahead. 

Dr.  MiLOSLA%^CH.  In  examining  microscopically,  the  muscle,  which 
was  changed  by  adipocere,  I  noticed  that  the  entire  structure  of  the 
muscle  was  completely  destroyed  by  the  saponification.  I  could  not 
see  any  muscle  fibers,  no  striation  of  the  muscle  substance. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wait  a  minute.  That  examination  that  you  made  micro- 
scopically you  made  at  your  laboratory  in  Zagreb? 

Dr.  MIL0SLA\^cH.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  Some  time  subsequent  to  your  examination  at  Katyn? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAVTCH.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  the  microscopic  examination  you  made  at  Zagreb 
some  time  subsequent  to  the  examination  you  made  on  the  scene  at 
Katyn  confirm  the  conclusion  you  reached  at  Katyn  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAVTCH.  Correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  Go  ahead. 

Dr.  MiLOSLAVTCH.  My  microscopic  examinations  proved  that  my 
diagnosis,  and  the  diagnosis  of  my  colleagues,  was  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wliat  is  the  second  element  present  at  the  exhumation, 
at  your  post  mortem  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAVTCH.  The  second  element  was  the  presence  of  a  peculiar 
change  found  in  the  cavity  of  the  skull,  which  was  detected  by  Pro- 


fessor  Orsos.  The  body  I  examined  didn't  have  it,  but  the  body  of 
Orsos  did.  He  was  standing  close  to  me  when  he  was  making  his  post 
mortem  examination,  and  he  called  me  over  and  I  had  opportunity 
to  examine  also  that  change,  which  is  more  or  less,  I  will  say,  absolutely 
conclusive  that  the  body  was  more  than  3  years  under  the  ground. 

Mr.  Flood.  Palmeiri,  Orsos,  yourself,  and  some  of  the  other  experts 
present  were  performing  post  mortems  upon  different  bodies? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAviCH.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  all  close  to  each  other  in  the  same  immediate 
area  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAviCH.  Yes,  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  A  few  feet  apart,  a  few  yards  apart? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  Was  the  body  on  a  table,  on  the  ground  ?     Where  was  it? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAviCH.  On  a  table. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  have  instruments  for  the  purpose  of  making 
the  post  mortem? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAvicH.  Sure. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  had  them  with  you. 

Dr.  MiLOSLAvicii.  No.     They  gave  them  to  me. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  search  for  any  otlier  element  besides  the  two 
you  have  indicated? 

Dr.  MiLosi-AvicH.  I  examined,  of  course,  the  entire  organs  and  found 
processes  of  drying  and  mummification. 

Mr.  Flood.  Based  upon  your  experience  as  a  pathologist,  based  upon 
the  record  you  have  given  us  of  your  experience  at  exhumations  and 
post  mortems  performed  upon  exhumed  bodies  before  you  went  to 
Katyn,  based  upon  the  statement  you  have  just  made  as  to  the  post 
mortem  you  performed  upon  this  particular  body,  in  addition  to 
the  examination  you  made  of  the  skull  of  tlie  body  being  posted  by 
Dr.  Orsos  and  brought  to  yovu-  attention  and  examined  by  you.  what 
in  your  expert  opinion  would  be  the  period  of  time  that  the  bodies 
were  buried  at  Katyn,  about? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAVicii.  I  estimated  more  than  3  years. 

Mr.  Flood.  Doctor,  I  asked  you  why  it  took  two  Russian  peasants 
so  long  to  remove  one  body  from  the  grave  at  the  time  that  these 
bodies  were  first  observed  by  you,  and  you  told  us  that  it  was  because 
the  bodies  w^ere  packed  in  as  a  result  of  certain  body  fluids  present 
and  decomposition. 

Dr.  Mtloslavicii.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  Would  you  say  that  the  fluids  which  enuiuated  from 
these  decomposed  bodies  would  be  such  a  fluid  and  of  such  a  nature 
and  of  such  a  degree  of  fluidity  at  that  time  as  to  confirm  your  estimate 
that  they  were  present  in  the  grave  about  3  years? 

Dr.  Mtloslavicii.  Congressman,  I  will  not  pay  very  much  atfention 
to  that  in  the  estimation  of  time. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  fact  i-emains  that  they  were  in  a  mass  because  of 
the  fluids  from  the  bodies? 

Di'.  MiLosLAvicH.  That  is  i-ight. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  is  not  contributory  to  your  couclusion? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAviGii.  Correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  in  Zagreb  at  the  tiuie  the  Germans  moved  into 
Zaareb  ? 


Dr.  MiLosLAvicH.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  are  a  Croat ;  your  ancestry  is  Croatian? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAVicH.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  suppose  you  are  a  Roman  Catholic  if  you  are  a  Croa- 
tian, aren't  you? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAAicii.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  continue  to  teach  in  the  University  at  Zagreb 
when  the  Nazis  were  in  there  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  Surely. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  a  collaborateur  with  the  Nazis? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAvicH.  No ;  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  them. 

Mr.  Flood.  How  did  you  hold  the  job  if  you  were  not? 

Mr.  MiLosLAVicH.  I  clid  nothing  but  teach  at  the  university. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  anybody  ever  charge  you  or  accuse  you  or  identify 
you  of  being  a  collaborateur  with  the  Nazis  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAVicH.  It  may  be  people  who  didn't  like  me. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  ever  screened  or  examined  by  the  American 
forces  after  we  took  over  on  that  charge  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAVicH.  Oh,  yes.  I  was  screened,  so  far  as  I  can  remem- 
ber, four  times. 

Mr.  Flood.  By  Americans? 

Dr.  MiLosLAviCH.  By  American  authorities. 

Mr.  Flood.  Intelligence  officers. 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  That  is  right,  CIC. 

Mr.  Flood.  CIC. 

Mr.  ]\IiTcnELL.  Where? 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  so  screened  ? 

Dr.  ^NIiLOSLAViCH.  Oh,  yes,  I  was  screened  in  Cell  Am  See.  Then 
I  was  screened  in  Salzburg  then  I  was  screened  in  Vienna.  Then  again 
I  was  screened  by  the  Army  in  Salzburg. 

Mr.  Flood.  A^"ere  you  ever  a  member  of  any  Nazi  societies? 

Dr.  MiLosLAvicH.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  Academic,  scientihc,  or  political  of  any  kind? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  the  result  of  the  screening?  Did  they  pass 
you  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Every  American  who  was  over  there  during  tlie 
war  had  to  be  screened. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  are  an  American  citizen. 

Dr.  ]MiLosLA-\TCH.  Surely, 

Mr.  Fi^)0D.  You  were  screened. 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wliat  was  the  result  of  the  screening? 

Dr.  IMiLosLAwcH.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  the  result  ? 

Dr.  MiLosi^wicH.  Nothing  was  found  against  me.  So  I  could  go 
home  any  time  I  wanted  to. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  okay,  is  that  it? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Surely. 

]\Ir.  Flood.  I  asked  these  questions  because  it  is  interesting  to  me 
to  find  out  when  you  got  to  Berlin  you  were  named  on  this  commission 
that  the  Germans  were  going  to  send  to  Katyn. 


Dr.  MiLosLAvicii.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  How  were  you  approached?  Did  you  approach  them 
or  did  they  approach  you? 

Dr.  MiLosLAviCH.  I  approached  them. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  know  there  was  going  to  be  a  commission  ? 

Dr.  MiLosLAviCH,  Surely. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  ask  them  to  go  on  it? 

Dr.  MiLosLAViCH.  I  told  them  1  would  like  to  be  present,  that  I 
w^ould  like  to  have  an  opportunity  to  examine  those  bodies  and  they 
said • 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  your  interest  ?    What  did  you  care  about  it  ? 

Dr.  MiLosLAviCH.  I  went  there  from  a  purely  scientific  point  of 

Mr.  Flood.  You  want  us  to  believe  that  as  soon  as  you  heard  this 
story  in  Zagreb  as  a  student  of  pathology  and  of  legal  medicine,  you 
merely  wanted  to  go  there  to  see  what  this  looked  like? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAviCH.  That  is  the  point. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  is  how  you  got  to  Berlin? 

Dr.  MiLosLAviCH.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  At  your  own  expense  ? 

Dr.  MiLosLAviCH.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  want  to  find  out  when  you  got  to  Berlin  were  you 
briefed  by  the  Germans?  Were  you  taken  into  a  room?  Were  you 
give  a  sales  talk  ?  Were  you  high  pressured  ?  Was  your  arm  twisted  ? 
Were  you  briefed  or  threatened  ? 

Dr.  MiLosLAviCH.  No,  no. 

Mr.  Flood.  They  just  put  you  on  the  commission  and  away  you 

Dr.  MiLosLAVicH.  The  German  pathologist  and  experts  on  legal 
medicine  knew  me  very  well  when  I  was  at  Marquette  and  when  I 
returned  to  Europe  because  I  attended  their  scientific  meetings.  I 
lectured  at  their  meetings.    They  knew  me  very  well. 

Mr.  Flood.  Are  you  telling  us — and  you  are  under  oath — that  there 
was  no  pressure,  no  duress,  no  threats,  and  no  intimidation  as  against 
you  or  anybody  identified  with  you  by  the  Nazi  Germans  at  anj^  time 
during  the  time  you  served  on  the  German  Katyn  Commission  or  to 
get  you  to  sign  or  make  a  report  favorable  to  the  Germans  and  against 
the  Russians? 

Dr.  INIiLOSLAViCH.  Mr.  Congressman,  I  can  say  that  regarding  my 
own  person  I  was  not  intimidated,  and  all  those  words  you  used. 
Nothing  was  done  to  me.  I  went  there  only  for  the  purpose  of  scien- 
tific examination,  I  didn't  care  who  killed  them,  what  killed  them, 
what  happened.  I  was  just  interested  to  establish  how  those  men  had 
been  killed  and  how  long  a  time  they  had  been  killed.  That  is  all  my 
interest.  My  interest  was  just  exhumation  and  study  of  the  exhumed 
human  body.  I  did  not  contribute  anything  to  save  the  Germans, 
to  give  a  reputation  to  the  Germans  or  anything  of  that  kind.  I 
didirt  do  anything  to  mention  who  did  it  or  how  it  was  done. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  answer  is  "No"  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAvicii.  The  answer  is  "No." 


Mr,  Machrowicz.  Mr.  Witness,  I  believe  you  mentioned  that  one 
of  the  experts  who  was  there  with  you  was  Dr.  Markoff. 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  He  is  from  Bulgaria? 

Dr.  JMiLOSLAViCH.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Machrowicz,  You  knew  him  personally  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  I  met  him  there.     I  knew  him  by  reputation. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You-  did  not  know  him  until  you  arrived  at 
Katyn  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  INIachrowicz.  Did  he  also  conduct  an  autopsy  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  Yes;  he  did. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  he  also  make  a  finding? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  Yes;  he  did. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  remember  what  his  findings  were  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  I  don't  recall.     It  was  similar  to  our  findings. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  It  was  not  contrary  to  your  findings  or  you  would 
have  remembered  it? 

Dr.  IMiLosLAvicH.  No.  He  didn't  say  anything.  He  agreed  with 
everyone  who  was  there,  all  12  men. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  he  sign  the  report  which  you  signed  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  Yes;  he  did. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Was  there  any  compulsion  upon  you  or  anyone 
else  to  sign  the  report  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  There  was  no  compulsion  on  me. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Or  upon  Dr.  Markoff,  if  you  know  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  I  don't  know. 

]\Ir.  Machrowicz.  Did  he  indicate  to  you  or  to  anyone  else  in  your 
presence  at  any  time  that  there  was  any  compulsion  upon  him  to  sign 
the  report? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  He  didn't  say  anything  to  me. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Have  you  at  any  time  had  the  opportunity  to 
read  the  proceedings  of  the  International  Military  Tribunal  at  Nurem- 
berg with  reference  to  this  particular  matter? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  I  saw  it  just  yesterday.  I  didn't  have  time  to 
read  it. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  would  like  to  call  to  your  attention  and  to  the 
attention  of  the  committee  that  Dr.  Markoff,  who  subsequently  be- 
came a  witness  of  the  Soviet  authorities  at  the  Nuremberg  trial,  did 
testify  as  follows,  on  page  334  of  volume  XVII  of  the  proceedings  of 
July  1,  1946.  In  speaking  of  the  committee  which  examined  these 
bodies  he  states  as  follows : 

They  were  the  following,  besides  myself :  Dr.  Birkle,  chief  doctor  of  the  Min- 
istry of  Justice,  first  assistant  of  the  Institute  of  Forensic  Medicine  and  Crimi- 
nology at  Bucharest ;  Dr.  Miloslavich,  professor  of  forensic  medicine  and  crimi- 
nology at  Zagreb  University,  who  was  representative  for  Croatia — 

And  then  follow  other  names  which  have  already  been  previously 
mentioned  which  I  don't  think  it  necessary  to  repeat  at  this  time. 

Dr.  Markoff  did  confirm  the  fact  which  you  testified  to  today, 
that  you  were  actually  there. 

I  would  like  to  call  the  committee's  attention,  referring  to  page  340 
of  the  testimony  of  Dr.  Markoff  on  July  2,  1946,  the  following  is 
quoted  in  his  testimony.     This,  I  want  to  say,  is  a  witness  produced 


by  the  Soviet  authorities  to  disprove  the  German  version.  This  is 
the  testimony  he  gave. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Mr.  Machrowicz,  would  you  identify  for  the  record 
v>'ho  was  doing  the  cross-examining  ? 

Mr.  ]\£vcriR0Wicz.  Cross-examining  at  that  time  was  Counselor 
Smirnov,  who  was  the  representative  of  the  Soviet  authorities.  In 
ansAver  to  Counselor  Smirnov's  questions  at  Nuremberg,  Professor 
Markoff  testified  as  follows : 

The  only  one  who  gave  a  different  statement  in  regard  to  the  time  the  corpses 
had  been  buried  was  Professor  MiloslaA'ich  from  Zagreb,  and  he  said  it  was  3 

Here  again  I  want  to  confirm  the  fact  that  the  testimony  given  by  this 
witness  is  evidently  truthful  because  it  corres})onds  exactly  with  the 
testimony  produced  even  by  the  Soviet  authorities.  I  want  to  say 
further  that  he  followed  that  with  the  following  sentence : 

However,  when  the  German  book  regarding  Katyn  was  jniblislied,  I  read  the 
result  of  his  impartial  statement  regarding  the  corpse  on  which  he  had  perfoi'med 
the  autopsy. 

I  would  like  to  call  to  the  committee's  attention  that  even  Markolf.  the 
witness  for  the  Soviet  authorities,  confirmed  the  fact  that  the  report 
of  Dr.  Miloslavich  was  an  ""impartial  statement"'  and  did  confirm 
the  fact  that  the  deaths  occurred  at  least  3  years  before  the  time  of 
the  examination. 

Is  it  correct  that  you  were  the  only  one  who  confirmed  the  fact 
that  it  was  3  years  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViTcii.  I  know  that  Professor  Orsos  also  pointed  it  out 
very  emphatically. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Were  there  others  besides  him? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  I  remember  when  we  had  that  conference  and 
discussed  the  findings  at  the  graves,  Orsos  had  the  skull  of  that 
Polish  officer  and  pointed  to  those  characteristic  changes  in  the  skull 
cavity,  and  several  doctors  mentioned  in  that  report  were  present. 
All  of  us  were  there.  So  far  as  I  know,  none  of  them  objected  to  the 
interpretation  or  the  findings. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Of  course  you  know,  do  you  not.  Dr.  Milosla- 
vich, that  Professor  Markoff  is  now  behind  the  iron  curtain? 

Mr.  INIiLOSLAviCH.  Yes ;  I  know  that. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  he  was  in  1946  at  the  time  he  testified  at  the 
Nureml)erg  trials? 

Dr.  ]\IiLosLAvicH.  Yes. 

Dr.  Machrowicz.  Coming  back  to  the  reasons  given  by  you  which 
you  claim  resulted  in  your  determining  that  the  death  occurred  ab(nit 
3  years  before  the  examination,  I  Avill  ask  you  were  there  any  insects  or 
insect  remains  on  the  cor|)ses? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  I  didn't  see  any. 

INIr.  ]\Iachkowicz.  Did  that  have  any  significance  to  you? 

Dr.  Mn.osLAVTCiL  Yes.  I  would  say  that  the  bodies  were  buried 
during  the  wintertime. 

Di-.  Machrowicz.  I  am  reading  now  from  tlie  repoi-l  of  ilie  Gorman 
Medical  Commission,  which  reads  as  follows: 

There  were  absolutely  no  insects  or  insect  ri'innins  on  Uu-  coipses  that  could 
have  stemmed  from  the  time  of  the  burial.  From  this  it  can  be  concluded  that 
the  executions  and  l>urial  took  place  in  a  cold  and  iiiscct-free  time  of  the  year. 


Is  that  correct  ? 

Dr.  MiLosLAvicH.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  JMachrowicz.  Do  I  understand,  then,  from  your  testimony 
now  that  this  lack  of  insect  or  insect  remains  led  you  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  deaths  took  place  at  a  season  of  the  year  when  it  is  cold? 

Dr.  MiLOSi^vvicH.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  "Was  that  the  conclusion  of  the  other  doctors 
there  also  ^ 

Dr.  MiLosLAViCH.  I  could  not  tell  you  that.  They  signed  the  state- 
ment to  that  eifect. 

Mr.  Machroavicz.  Of  course  you  know  that  the  Russian  version  of 
the  charge  was  that  the  deaths  occurred  some  time  around  August 
1941.    That  would  be  in  the  middle  of  the  summer,  would  it  not? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  I  think  August  is  in  the  summer. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  So  the  lack  of  these  insects  or  insect  remains 
was  at  least  to  you  'an  indication  that  that  charge  was  not  correct. 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  is  all. 

Chairman  Maddex.  I  might  announce  that  Congressman  Furcolo 
of  Massachusetts  is  now  present. 

Are  there  any  other  questions  from  any  other  members  of  the 
committee  ? 

Congressman  Sheehan. 

Mr.  Sheehax.  Professor,  I  have  several  inquiries  I  would  like  to 
put  to  you.  No.  1,  you  talked  about  four  different  screenings  by  our 
American  officers,  the  C.  I.  C,  and  the  Army.  Approximately  when 
did  they  take  place? 

Dr.  ]\Iiloslavich.  It  w\as  between  the  end  of  May  1945  and  March 

Mr.  Sheehax.  At  any  time  during  the  screenings  did  they  ask  you 
about  your  participation  in  the  Katyn  investigation  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  No,    They  knew^  that. 

]\Ir.  Sheehax.  They  knew  that. 

Another  thought,  which  was  brought  out  in  the  previous  testimony 
by  Mr.  Henry  Cassid}',  who  is  now  head  of  the  NBC  News  Service. 
He  was  one  of  a  number  of  about  14  correspondents  who  were  taken 
by  the  Russians  to  Katyn  in  January  1944.  When  he  came  back  he 
testified  that  the  correspondents  were  all  agreed  that  the  Russian 
affair  was  a  staged  affair.  The  correspondents  felt  that  the  bodies 
were  selected  and  everything  was  done  on  the  basis  of  a  staged  affair. 
Your  testimony  has  already  proved  that  yours  was  not  a  staged  affair 
in  any  sense  of  the  word,  is  that  right  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  No  ;  it  was  not. 

Mr.  Sheeiiax.  You  signed  the  German  protocol,  I  understand, 
this  particular  instrument  here,  is  that  right? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Sheehax.  When  and  where  did  you  sign  the  German  protocol  ? 

Dr.  ^Miloslavich.  I  have  forgotten  the  name  of  the  town  where  it 
was  signed ;  east  of  Warsaw. 

INIr.  Sheeiiax.  That  is  your  signature,  is  it  not,  on  the  German 
protocol  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Yes ;  that  is  right. 

93744— 52— pt.  3 -9 


Mr.  Sheehan.  Who  drew  up  tliis  protocol,  do  you  know  offhand? 

Dr.  MiLosLAvicH.  The  commission. 

Mr.  Shp:eiian.  The  members  of  the  commission.  The  German 
Army  or  the  Nazis  didn't  draw  it  up. 

Dr.  MiLosLAvicH.  No. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  You  drew  it  up  yourself  ? 

Dr.  MILOSLAVICH.  Yes.  Of  course  they  collaborated  in  that.  Pro- 
fessor Buhtz. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  In  previous  testimony  it  was  brought  out  by  one  of 
our  witnesses,  who  was  an  eyewitness,  that  he  saw  the  soldiers  before 
they  were  killed,  and  their  hands  had  been  tied  with  barbed  wire.  Do 
you  remember  any  bodies  with  wire  instead  of  rope  ? 

Dr.  MiLosLAvicii.  All  that  I  saw  were  with  rope,  cords. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  You  are  an  American  citizen.  You  have  come  back 
from  Zagreb.  Have  you  ever  attempted  or  did  you  ever  want  to 
go  back  there  for  any  of  your  belongings  or  anything  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  No ;  I  cannot  go  back. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  You  cannot  go  back  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  No. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Since  you  came  back  to  this  country  has  any  official 
of  the  State  Department  asked  you  to  verify  your  version  of  the  Katyn 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  No. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Anybody  in  the  Army  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  No. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  In  other  words,  no  Government  official  at  any  time 
has  asked  you  for  your  opinion  of  it  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  No,  no. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  I  think  that  is  all  I  have,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Chairman  Madden.  Any  further  questions? 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  I  have  some  if  I  may.  Doctor,  as  I  understand  it  at 
the  time  you  were  doing  your  scientific  work  on  the  bodies  you  were 
using  what  was  then  the  most  up-to-date  medical  knowledge  and 
medical  science? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  You  have  had  long  experience  in  that  field. 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  Yes ;  I  have. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  Would  it  be  your  opinion  that  you  were  up-to-date 
on  the  latest  medical  knowledge  at  that  time  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  Oh,  yes. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  Since  that  time  I  assume  you  have  continued  on  in 
your  medical  studies? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  FuRcoLO.  As  in  every  other  branch  of  medicine,  I  suppose  there 
also  has  been  additional  knowledge  in  that  field.  I  will  ask  you  this : 
Is  your  present  opinion  today,  in  the  light  of  any  new  medical  knowl- 
edge that  you  may  have  obtained  in  the  past  8  or  10  years,  the  same 
as  your  opinion  was  back  at  the  time  you  saw  these  bodies? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  My  opinion  today  is  just  the  same  as  it  was  at 
that  time.  There  is  nothing  new  so  far  as  I  know,  so  far  as  I  follow 
the  scientific  literature  in  my  field.    Nothing  new  was  put  out. 

Mr.  FuRCOLo.  So  your  opinion  today  is  the  same  as  it  was  at  that 


Dr.  Mlloslavich.  Correct. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  When  you  were  examining  the  bodies  did  you  at  any 
time  see  any  papers  or  documents  or  diaries  or  anything  of  that  nature 
that  were  found  on  some  of  the  bodies  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAviCH.  Oh,  yes. 

Mr.  FuECOLO.  Do  you  remember  either  any  newspapers  or  any 
diaries  with  notations  that  would  be  of  any  help  to  us  as  far  as  dates 
are  concerned  ^ 

Dr.  MiLOSLAVicH.  I  saw  newspapers  with  the  dates  of  March  1940. 
Then  a  card  that  I  found  in  the  pocket  of  the  young  officer  that  I 
examined.  I  don't  recall  his  name.  I  cannot  recall  the  names.  I  am 
not  sure  about  the  name.  I  have  no  notes.  I  cannot  keep  it  in  my 
mind  now  for  9  years.    That  card  was  also  around  March  1940. 

Mr.  FiJRCOLO.  Let  me  ask  you  this  question,  if  I  may :  Did  any  of 
the  papers  that  you  saw  or  any  of  the  documents  that  you  saw  have,  to 
the  best  of  your  recollection,  any  date  that  would  be  after  April  or 
May  1940? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAvicH.  So  far  as  I  remember,  not,  as  long  as  I  was  there, 
because  exhumations  have  been  performed  after  that  time. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  I  am  referring  now  only  to  papers  or  documents  that 
you  yourself  saw. 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  All  that  I  saw,  the  latest  were  somewhere  in 
April  1940. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  At  any  time  when  you  were  examining  these  bodies 
did  you  detect  the  presence  of  sawdust  in  the  mouths  of  any  of  the 

Dr.  MiLOSLAVicH.  No;  I  didn't  see  that.  I  didn't  notice  any  saw- 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  You  only  saw  two  bodies? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAvicH.  I  saw  maybe  several  hundreds  there,  but  I  per- 
sonally autopsied,  performed  a  post  mortem  examination  in  detail 
on  one. 

Mr.  Ftjrcolo.  You  testified  that  as  far  as  you  yourself  were  con- 
cerned, there  was  no  force  or  compulsion  or  intimidation  of  any  kind. 
I  want  to  ask  you  if  you  saw  anything  in  any  way  to  indicate  any 
force  or  intimidation  of  any  of  the  other  men  who  signed  the  docu- 
ments for  that  commission. 

Dr.  MiLOSLAvrcH.  I  didn't  notice  anything. 

Mr.  FuRcoLo.  As  far  as  you  know,  you  didn't  see  any  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAviCH.  No. 

Mr.  Ftjrcolo.  At  the  present  time  do  you  have  any  feeling  or  bias 
or  prejudice  toward  either  Germany  or  Russia  or  toward  the  German 
or  Russian  people? 

Dr.  MiLosLAviCH.  No. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  As  you  testify  here  today  you  don't  have  any  feel- 
ing of  any  kind  toward  either  group  ? 

Dr.  MiLosLAvicH.  No.  I  have  testified  as  a  scientist,  from  my  sci- 
entific examinations  and  the  results  of  my  research,  and  nothing  else. 

Mr.  Ftjrcolo.  That  is  all. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  speak  German? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAviCH.  Yes ;  I  do. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  speak  German  then? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAATrcH.  Yes:  I  did. 


Mr.  Flood.  You  never  saw  me  until  this  morning,  did  you? 

Dr.  INfiLOSLAVicn.  What  is  tliat '( 

Mr.  Flood.  You  never  saw  me  until  this  morning,  right? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAvicii.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  are  under  subpena  liere. 

Dr.  jVIiloslavich.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  How  did  you  get  here,  anyhow  ?  Who  found  you  ? 
Where  did  you  come  from?  How  did  you  come  to  the  attention  of 
this  committee  i     Who  brought  you  to  our  attention  ( 

Dr.  MiLOSLAviCH.  Mr.  Pucinski. 

Ml".  Flood.  Have  you  been  olTered  any  favors  or  any  pay  or  any 
emoluments  or  any  inducements  of  any  kind  by  anybody  to  be  here 
this  morning? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAviCH.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  By  the  Government  or  any  individual  ? 

Dr.  MiLosLAvicH.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  All  right,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Chairman  Madden.  Are  there  any  further  questions? 

Mr.  Maciirowicz.  One  question  :  I  believe  you  testified,  Doctor,  that " 
this  L-shaped  grave  had  about  2,S()()  bodies. 

Dr.  MiLOSLAvicii.  Something  like  that. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  do  not  mean  to  say  that  that  was  the  only 
grave  there,  do  you  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  There  were  seven  of  them. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Seven  graves  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Seven  graves,  including  this  big  one 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  This  was  the  largest  of  all  ( 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  That  was  the  largest  one ;  yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  arrive  at  any  estimate  of  your  own  as 
to  how  many  bodies  were  in  the  other  graves  ? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  No;  I  didn't  examine  them.  I  didn't  have  that 
much  time. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  just  wanted  to  make  clear  it  isn't  your  testi- 
mony that  there  were  only  2,800  bodies  altogether. 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Oh  no,  my  estimate  included  all  the  graves.  It  is,, 
of  course,  an  approximate  estimate.  In  that  respect,  I  disagree  with 
the  Germans.  They  said  11,000.  Buhtz  was  talking  to  me  about  it 
later  that  night. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  mean  Dr.  Buhtz? 

Dr.  Miloslavich.  Yes ;  I  said  to  him,  "I  think  according  to  my  esti- 
mate I  would  judge  somewhere  between  13,500  and  1-4,000." 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  But  of  course  that  was  only  a  rough  guess  based 
on  the  size  of  the  graves? 

Dr.  JNIiLosLAvicH.  Correct.  Of  course,  assuming  that  in  the  other 
graves  they  had  been  buried  in  the  same  way  as  in  this  grave,  because 
it  was  a  burial,  if  I  may  compare  it  so  you  can  understand  it,  like  in 
a  sardine  box.  They  were  like  this,  one  close  to  the  other,  one  on  top 
of  the  other,  12  layers  from  up  down,  in  three's  to  the  side,  and  the 
leng-th  I  don't  remember.  I  have  forgotten  the  number.  Anyway  in 
that  big  L-shaped  grave  were  more  than  2,800  officers. 

Ml".  Maciirciwicz.  One  other  question.  Doctor:  At  the  Nuremberg 
trial  Counselor  Smirnov  asked  Markotf  this  (piestion  and  received  this 
answer : 

Therefore,  you  were  .shown  already  opened  uraves  near  which  the  idrpst'-s  were 
already  laid  out;  is  that  right V 


And  Markoff  answered : 

Quite  right.  Near  these  open  graves  were  exhumed  corpses  already  laid  out 

I  understood  your  testimony  to  be  that  you  actually  had  a  corpse  with- 
drawn from  the  g-rave  which  had  not  been  touched. 

Dr.  MiLosLAvicH.  If  I  may  explain  that? 

Dr.  Maciirowicz.  Will  you  explain  it,  please. 

Dr.  ^NriLosLAvicii.  When  I  arrived  there  1  found  approximately  980, 
if  I  am  not  mistaken,  bodies  which  had  been  already  exhumed  from 
the  L  grave,  if  I  may  speak  of  it  that  way,  and  placed  in  that  vicinity. 
They  were  lying  there,  enormous  masses  of  dead  bodies.  Then  when 
I  looked  in  the  grave,  I  asked  permission,  if  I  am  permitted  to  go  in 
the  grave  myself  and  select  a  body  I  want  to  examine,  and  not  the 
bodies  which  have  been  taken  out.  I  wanted  to  oe  absolutely  critical 
in  every  detail.  They  said,  "Yes,  go  ahead.  Professor.  Do  anything 
you  want." 

So  I  went  down  in  the  grave,  going  around,  looking,  studying  which 
body  I  should  select.  I  selected  one  just  in  the  middle  of  the  grave 
where  the  bodies  were  firmly  packed  together.  It  was  difficult  to  re- 
move. I  helped  those  two  old  farmers  to  remove  that  V)ody  to  be  sure 
that  I  had  it  as  it  was  in  the  original  position,  so  I  helped  to  remove 
it  from  the  depth  of  the  grave. 

Mr.  Maciirowicz.  I  wanted  that  made  clear  in  the  record  when 
Markoif  testified  about  those  corpses  which  were  already  laid  out, 
there  were  about  900  and  some  already  laid  out,  but  the  jjodies  that 
you  inspected  were  not  from  among  those  980  bodies. 

Dr.  MiLosLAvicii.  No,  no.     I  selected  my  own. 

Mr.  Maciirowicz.  Right  from  the  grave. 

Dr.  MiLOSLAVicH.  I  examined  those,  too,  I  walked  around  them  and 
•examined  them. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Doctor,  when  did  you  get  back  to  the  Ignited  States? 

Dr.  MiLosLAVicii.  The  first  week  "of  August  1946. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  With  your  scientific  knowledge  as  a  professional 
man — and  that  is  your  only  interest  in  this  matter — when  you  got 
iDack  to  the  United  States  what  was  your  reaction  when  you  learned 
that  the  people  of  America  had  the  impression  that  the  Germans 
committed  the  crime  rather  than  the  Eussians?  What  was  your  re- 
action to  that  general  opinion  that  the  American  people  had? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAvicii.  Congressman  OTvonski,  I  tell  you  honestly  I 
never  spoke  to  anybody  about  this.  Nobody  knew  it.  Once  in  a 
while  I  asked  somebody  if  they  were  familiar  with  the  name  Katyn, 
and  the  answer  was  "What  is  that?"  I  saw  that  the  people  didn't 
know  it,  so  I  didn't  want  to  discuss  it.  This  is  the  first  time  now,  in 
the  last  10  years  about,  that  I  am  talking  about  this.  I  am  sorry  that 
I  don't  have  any  documents  or  notes  and  nothing.  IVIaybe  I  could 
elaborate  a  little  more  about  it.  I  am  relying  completely  upon  my 

Mr.  O'KoxsKi.  The  reason  I  am  asking  that  question  is  that  all 
of  the  testimony  that  you  have  given  here  this  morning  is  based  on 
your  scientific  knowledge  as  a  professional  man,  as  a  scientist. 

Dr.  ISIiLosLAvicH.  Correct. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  And  a  scientist  only. 


Dr.  MiLosLAVicH.  Correct. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  May  I  ask  one  further  question  ? 

Professor,  as  long  as  we  are  lookin<]i:  into  the  scientific  aspect  of 
this,  in  your  experience  have  you  ever  gone  into  any  other  graves 
or  seen  any  other  bodies  of  military  or  civilians  in  any  other  place 
behind  the  iron  curtain  which  might  lead  to  conclusions  about  the 
method  of  killing? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAvicii.  Yes. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Where  was  that? 

Dr.  IMiLOSLAViCH.  In  the  Katyn  Forest  on  the  left  side  of  the  main 
road  there  were  several — it  would  be  better  to  say  many — small 
graves.  I  asked  Professor  Buhtz  to  examine  one  of  those  graves. 
Then  we  found  that  those  men  were  Kussians  who  had  been  killed 
maybe  10  or  15  years  prior  to  the  Katyn  affair  and  buried  in  that 
place.  The  technique  of  the  gunshot  wound,  the  so-called  as  I  con- 
tinue to  mention  the  name,  "nacken  schuss,"  was  exactly  the  same. 
The  hands  had  been  bound  at  their  backs  just  exactly  the  same  and 
the  winter  coat  put  upon  their  head  just  exactly  the  same  in  the  graves 
on  the  left  side  of  the  main  road  in  the  Katyn  Forest. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  They  were  not  Polish  officers,  though.  They  were 

Dr.  MiLOSLAVicH.  Civilians. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  In  other  words,  the  similarity  to  the  way  these  old 
graves  were,  the  killing,  the  "nacken  schuss"  and  the  hands  tied  behind 
the  back,  was  similar  to  the  way  the  Polish  officers  were  killed? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAViCH.  I  wouldn't  say  similar.     I  would  say  identical. 

Mr.  Sheetian.  Identical.  In  other  words,  the  Russians  have  al- 
ways held  this  particular  territory,  Mr.  Counsel. 

Mr.  Flood.  Professor,  did  you  ever  see  any  pictures  in  American 
newspapers  and  American  newsreels  or  any  place  within  the  past  2 
years  of  the  bodies  of  American  soldiers  killed  in  Korea  with  their 
hands  tied  behind  their  backs  ?  Did  you  observe  or  any  place  see  such 
pictures  ? 

Dr.  MiLOSLAviCH.  Mr.  Congressman 

Mr.  Flood.  You  didn't?    Did  you  or  didn't  you? 

Dr.  MiLosLAviCH.  No,  I  didn't. 

Chairman  Madden.  Any  further  questions  ? 

Doctor,  on  behalf  of  the  committee  I  want  to  pay  this  compliment 
to  you  by  reason  of  your  actions  back  in  1943,  when  you  devoted  your 
own  time  and  expense  and  services  in  going  to  the  Katyn  graves  to  try 
to  ascertain  through  scientific  study  for  the  benefit  of  the  future  the 
facts  regarding  the  execution  of  these  Polish  officers.  You  also  have 
made  a  great  sacrifice  in  coming  up  here  today  from  your  home.  Your 
actions  on  both  occasions  have  been  highly  patriotic.  In  behalf  of 
the  committee  and  the  Congress  we  want  to  thank  you  for  coming  here 
and  testifying.  As  long  as  there  are  no  further  questions,  you  are 

Let  me  make  this  announcement:  This  afternoon  we  will  hear  three 
witnesses  and  the  committee  will  now  adjourn  until  1 :  30. 

(Whereupon,  at  12: 15  p.  m.,  the  hearing  was  recessed  until  1:30 
p.  m.,  the  same  day.) 



Chairman  Madden.  The  committee  will  come  to  order. 

The  first  witness  this  afternoon  will  be  Mrs.  Irena  Hajduk  Metelica. 
Irene  Hajduk  is  the  maiden  name  and  the  present  name  is  Mrs.  Irena 
H.  Metelica. 

The  witness  will  be  sworn. 

Do  yon  solemnly  swear  the  testimony  you  will  give  at  the  hearings 
now  being  held  will  be  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the 
truth,  so  help  you  God? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  I  do. 


Chairman  Madden.  Proceed,  Mr.  Counsel. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Mr.  Chairman,  for  the  record  I  would  like  to  advise 
the  committee  that  our  witness  came  to  us  voluntarily  this  morning. 
The  committee  staff  did  not  interrogate  her.  This  is  her  own  state- 
ment. She  would  prefer  to  tell  the  story  as  she  knows  it.  I  will  pro- 
ceed by  asking  her  a  few  questions  as  to  where  she  was  born,  if  I  may, 

Chairman  Madden.  Proceed. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Wliat  is  your  present  address  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  2647  South  Kedzie  Avenue. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  You  said  your  present  address  is  2647  Kedzie 
Avenue,  Chicago  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Chicago. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Where  were  you  born? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  I  was  born  in  Poland  in  the  town  of 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Swear  the  interpreter  in,  please. 

Chairman  Madden.  Do  you  solemnly  swear  you  will  interpret  the 
testimony  the  witness  gives  to  be  the  truth,  so  help  you,  God? 

Mr.  Roman  Pucinski.  I  do. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Let's  conduct  it  this  way.  She  will  tell  her  story 
in  Polish  and  the  interpreter  will  repeat  it  for  the  benefit  of  the 

(The  remainder  of  Mrs.  Metelica's  testimony  was  given  through  the 
interpreter,  Mr.  Roman  Pucinski.) 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Where  were  you  born? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Hel,  Lubeiski. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  When?     Wliat  date? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  15th  of  January  1926. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Where  were  you  living  in  September  1939? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  In  Lomza.  That  is  near  Bialj^stok.  The  town  is 
L-o-m-z-a,  the  province  is  B-i-a-l-y-'S-t-o-k. 

Mv.  ISIiTCHELL.  Were  you  living  with  your  parents  at  that  time? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Yes. 

]\Ir.  Mitchell.  Will  you  tell  us  the  full  name  of  your  father  and 
mother  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  My  father's  name  was  Pawel  Hajduk,  H-a-j-d-u-k, 
and  my  mother's  name  was  Janina,  J-a-n-i-n-a. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Did  you  have  any  brothers  and  sisters? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  I  had  one  brother. 


Mr.  Mitchell.  Where  is  he  now  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  He  is  in  Enghmd. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Where  is  your  mother? 

Mrs.  INIetelica.  My  mother  is  in  England  also. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Where  is  your  father? 

Mrs.  Metelica,  He  was  killed  in  Katyn.  He  had  been  at  Staro- 

Chairman  Madden.  Starobeilsk  prison  camp? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Yes. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  What  was  your  father's  occupation  before  the  war? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  He  was  a  professional  soldier.  He  had  always  been 
in  the  Army. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Which  army  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  The  Polish  Army. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Where  was  he  in  September  1939? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  He  was  in  Lwow,  L-w-o-w. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  When  did  you  last  see  your  father? 

Mrs.  SIetelica.  The  13th  of  September  1939. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  That  was  the  last  day  you  saw  your  father? 

]SIrs.  JMetelica.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Where  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  The  last  time  I  saw  my  father  Avas  in  a  little  vil- 
lage near  Rowne,  R-o-w^-n-e. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  At  that  time  where  were  you  living? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  We  were  evacuated  from  Lomaz. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Where  were  you  evacuated  to  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Lubielski. 

Mv.  Machrowicz.  To  the  Lubielski  Province ;  is  that  it  ? 

INIrs.  Metelica.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz,  By  Lubielski  Province  you  mean  the  Province 
of  Lublin,  the  province  surrounding  the  city  of  Lublin? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Yes, 

And  then  we  retreated  eastward  as  the  German  armies  advanced, 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  recollect  when  the  Russians  invaded 
Poland?     Do  you  rememl)er  the  date? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  16th  of  September. 

Mr.  Machrowicz,  Of  1939  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica,  Yes.     That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  How  old  were  you  at  that  time  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  I  was  13  years  old  at  the  time. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Where  was  your  father  then  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica,  In  Lwow. 

Mr,  Mitchell,  With  the  Polish  Army? 

Mrs,  Metelica,  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  How  long  were  you  in  the  Province  of  Lublin? 

]VIrs.  Metelica.  We  were  there  about  10  days. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  then  from  there  where  were  you  taken  ? 

Mrs.  Melelica.  We  then  were  evacuated  to  Rowne.  But  we  didn't 
get  to  Rowne,  because  the  Russians  intercepted  our  flight, 

Mr.  ISIaciirowicz,  What  happened  to  you  then? 

Mrs.  Metelica,  We  reniaiiUHl  in  the  same  village,  and  then  the  Rus- 
sians ordered  us  to  return  back  to  our  original  homes, 

Mr.  Machrowicz,  Did  vou  do  that? 


Mrs.  Metelica.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Then  what  happened  to  yon  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  We  retnrned  to  Lomza  2  months  later, 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  happened  to  yon  in  Lomza  ? 

jNIrs.  Metelica.  I  resnmed  attending  school,  and  my  brother  was 
engaged  in  some  construction  work. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  happened  to  yonr  father  after  the  Kus- 
sians  invaded  Poland  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  We  had  no  knowledge  of  my  father  until  the  end 
of  October. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Of  1939  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Yes. 

Mr.  ]\Iachrowicz.  Then  did  yon  see  him  or  did  you  get  a  letter 
from  him  I 

Mrs.  INIetelica.  A  friend  of  my  father  had  written  a  letter  to  his 

Mr.  MACHR0"^^^cz.  Where  from? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  From  Starobielsk. 

]Mr.  INIachrowicz.  And  Starobielsk  Avas  one  of  the  three  major 
prison  camps  in  which  the  Polish  officers  were  held  by  Russians,  is 
that  correct? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  this  friend  of  yours  say  that  j-our  father 
was  there  also  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Yes. 

]\Ir.  Machrow^icz.  Did  you  hear  from  your  father  after  that? 

]\Irs.  Metelica.  No.    My  mother  wrote  first. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  When  did  she  write? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  It  was  either  in  October  or  in  November  that  she 
wrote  her  first  letter. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Tliat  is  still  1939? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  get  an  answer?  Did  your  mother  get 
an  answer  from  your  father? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Yes;  we  received  an  answer  before  Christmas. 

Mr.  Machrow^icz.  At  that  time  where  was  he? 

ISIrs.  ]\Ietelica.  At  that  time  my  father  was  at  Starobielsk  and  he 
had  inquired  through  tlie  Red  Cross  as  to  our  whereabouts. 

]\Ir.  Machrowicz.  Did  your  motlier  hear  from  him  after  that? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Yes ;  we  received  two  subsequent  letters  from  him. 

INIr.  Machrowicz.  On  M'hat  dates  and  from  where  ? 

INfrs.  Metelica.  The  dates  I  do  not  recall  exactly,  but  the  letters 
were  from  Starobielsk. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Can  you  tell  what  month  and  what  year? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  The  two  following  letters  were  received  in  January 
and  March  of  1940. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  After  March  1940  when  your  mother  heard  from 
your  father  at  Starobielsk  did  you  ever  hear  from  him  again? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Yes.     We  had  one  more  letter  from  him. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  When? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  That  was  in  June  from  Russia.  We  received  a 
letter  when  we  were  in  Siberia  in  June  of  1940. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Wliat  was  the  date  of  that  last  letter? 


Mr.  Metelica.  His  letter  was  dated  the  4tli  of  April  1940. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  At  that  time  you  and  your  mother  were  in 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  How  did  you  happen  to  be  in  Siberia? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  We  were  deported  to  Siberia  as  members  of  a  Polish 
officer's  family. 

Mr.  Machro"s\^cz.  Did  the  Russians  deport  the  families  of  the 
Polish  officers  to  Siberia? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  That  is  correct ;  yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  was  the  rank  of  your  father,  by  the  way? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  My  father  was  a  major. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  He  was  an  officer  until  the  last  time  you  heard 
from  him  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Yes. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  What  was  your  father's  first  name  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Pawel. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  After  the  letter  dated  April  1940,  did  you  ever 
get  another  letter  from  him  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  No,  we  did  not. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  or  your  mother  write  to  him  again  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Yes,  my  mother  wrote  another  letter. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  remember  approximately  what  date? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  No,  I  do  not  recall. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  vou  recall  what  time  of  the  year?  Was  it 

Mrs.  Metelica.  It  was  in  June  of  1940. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  "V^^iat  happened  to  that  letter  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  The  letter  was  returned  with  a  postscript,  a  nota- 
tion, that  "You  will  not  find  him  again." 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  know  who  made  that  notation? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  No,  I  do  not.  The  notation  was  written  in  the 
Russian  language. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  happened  to  that  letter? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  The  NKVD  took  the  letter  away  from  us  when 
we  were  leaving  Russia. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Was  that  the  last  time  you  ever  had  any  further 
information  regarding  your  father's  whereabouts  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Then,  as  I  understand,  you  say  that  the  last  time 
your  mother  ever  heard  from  your  father  was  a  letter  dated  some  time 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Yes. 

Mr.  INTiTCiiELL.  Did  you  write  any  letters  yourself? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  I  had  written  letters  to  my  father  from  Poland. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  What  happened  to  those  letters? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  My  father  did  not  receive  those  letters.  He  received 
only  two  from  my  family. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Did  you  write  to  anybody  else  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  My  mother  had  written  several  letters  to  friends, 
my  father's  friends,  from  the  same  regiment  that  he  was  in. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  What  information  did  your  mother  receive  as  a 
result  of  those  letters? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  All  of  the  letters  were  returned  with  the  same  Rus- 
sian inscription,  "You  will  not  find  him." 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  make  any  attempts  through  any  au- 
thorities, Polish  or  Russian,  to  locate  your  father  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  I  had  written  a  letter  to  Stalin. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.    When? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Around  Christmas  of  1911. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  result  did  you  get  from  that  letter  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  We  received  a  copy  of  an  order  addressed  to  the 
general  headquarters  of  the  NKVD  at  Minsk,  which  requested  the 
address  of  my  father. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  get  any  further  response  after  that? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Two  months  later  we  received  a  letter  from  Minsk 
advising  us  that  they  cannot  supply  us  with  my  father's  address  be- 
cause they  cannot  locate  him. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  How  long  have  you  been  in  this  country? 

Mrs.  IMetelica.  One  year.     March  5  has  been  1  year. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  When  did  you  and  your  mother  first  hear  about 
your  father  after  1940? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  We  learned  of  my  father  in  Teheran  in  1942. 

Mr.  Mitchell,  How  did  you  learn  that  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  General  Anders  had  been  making  inquiries  as  to 
the  whereabouts  of  the  Polish  soldiers,  and  he  was  told  that  they  were 
taken  to  the  Island  of  Franz  Joseph. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Other  than  the  fact  that  no  further  information 
was  received  from  your  father  after  April  1940,  is  there  anything 
else  that  you  have  to  add  to  this  committee  which  would  shed  some 
light  on  the  Katyn  incident? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  No  ;  I  cannot. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Were  you  or  your  mother  ever  informed  officially 
by  any  government  about  your  father  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  My  mother  had  written  letters  to  Major  Czapski 
and  to  General  Anders,  and  she  received  replies  informing  her  that 
my  f  atlier  had  been  murdered  at  Katyn. 

Mr.  ]MiTCHELL.  Where  is  your  mother  todaj^  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica,  In  England. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  have  never  seen  the  official  list  of  the  prison- 
ers of  the  Soviet  forces  in  Kozielsk,  Starobielsk  and  Ostashkov  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  No,  I  did  not. 

Mr.  IMachrowicz.  For  the  record  I  would  like  to  state  that  I  have 
this  official  list  of  the  former  Polish  prisoners  at  the  three  prison 
camps  that  I  mentioned,  and  there  appears  at  the  bottom  of  page  256 
the  name  of  Pawel  Hajduk,  major  of  infantry. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  like  at  this  time  to  introduce 
the  book  Mr.  Machrowicz  is  referring  to  as  exhibit  5-A  and  have  it 
placed  in  the  appendix  of  this  record.  It  is  the  most  authoritative  list 
of  Polish  prisoners  in  these  three  camps  that  we  have  found  to  date, 

Mr.  Maddex.  The  book  will  be  admitted  as  exhibit  5-A. 

(The  book  Katyn  List  was  marked  "Exhibit  5-A"  and  appears  in 
the  appendix  of  these  hearings.) 

Chairman  Maddex.  Will  you  take  a  look  at  this  and  see  if  that  is  at 
the  bottom  of  the  page  a.s  underlined  with  that  pencil  mark? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Yes.     My  father  was  a  major. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Is  that  the  first  time  you  have  seen  his  name 
on  this  official  list  of  prisoners  interned  at  these  three  camps  ? 

Mrs.  Metelica.  Yes. 


Mr.  FuRCOLO.  You  said  one  envelope  was  returned  marked  "You 
will  not  find  him  a<rain."  What  happened  to  the  other  letters  {  "Were 
they  also  taken  from  you  when  you  left  Siberia  'i 

Mrs.  Metelica.  All  of  the  letters,  including  the  letter  from  Stalin 
and  including  my  father's  photographs,  were  taken  away  from  us  at 
the  time  that  we  were  leaving  Russia. 

Chairman  Madden.  The  committee  wishes  to  thank  you  for  coming" 
here.  Your  testimony  is  very  valuable,  and  we  appreciate  your  sin- 
cere efi'ort  to  help  the  committee. 

Mr.  Bronislaw  Mlynarski,  do  you  solemnly  swear  the  testimony  you 
will  give  in  the  hearing  now  on  trial  will  be  the  truth,  the  whole 
truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  do. 


Mr.  Mitchell.  Mr.  Chairman  and  members  of  the  committee,  Mr. 
Mlynarski  has  volunteered  to  testify  before  this  committee.  He  was 
one  of  the  officers  assigned  by  General  Anders  to  investigate  the  miss- 
ing Polish  Army  officers  during  1941  and  1942  after  amnesty  had  been 
granted,  wdiich  was  on  August  1,  1941.  An  associate  in  conducting 
this  search  was  Joseph  Czapski.  The  witness  has  requested  that  he 
be  permitted  to  make  his  statement  and  then  be  interrogated  after  he 
has  concluded. 

Mr.  Maciirowicz.  Before  he  tells  the  story,  will  you  question  the 
witness  as  to  his  present  address,  and  what  he  is  doing,  and  then  we 
will  let  him  tell  the  story.     Identify  the  witness. 

]Mr.  Mitchell.  Will  you  state  your  full  name  for  the  record? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Bronislaw  Mlynarski. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  AVhat  is  your  present  address  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  7203  Franklin  Aveiuie,  Los  Angeles,  Calif. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  When  were  you  born  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Twenty-first  of  October  1899. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Wliere  were  you  born? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Warsaw,  Poland. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  What  was  your  occupation  before  September  1939  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  was  vice  director  of  the  Polish  Gdynia  American 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Did  you  have  any  experience  in  the  army  before 
September  1939? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  In  wdiat  capacity  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  will  have  to  go  back  to  the  Russo-Polish  War  of 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Were  you  an  officer  at  that  time  ? 

Mr.  Mly^narski.  I  started  as  a  private  and  I  ended  as  a  second 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Where  were  you  on  September  1 ,  1939  ? 

Mr.  Mly'Narski.  In  Warsaw. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  In  Warsaw. 

Chairman  Madden.  Will  you  speak  a  little  louder?  The  audience 
cannot  hear. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  When  did  you  come  to  the  United  States? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  On  January  5,  1946. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  What  is  your  citizenship  today? 


Mr.  Mltnarski.  United  States  of  America. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  You  are  a  citizen  of  the  United  States? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  You  stated  that  your  present  address  is  Los  Angeles  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Correct. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  What  is  your  occupation? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  am  a  broker  in  commercial  affairs.  I  am  run- 
ning my  own  little  enterprise. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Will  you  start  with  the  date  September  1,  1939, 
and  tell  Mr.  Madden  and  the  members  of  the  committee  your  ex- 
periences, please? 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  a  reserve  officer  or  regular  army  officer? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  was  a  reserve  officer. 

Mr.  Flood.  Wlien  were  you  called  to  active  duty  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  joined  the  army  on  the  third  of  September  1939. 

Mr.  Flood.  In  what  capacity  did  you  serve,  what  branch  of  the 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  In  the  engineers,  the  sappers. 

Mr.  Flood.  Where  were  you  called  up  to  duty? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  started  in  Warsaw.  That  was  the  original  nu- 
cleus of  my  battalion. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  a  line  officer  or  a  statf  officer? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Well,  I  was  then  a  line  officer,  but  because  of  my 
age — I  was  then  39,  almost  40 — I  became  a  staff  officer. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  go  ahead  in  your  own  way,  then  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  will  ask  you,  if  you  please,  to  tell  me  or  rather 
to  indicate  to  me,  how  far  shall  I  go  into  the  details  of  my  first  period 
and  my  second  period,  and  so  on,  because  I  am  afraid  that  my  story 
may  be  too  lengthy  if  I  go  into  great  detail. 

Chairman  Madden.  I  will  say,  we  are  glad  to  have  you  here  and  we 
would  like  to  have  all  testimony  that  will  aid  this  committee  in  pre- 
senting evidence  to  the  Congress  regarding  the  Katyn  massacre,  and 
if  your  testimony  takes  30  minutes  or  10  hours,  we  will  listen.  We 
would  like  to  hear  all  the  facts.    So  our  time  is  your  time. 

Mr.  jSIlynarski.  Thank  you. 

I  will  try  to  be  concise  and  to  the  point  and  omit  those  facts  which 
are  not  too  pertinent.  I  will  try  to  go  ahead  with  the  most  important 

The  beginning  has  been  repeated  many  times  in  books  and  is  known 
to  the  world.  With  my  unit  I  drifted  and  fought  the  Germans  con- 
siderably. We  drifted  eastward.  On  the  crucial  day — and  I  would 
like  in  this  manner  to  correct  my  predecessor,  the  young  lady.  The 
17th  of  September  is  a  historical  date.  It  wasn't  the  16th.  I  was  at 
that  time  stationed  in  a  town  called  Dubno,  D-u-b-n-o,  about  60  kilo- 
meters in  a  straight  line  from  the  Soviet  border.  The  first  flash  of  the 
news  crossed  the  border  just  in  no  time  because  we  saw  airplanes  flying 
in  a  most  strange  direction.  We  were  used  to  the  German  planes 
flying  and  maneuvering  in  the  early  hours  of  the  morning  in  a  certain 
very  precise  routine.  This  morning  at  about  7  o'clock  we  saw  a  for- 
mation of  about  30  airplanes  strong  that  were  heading  straight  from 
the  east,  westward.  We  thought  that  perhaps  that  a  new  maneuver, 
so  we  didn't  pay  much  attention  to  it,  but  we  heard  ack  ack  and  silence 
after  a  few  rounds,  our  own  in  the  vicinity.  We  rushed  to  those  boj^s 
who  were  specialists  in  reading  the  skies,  which  we  were  not,  and  in 


a  matter  of  minutes  we  discovered  that  those  30  airplanes  were  Soviet 

That  same  instant  was  a  moment  which  I  will  never  forget,  a  mo- 
ment of  great  enthusiasm  and  happiness.  We  thought  that  despite  our 
misunderstandings,  throughout  not  only  the  last  decades  but  cen- 
turies, that  the  two  Slavic  nations  would  come  together  to  fight  the 
Teutonic  foe.  That  was  a  mirage  that  lasted  for  exactly  only  a  few 
hours  because  we  heard  news  coming  from  the  front  line  that  on  the 
same  day  at  5  o'clock  in  the  morning  on  that  whole  enormous  line 
starting  from  the  Lithuanian  border,  about  550  miles  long,  the  Soviet 
Red  Army  crossed  the  Polish  border  in  great  strength  on  that  same 
morning,  and  crossed  the  border  with  force  and  with  no  aspect  of 

From  there  on  we  started  changing  our  plans.  Of  course  I  was  a 
subaltern  of  my  experience,  and  we  did  what  we  were  ordered.  In 
other  words,  we  went  approximately  southward  in  order  to  be  in  a 
belt  between  the  squeezing  Gernums,  who  were  rushing  from  the  west^ 
and  the  new  forces  that  were  heading  westward.  So  we  had  a  narrow 
belt  that  by  the  hours  was  getting  narrower  and  narrower. 

Unfortunately,  my  lot  and  the  lot  of  those  who  were  with  me,  like 
in  a  river  with  many  tributaries,  became  a  mass  of  about  25,000  men. 
Ultimately  on  the  19th,  that  is  2  days  later,  we  could  not  reach  either 
the  Hungarian  border  through  mountain  passes  down  there  or  the 
Rumanian  border  which  was  still  further  away. 

Mr.  Flood.  At  that  point  do  you  know  whether  or  not — because  of 
your  low  rank  you  may  not  have  known  at  that  time — ^but  do  3'ou  know 
or  have  you  heard  since  that  tlie  Polish  high  command  had  given 
instructions  that  all  Polish  troops,  if  possible,  should  escape  into 
Hungary  ?    Are  you  aware  of  any  such  order  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  will  try  to  reply  to  that  question. 

On  the  17th,  on  that  crucial  day,  a  little  later  in  the  afternoon,  about 
1  or  2  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  our  then  superior,  a  general  by  the 
name  of  Bohaterowicz,  B-o-h-a-t-e-r-o-w-i-c-z 

Mr.  Maciiroavicz.  Incidentally,  Mr.  Witness,  that  is  the  same  gen- 
tlenum  who  was  testified  to  by  Dr.  Miloslavich  this  morning. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  didn't  hear  that.  That  is  the  same  man  who  is 
among  the  four  generals  that  were  inmates  of  the  Kozielsk  camp. 

That  general  told  us  in  a  very  wonderful  speech,  short,  that  despite 
the  fact  that  we  hear  now  with  our  ears  that  the  Russians  have  entered 
our  lands  not  as  friends,  but  foes,  yet  we  have  to  obey  orders  that 
come  from  high  headquarters  which  he  conveys  to  us  that  we  have 
no  right  to  oppose  the  Russian  forces  if  we  meet  them  on  our  road 
on  which  we  are  headed.  We  did  not  hear  any  otlier  orders,  sir — at 
least  I  did  not — with  regard  to  reaching  this  or  that  or  other  outlets 
of  Poland. 

Mr.  Flood.  But  because  of  the  pressure  you  were  being  channeled 
into  that  direction. 

Mr.  INIlynarskt.  That  is  right.  We  never  were  told,  like  a  sinking 
shi]),  you  know,  do  what  you  can,  Ihe  best.  We  did  not  get  that  kind 
of  ordei-.  However,  many  did,  naturally.  Anyway,  on  the  19th  of 
Se))tember  in  a  little  hamlet  in  the  southeast  of  Polaud  at  about  7 
o'clock  in  the  eveniug  the  head  of  that  enoruious  chain,  that  enormous 
serpent,  was  furiouslj-  attacked  by  cannon  fire  aiul  uiachine  guns,  and 


SO  on.  We  staged  a  small  defense,  I  was  very  near  the  head.  We 
scrambled  out  of  the  car  as  best  we  could.  AVe  had  no  arms,  except 
I  had  a  pistol.  80  did  my  colleagues.  Very  few  even  had  actual  car- 
bines. AVe  staged  a  defense,  a  hopeless  defense  that  lasted  45  minutes. 
We  had  a  river  in  front  of  us,  a  small  river,  and  a  bridge.  A  little 
later  we  had  a  lot  of  wounded,  and  also  we  had  bad  explosions  of  gaso- 
line, because  they  were  throwing  us  incendiary  bullets  from  the 
machine  guns. 

Mr.  Flood.  T\Tio  was  firing  on  you  ?    What  troops  ? 

Mr.  Mlynakski.  May  I  tell  you  in  a  minute  ?  I  did  not  know,  al- 
though we  guessed,  I  think.  A  few  minutes  later  we  sent  our  dele- 
gation across  the  bridge,  parliamentaries,  that  we  give  in  because 
we  can't  defend  ourselves.  That  is  the  first  time  I  saw  the  Soviet 
men,  fully  armed,  who  took  us  from  there  on. 

Mr.  Flood.  At  that  point,  and  on  that  date  in  September  1939  there 
had  been  no  declaration  of  war;  there  had  been  no  declaration  of  hos- 
tilities, as  far  as  the  Soviet  and  Poland  were  concerned? 

Mr.  Mltnarski.  Correct,  sir. 

Now  I  will  shorten  my  story,  because  that  is  rather  grim,  but  also 

Mr.  JNIitchell.  I  would  like  to  ask  one  question  there.  You  said 
members  of  your  organization  went  over  to  talk  with  the  group  of 
Soviets  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes ;  two  officers. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Do  you  know  who  they  were? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  recollect  them  very  well,  but  I  wouldn't  remem- 
ber their  names.  It  lasted  a  few  minutes.  We  saw  them  in  the  darken- 
ing day  on  the  other  side  of  the  river. 

Mr.  ]Mitciiell.  What  happened  to  you  from  there  on  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  From  there  on  I  may  only  add  as  a  matter  of 
record  that  I  and  all  the  thousands  with  me  were  treated  most  brutally 
in  the  first  days.  We  were  stripped  of  everything  which  we  had  on  us, 
which  as  a  matter  of  fact  made  things  lighter  for  me  because  I  had  to 
march  afterwards  175  kilometers.  Otherwise  I  would  have  thrown 
away  even  my  little  bag,  if  I  had  one.  From  there  on  we  crossed  by 

Mr.  Flood.  May  I  interupt  again.  I  am  very  sorry  that  we  have  to 
do  this  this  way,  but  you  are  obviously  a  very  intelligent  witness  and  I 
don't  want  to  upset  you  any. 

Mr.  ISIlynarski.  Not  at  all. 

Mr.  Flood.  When  you  say  we  were  forced  to  march  175  kilometers 
and  we  were  stripped  of  our  accoutrements,  and  we  were  treated  very 
brutally,  do  you  mean  officer  personnel  and  enlisted  personnel  or  was 
there  a  separation  of  officer  personnel  from  noncommissioned  officer 
personnel  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  In  the  very  first  heat  of  being  taken  prisoners  of 
war  there  was  no  distinction  between  officers  and  men  at  all. 

Mr.  Flood.  Was  one  made  subsequently? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes,  very  soon  afterwards. 

Mr.  Flood.  How  soon  afterwards  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Twenty-four  hours  exactly,  on  the  road  while  we 
were  marching,  after  the  first  night  we  spent  in  the  open.  They 
segregated  the  officers  and  men  quite  separately  to  such  an  extent  that 
we  lost  sight  of  those  men  afterwards. 


Mr.  Flood.  They  separated  them.    Who  separated  them  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Pardon  me.    That  means  the  Soviets. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  they  military  officers  or  NKVD? 

Mr.  Mlynakski.  At  the  first  moment  and  from  there  on  until  we 
crossed  the  Russian  border,  which  is  about,  to  be  right  in  days,  about 
3  to  4  days,  we  were  only  under  the  guard  of  the  Russian  Soviet  Army, 
which  is  a  mighty  difference.  From  there  on  we  were  in  the  care  of 
the  armed  police  forces. 

After  crossing  the  Russian  border  we  camped  for  2  days 

Mr.  Flood.  I  want  to  make  this  clear.  Twenty-four  hours  after  you 
were  taken  prisoner  the  Russian  military  escort  separated  the  officers 
from  the  enlisted  personnel  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes,  as  best  they  could  do. 

Mr.  Flood.  As  best  they  could.  Then  your  crowd  were  marched 
175  kilometers  over  Ihe  Russian  border  as  officer  personnel? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  mean  the  Russian  military  compelled  officers  of  the 
Polish  Army  to  walk  170-some  kilometers? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes.  The  175  is  the  total  length  of  my  journey  by 
foot,  you  see. 

Mr.  Flood.  From  Poland  into  Russia. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes,  from  the  spot,  that  handet  where  I  was  taken 

Mr.  Flood.  Right.  But  the  important  thing  I  want  to  bring  out  is 
that  as  officers,  identified  as  officers  of  the  Polish  Army,  with  which 
the  Russians  at  that  time  had  no  controversy  legally,  you  were  inarched 
as  captives  175  kilometers. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Quite  correct,  and  we  were  distinctly  separated, 
as  I  say,  about  24  hours  after  we  were  taken. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  What  date  was  that  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  That  was  on  the  20th  of  September. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  1939. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  1939.  We  were  always  in  that  time  now.  When 
we  arrived  at  an  intermediate  spot  where  we  stayed  about  2  days  we 
had  already  met  batches  of  other  men.  I  am  speaking  now  only  of 
officers  because  meanwdiile  on  that  inarch  I  lost  the  enormous  queue  of 
the  privates. 

How  long  that  was  I  never  saw,  because  I  would  say  without  ex- 
aggeration on  the  rolling  land  of  the  border  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Bug  River  you  could  see  sometimes  three  or  four  kilometers  distance 
easily  and  you  saw  the  line  never  ending.  From  that  spot  we  were 
loaded  into  trains 

Mr.  Mitchell.  You  are  now  inside  Russia. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  am  now  inside  of  Russia,  about  70  or  80  kilo- 
meters inside  Russia  on  a  railroad  junction.  I  have  it  in  my  notes  but 
1  don't  remember  the  name.  It  is  not  pertinent.  We  were  loaded  into 
trains  on  a  dark  night.  Those  things  are  done  only  at  night.  At  that 
time — I  am  underlining,  gentlemen,  from  now  on  I  am  talking  about 
officers  alone — the  strength  of  that  tiny  little  intermediate  camp  was 
well  over  2,000  men.  We  counted  ourselves  very  easily  because  there 
was  a  roll  call  and  we  knew  the  number  pretty  close.  That  night — it 
would  be  aproximately  the  26th  of  September — we  were  loaded  into 
one  big  ti'ain  consisting  of  cars,  box  cars,  very  well  known  in  Russia, 


without  any  partitions ;  in  other  words  for  the  men  who  travel  in  those 
cars  this  way,  boards  in  two  layers,  making  things  easier.  They  were 
just  straight  cars  without  any  boards  at  all.  I  am  underlining  that 
fact,  and  I  am  stressing  that  subject  a  little  bit  for  a  certain  purpose. 
It  was  pretty  rough  and  tough. 

In  the  car  in  which  I  was  loaded  there  were  88  men.  You  can 
visualize  the  conveniences.  From  there  we  were  traveling  as  far  as 
we  could  understand,  according  to  the  beams  of  sun  and  so  forth,  we 
were  heading  very  distinctly  eastward.  Because  of  the  holes  xn  that 
particular  form  of  conveyance  we  saw  of  course  quite  a  lot  of  land, 
and  it  was  easy  to  keep  our  bearings  correct.  We  passed  Kiev;  we 
passed  a  number  of  smaller  places.  In  fact,  in  two  spots  we  were 
fed.  I  think  that  was  one  of  the  most  decent  dinners  I  ever  had  in 
Russia,  which  was  not  especially  out  of  any  coi.rtesy  paid  to  us.  It 
was  simply  that  they  existed.  Those  are  enormous  organizations  that 
Russia  has  at  certain  railroad  junctions  where  they  feed  those  who 
travel  en  masse. 

As  you  gentlemen  are  probably  well  aware,  there  is  a  lot  of  mass 
movement  in  Russia  since  the  early  twenties.  Nations  have  been 
moved  from  place  to  place,  and  those  in  responsibility  had  to  feed 
them.  So  we  were  enjoying  that  hospitality  in  those  places  twice  at 

Finally,  on  the  30th  of  September  at  about  7  o'clock,  on  a  rather 
coolish  though  pretty  sunny  morning — there  was  frost  then  already 
there — the  train  stopped  at  a  station  called  Starobielsk.  That  name 
didn't  mean  much  to  us.  Neither  did  we  know  whether  that  was  the 
end  of  our  journey  or  not.  But  soon  we  were  ordered  to  leave  the  cars 
with  an  order  which  afterwards  became  immensely  familiar  to  our 
ears.    I  will  just  make  a  little  clisgression  here. 

There  are  two  orders  which  sound  this  way.  I  will  say  it  in  Russian 
and  translate  it  into  English.  One  is  Sobiraysia,  just  one  word,  and 
the  other  is  Sobiraysia  S  Vieshchami.  Those  two  expressions  differ 
immensely  in  their  final  course  of  events.  The  first,  Sobiraysia,  means 
"Be  ready."  That  means  "Be  ready  without  your  things."  That  had 
applied  probably  to  millions  of  Soviets  for  the  last  30  years,  in  their 
homes,  and  so  forth,  where  they  are  called  for  interrogation  by  dif- 
ferent bodies  of  the  period.  The  other  word  is  much  more  grim. 
"Sobiraysia  S.  Vieshchami"  means  that  you  will  be  moved  somewhere 
else,  that  it  is  not  for  interrogation  purposes  alone,  but  that  you  will 
be  moved  with  your  little  personal  possessions,  whatever  you  have, 
somewhere  else. 

In  that  particular  case  at  Starobielsk  we  all  heard  the  order  "Get 
out  of  the  cars  with  your  things."  Which  meant  that  we  were  going 
to  stay  at  that  station. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  understand  Russian? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  at  that  time? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  did. 

From  there  on  we  were  in  pretty  good  order.  We  were  pretty  tired, 
but  that  was  all  right.  We  marched  through  the  little  city  in  daylight. 
That  was  quite  an  amazing  sight,  because  for  the  first  time  we  saw  the 
local  population  of  that  remote  village;  not  a  village,  it  is  a  town,  in 
the  eastern  confines  of  the  Ukraine  Republic.    We  marched  through 

93744— 52— pt.  3- 10 


the  town  with  a  lot  of  onlookers,  mostly  women  and  children,  with  no 
hostility  expressed  in  their  faces  at  all.  Curiosity  was  the  most  sig- 
nificant thing  we  saw  in  their  eyes. 

From  there  on,  not  far  away  at  all,  on  the  street  called  Kirov,  a  very 
popular  street  in  all  towns  in  Russia,  we  were  led  into  a  compound 
surrounded  by  a  very  tall  wall  about  3  meters  high. 

Mr.  Flood.  About  how  many  men  were  in  that  contingent,  if  you 
know  or  can  guess.  At  that  moment  how  many  marched  through  the 
town  that  day? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Quite  a  few  now.  I  would  say  three  or  four  thou- 
sand at  least,  although  it  was  a  working  day. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  still  in  uniform? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  We  were  in  full  uniform. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  kind  of  uniform? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Polish  Army  uniforms. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  did  it  consist  of? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Most  of  us  still  had  our  greatcoats. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  do  you  mean  by  ''greatcoats"? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Overcoats.    Many  of  us  had  these. 

Mr.  Flood.  Polish  Army  winter  uniform? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  No;  I  wouldn't  call  them  winter  at  all.  Those 
overcoats  were  winter.  Otherwise  our  tunics  and  our  breeches  were 
not  at  all.    Mine  was  very,  very  thin,  tropical. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  wear  boots  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes;  I  had  high  boots.    That  is  the  type. 

Mr.  Flood.  W^hat  color? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  The  boots  were  black. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  most  of  the  other  officers  dress  about  the  same  way 
you  did? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  About  the  same,  but  they  varied,  naturally.  Boots 
are  something  which  have  to  be  very  good  for  a  long  march,  and  we 
had  to  walk  on  those  roads  with  their  sharp  stones,  which  wore  out 
the  boots  pretty  soon,  you  know. 

Mr.  Flood.  One  more  question  before  you  go  on.  Xow  that  you 
have  reached  the  prison  camp  of  Starobielsk,  if  3^011  know,  if  you 
had  an  opportunity  at  that  early  moment  to  discover,  what  percentage 
of  these  officers  that  walked  through  the  town  with  you  that  first  day 
wei'e  reservists  as  contrasted  to  regular  army  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes;  I  can  tell  you  that  precisely,  although  it 
is  a  vei-y  sharp  cut.  I  w^ould  say  generally,  because  it  is  based  on  our 
further  knowledge  of  our  inmates,  there  were  more  than  50  percent 
reservists,  and  out  of  that  50  percent  there  was  a  very  high  percent 
of  quite  young  men,  well  under  30. 

Mr.  Flood.  Go  ahead. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  That  first  trainload  consisted  of  over  2,000  men. 
We  were  the  very  first  on  that  day,  the  30th  of  September  1939,  to 
enter  the  Starobielsk  camp. 

If  you  will  allow  me  to  show  you  a  little  piece  of  paper,  it  is  my 

strictly  private  affair 

Chairman  Madden.  Let  me  say  this :  I  think  the  witness  is  making 
a  very  good  presentation,  and  unless  there  is  something  really  im- 
portant, I  will  ask  the  members  not  to  interrupt  until  you  get  through 
with  your  presentation,  and  then  we  will  ask  you  questions. 


Mr.  Mlyxakski.  If  you  please,  sir.  I  am  speaking  now  about  the 
Starobielsk  monastery,  because  that  is  what  it  actually  was.  Unfor- 
tunately I  haven't  the  legend  down  here  in  English.  Perhaps  you 
may  ask  your  colleague  if  he  wishes  to  see  this.  I  did  this  myself  from 
memory,  but  I  can  assure  you  gentlemen  that  the  precision  of  it  is 
very  right. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Congressman  Machrowicz,  will  you  interpret  what 
tliat  is,  please? 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  This  is  a  sketch  of  the  camp  at  Starobielsk;  is  it 

Mr.  Mlyxarski.  Tliat  is  correct. 

Mr.  FuRcoLo.  What  is  the  date  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Thirtieth  of  September  1931).  That  was  early 
morning,  gentlemen.  A  few  hours  later,  I  think  about  4  or  5  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon,  a  new  batch  arrived,  about  2,500  sti'ong,  all  officers, 
and  they  were  spilled  into  the  same  camp. 

On  the  following  day,  which  was  the  1st  of  October,  the  camp  was 
almost  bursting.  I  am  saying  that  emphatically.  The  camp  was  then 
filled  with  at  least  4,500  officers,  and  at  least  6,000  privates.  So  the 
camp  was  well  over  10,000  men.  If  you  look  at  my  little  map  there 
and  use  your  imagination,  there  was  hardly  a  spot  in  that  confine 
that  was  not  filled  with  human  bodies  somehow  or  other.  Certainly 
there  was  no  room  under  roof. 

In  those  days,  in  those  first  days  the  camp  was  hardly  built  at  all. 
There  were  only  a  few  renuiants  of  buildings,  half  destructed,  with 
the  exception  of  the  middle  center  church  and  a  kind  of  additional 
religious  building — I  don't  know  the  name  of  it — which  we  later 
called  the  circus  because  our  boys  lived  there  in  the  number  of  600 
and  lived  exactly  like  apes  can  live,  in  layers  8  stories  high. 

I  am  underlining,  gentlemen,  this  which  is  to  my  modest  under- 
standing of  events,  a  fact  which  is  important.  Just  a  while  ago  I 
explained  the  question  of  Mr.  P^lood  whether  we  were  separated  or  not. 
That  means  officers  and  men.  We  were.  Now  all  of  a  sudden  we  are 
again  mixed  all  together.  This  did  not  last  long.  The  privates  which 
were  then  about  6,000  were  deported,  and  the  deportation  started  in 
the  very  first  days  of  November.  In  other  words,  we  were  together 
about  a  month. 

To  give  tribute  to  those  boys  whom  I  never  saw  afterward,  I  can 
assure  you  gentlemen  that  not  only  myself  but  many  other  of  my  col- 
leagues, officeis,  who  were  treated  much  worse  than  they  were — by 
"they"  I  mean  our  soldiers — they  had  plenty  of  all  sorts  of  little  com- 
forts which  they  gave  us  most  generously.  I  don't  want  to  become 
pathetic,  but  if  I  saved  my  hands  and  legs  from  frost  and  so  forth,  it 
was  due  to  the  fact  that  those  boys  gave  me  all  the  necessary  things 
to  wear. 

They  left  the  camp  in  several  batches  starting  in  the  very  first 
of  November.  The  lot  of  those  men  is  a  very  interesting  story  in 
itself.  I  am  told  that  some  of  them  were  returned,  brought  back  to 
Poland.  I  have  never  personally  had  any  confirmation  of  that  fact. 
But  let's  suppose  that  that  was  true,  that  a  certain  number  may  have 
been  returned  to  Poland.  However,  later — I  have  to  jump  now  2 
years  ahead — when  I  was  working  in  the  so-called  front  line  in  one 
of  the  rallj'ing  points  of  the  Polish  Army  tlien  being  reinstated  in 


Soviet  Kussia,  I  and  quite  a  number  of  my  friends — we  called  ourselves 
working  in  the  front  lines.  The  front  line  consisted  of  simply  stand- 
ing in  a  certain  place  and  waiting,  and  receiving  those  hundreds  and 
thousands  of  Polish  soldiers  who  were  streaming  from  all  the  hun- 
dreds upon  hundreds  of  penal  servitude  camps  all  over  Soviet  Russia 
to  join  the  Polish  Army.  The  very  first  question  which  we  always 
asked  of  our  boys  in  the  receiving  front  line  was,  "Were  you  among 
the  first  batch  of  5,000  or  6,000  that  left  Starobielsk  No.  1  ?" 

I  will  come  to  an  enumeration,  gentlemen,  which  I  am  afraid  you 
will  have  to  learn.  There  was  a  Starobielsk  No.  2.  Never  did  I  have 
a  word  of  knowledge  about  those  boys  that  left  that  camp  in  early 
November  1939.  But,  gentlemen,  as  your  wonderful  task  is  to  con- 
centrate and  confine  your  work  on  the  one  specific  tragedy  of  the 
Polish  Nation,  I  think  we  should  disregard  those  others  which  were 
lost  in  this  way  or  that  w^ay,  who  amount  to  innumerable  thousands 
of  men,  both  in  army  men  and  in  the  civilian  population,  of  whom 
this  young  lady  was  one  of  the  examples. 

Life  then  was  applied  in  that  particular  camp  only  to  officers. 
When  the  privates  left  we  were  much  more  comfortable,  and  not  only 
that,  due  to  the  amazing  energy  of — I  listed  his  name  on  the  very 
first  page — Major  Zaleski,  a  sapper  also,  who  became  the  Polish  camp 
commandant,  only  in  the  capacity  of  easing  our  affairs  and  being  in 
touch  with  the  Russians  daily  and  nightly,  to  get  the  food,  to  distribute 
tlie  food,  to  build  kitchens,  et  cetera,  and  to  build  additional  barracks 
because  we  virtually  had  nowhere  to  live.  We  got  the  material,  slowly, 
but  we  did.  Amazingly,  we  got  some  nice  lumber,  and  we  got  some 
nails  whicli  are  weighed  in  Russia,  I  think  almost  as  gold,  and  other 
things  so  that  we  could  erect  a  few  buildings. 

I  made  a  note  of  that  in  my  book. 

Chairman  Madden.  Let  me  interrupt.  Let  me  say  you  have  been 
now  testifying  for  some  time.  If  you  want  a  couple  of  minutes  recess 
indicate  your  desire  at  any  time. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  That  is  all  right.  I  can  go  on.  Why  I  am  men- 
tioning that  the  life  had  changed  since  the  boys  left  is  this,  and  I 
would  like  you  gentlemen  to  use  a  litte  bit  of  your  imagination.  You 
see,  the  officers  in  Poland  in  those  days  still  belonged — by  no  means 
misunderstand  me — not  to  a  class,  but  they  were  formed  by  virtue  of 
the  fact  that  they  became  officers  and  tliey  were  members  of  the 
Polish  so-called  intelligentsia.  The  other  boys  were  wonderful  boys, 
but  they  lacked  just  that  moment  of  education.  In  other  words, 
whatever  happened  at  the  camp  to  us  from  the  point  of  view  of  the 
endeavors  to  indoctrinate  us  could  not  be  applied  to  those  boys  be- 
cause there  are  other  ways  of  teaching  those  boys  and  other  ways 
of  teaching  us.  So  from  there  on  we  were  in  a  kind  of  cauldron  and 
were  continuously  under  the  pressure  of  somehow  teaching  us  what 
life  should  be  and  what  a  wrong  life  we  led  in  our  previous  days. 

That  thing,  gentlemen — I  am  shortening  this — ran  into  all  forms 
you  can  imagine.  We  were  flooded  with  a  vile  Polish  press,  which 
I  never  knew  existed.  One  paper  was  edited  in  Kharkow  and  the 
other  was  edited  in  Kiev,  all  in  the  Polish  language,  a  most  awful 
.distorted  language;  anything  that  was  written  in  those  papers  pub- 
lished on  the  Soviet  soil  for  the  many,  many  Poles,  persons  of  Polish 
•extraction  that  lived  in  those  parts  of  the  Ukraine.    So  we  had  those 


papers  which  made  our  blood  boih  We  had  quite  a  few  newspapers, 
Pravda  and  Izvestia  and  the  Red  Stars,  the  military  organ,  that  were 
distributed  to  us  from  the  Russians. 

I  am  underlining  the  press,  gentlemen.  In  those  days  the  Russian 
press  had  but  bad  things  to  tell  us  about  ourselves,  and  that  is  very 
painful.  Those  moral  flailings  are  sometimes  more  painful  than 
physical  ill-treatment.     This  went  on  for  many  months. 

Besides,  there  were  other  means,  too.  There  was  the  radio.  The 
radio  was  installed,  as  it  is  probably  now,  in  any  place,  almost,  that 
had  four  walls.  The  only  difference  from  the  radio  in  the  world  in 
which  we  are  living  here  is  that  the  radio  in  the  Soviet  Union  is  not 
removable  and  not  detachable  in  many  cases.  We  called  it  the  black 
plate  because  it  was  just  a  kind  of  a  black  plate,  a  loud-speaker 
attached  to  the  wall,  and  that  was  that.  It  started  its  noise  from 
7  o'clock  in  the  morning  and  ended  at  midnight,  without  stopping. 
There  w^ere  some  very  nice  hours  which  we  all  enjoyed  like  the  trans- 
missions, the  broadcasts  of  excellent  music.  Otherwise  it  was  mostly 
propaganda  which  that  enormous  poor  country  is  fed  continuously 
day  and  night.  That  propaganda  was  very  painful ;  I  underline  and 
emphasize,  gentlemen,  because  anything  that  was  said  about  our 
allies,  then  Great  Britain  and  France,  was  fine.  Anything  that  con- 
cerned Poland  was  just  the  worst  you  could  imagine.  Our  men,  our 
statesmen,  the  statesmen  of  our  allies,  were  slandered  in  every  form 
of  speech  or  print.  The  sinking,  just  to  give  you  an  example,  of  a 
ship  of  our  line  well  known  in  the  United  States  because  it  spanned 
the  Atlantic  since  1935,  the  motorship  Pilsudski,  sunk  in  middle  No- 
vember 1939,  was  quite  a  nice  little  sensation  in  the  Russian  press, 
where  they  said  that  the  ship  found  the  right  place  at  the  bottom  of 
the  sea. 

We  had  also  moving  pictures.  That  was  really,  gentlemen,  a 
selection  that  is  hard  to  relate  and  to  give  you  an  idea  of.  It  only 
showed  the  completely  low  level  of  those  onlookers  who  comprised 
the  untold  millions  of  the  Soviet  Union.  Of  those  I  have  nothing 
to  say.  They  were  fed  on  those  awful  pictures  that  from  the  begin- 
ning to  the  end  were  alwavs  some  completely  fantastic,  out-of-this- 
world  propaganda  stuff.  We  were  showed  those  pictures.  Even  so, 
we  were  shown  quite  a  few  little  beauties  concerning  our  war  in  1920, 
which  they  had  a  right  to  do,  but  still  looking  at  those  pictures  was 
not  too  agreeable  to  us. 

There  was  then  the  person  to  person,  every  day  and  into  the  night 
contact  and  indoctrination  by  the  always  kind  of  growing  strength 
of  the  police  forces  in  uniform,  the  so-called  politruks,  which  is  an 
abbreviation.  Those  are  the  boys  who  are  especially  taught  and  in- 
structed how  to  expose  around  them  in  their  environment,  wherever 
those  environments  may  be,  the  gospel  and  the  ideology  of  the  Soviet 
school  of  thought.  Those  men  are  supposed  to  talk.  They  are  not 
supposed  to  be  silent.  They  watched  us  and  they  had  to  talk,  com- 
pletely different  from  the  members  of  the  Red  Army  which  we  were 
first  surrounded  with,  who  didn't  talk  at  all  because  they  had  nothing 
to  talk  about.  If  we  first  asked  them  a  few  questions,  they  always 
refrained,  saying  that  they  knew  nothing  about  anything.  Some  of 
those  politruks  were  very  clever,  some  of  them  were  just  smart,  and 
a  few  of  them  I  would  call  not  to  the  level.     However,  they  dragged 


US  into  conversations.  Then  those  conversations  went  on  at  consider- 
able length.  If  you  can  imagine  the  camp  at  that  time,  over  40,000 
strong,  of  intelligent  men,  many  of  them  prone  to  talk  too  much,  too, 
the  conversation  sometimes  lagged  to  the  complete  defeat  of  us.  "Of 
us"  means  the  Polish  officers.  As  far  as  challenging  and  attempting 
to  criticize  the  Soviet  order  you  have  to  be  very  well-versed  in  the 
matters  to  counteract.     If  you  don't,  you  lose. 

In  many  cases  Tve  lost.  But  that  of  course  I  am  putting  a  little 
bit  in  a  joking  manner  because,  after  all,  we  did  not  change  our  views, 
and  on  the  contrary,  I  think  we  remained  pretty  faithful  to  our  old 
M'av  of  thinking. 

Finally,  gentlemen,  there  was  the  interrogation  individually  by 
the  members  of  the  NKVD  in  their  special  buildings.  One  building 
was  located  in  the  heart  of  the  camp  itself.  I  made  a  note  of  it. 
The  actual  number  of  the  building  was  Xo.  10.  It  was  a  little  bit  of 
a  house  always  surrounded  by  barbed  wire  and  a  few  watchmen.  So 
we  only  learned  about  the  inside  of  it  when  we  were  invited  at  night 
to  have  a  talk.  The  other  buildings,  quite  a  few  of  them  as  a  matter 
of  fact,  were  over  the  road,  in  the  buildings  where  the  administration 
of  that  camp  held  its  quarters. 

Gentlemen,  you  probably  have  heard  much  about  interrogation  in 
the  Soviet  Union.  It  is  quite  an  experience.  My  first  interrogation 
I  had  the  pleasure  of  writing  in  the  form  of  memoirs,  and  it  forms 
one  of  the  chapters  of  my  memoirs.  It  lasted  from  midnight  until 
I  think  4  or  5  o'clock  in  the  morning.  There  was  no  physical  ill-treat- 
ment, not  at  all.  Those  things  are  done  in  different  ways  in  different 
quarters  of  the  Soviet  Union.  In  an  open  place  like  this  camp  or  the 
Kozielsk  camp  those  things  are  not  done.  They  are  done  in  different 
places  where  ill-treatment  can  be  performed  with  complete  ease.  How- 
ever, a  gun  was  of  course  on  the  table.  All  sorts  of  lamps  were  shining 
straight  in  your  eyes.  They  were  smoking  cigarettes  right  in  your 
eyes  and  not  allowing  you  to  smoke,  et  cetera.  I  was  interrogated 
personally  I  think  about  5  times  in  Starobielsk,  and  probably  about 
15  times  in  my  later  days  in  other  camps. 

Chairman  Maddex.  Were  all  those  interrogations  at  night? 

Mr.  Mlynakskt.  Always.  Not  once  was  I  interrogated  in  the  day- 

Chairman  Madden.  In  the  early  morninjr? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  In  other  words,  you  were  dragged  very  rudely  out 
of  your  bunk  in  your  sleeping  quarters. 

Mr.  Flood.  Hf)W  long  were  you  at  Starobielsk,  how  many  weeks  or 
months  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  was  the  first  to  arrive  and  the  last  to  leave. 

Mr.  Flood.    How  many  months? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  From  the  30th  of  September  1939  until  the  12th 
of  May,  noon,  1940. 

Mr.  Flood,  During  the  time  you  were  there  what  was  the  highest 
number  of  Polish  officers  at  Starobieslsk  at  any  particular  time  you 
were  there? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  The  very  beginning.  I  told  you  gentlemen  a  while 
ago  that  there  were  about  2,000  in  the  first  batch  and  2,500  in  the  second 
officers'  batch. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  wore  under  pressure  to  be  converted  to  Communism 
during  all  that  time? 


Mr.  IMltnarski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  the  Russians  succeed  in  converting  many  Polish 
officers  to  communism  ? 

Mr.  Mlyxarski.  P^actually  I  wouldn't  know  one  single  case  because 
I  never  had  the  opportunity  to  know  who  was  100  i^ercent  converted, 
but  judging  and  knowing  a  little  bit  how  people  behave  and  what  they 
do,  there  were  maybe  a  few  who  were,  let's  call  them,  Reds,  and  then 
different  shades  of  red  that  slides  into  light  pink.  That  is  all  I  can 
say.  The  percentage  was  immensely  low.  Again  it  is  a  guess,  gentle- 
men, but  I  may  say  that  if  ever  it  was  higher  than  5  percent,  that 
was  the  maximinn  toDS. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  May  I  ask  a  question  with  reference  to  the  num- 
ber of  officers  there?  I  would  like  to  refer  to  your  history  of  that 
camp.    On  page  5  it  states  that  the  highest  number  was  3,9510. 

Mr.  Mltnarski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  they  consisted  as  follows,  and  correct  me  if  I 
am  wrong:  Eight  gene^rals,  150  colonels,  about  230  majors,  about  1,000 
captains,  about  2,450  lieutenants,  about  30  noncommissioned  officers, 
and  about  52  civilians,  judges,  prosecutors,  and  various  civil  officers. 

Mr.  Mlyxarskt.  Correct,  Sir. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Total,  3,920.     Is  that  a  correct  statement? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  That  is  very  correct.  However,  later  perhaps  I 
have  slightly  changed  on  my  continuous  work  to  arrive  at  the  most 
precise  figure.  However,  gentlemen,  I  may  tell  you  the  figure  you 
mentioned,  I  am  a  little  bit  proud  to  say,  humbly,  the  3,920  concerning 
the  Starobielsk  camp  is  my  figure  froni  the  very  start  of  any  revela- 
tions concerning  that  camp  in  this  world. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  there  any  Polish  priests  there? 

Mr.  jVIlynarski.  There  were  25  who  were  deported  when  the  boys 
were  still  there.     They  were  all  deported  at  about  the  end  of  October. 

Mr,  Flood.  Any  women  there? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Incidentally  there  was  one,  the  wife  of  a  man,  but 
she  disappeared  very  soon  afterwards. 

Mr.  Flood.  Rabbis? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Oh,  yes.  They  were  all  deported.  There  was  the 
head  rabbi  of  the  Polish  Armed  Forces,  Doctor — I  don't  remember. 
I  have  his  name  somewhere.  There  was  quite  a  number  of  Jews. 
There  was  not  one  rabbi,  there  were  a  few.  There  was  also  the  ortho- 
dox chaplain.  May  I  say  about  the  figure  that  to  my  understanding  it 
is  immensely  important. 

Chairman  Madden.  We  might  have  a  couple  of  minutes  recess. 

(Brief  recess.) 

Chairman  Madden.  The  committee  will  come  to  order. 

Mr.  Mlynarski,  you  reviewed  your  experience  on  being  interrogated 
at  Starobielsk. 

Mr.  INIachrowicz.  I  understand  you  left  with  the  last  group  on 
May  12 ;  is  that  correct  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  That  is  very  correct. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  How  many  were  there  at  that  time? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Eighteen  men,  plus  10 ;  that  is  28. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Prior  to  that  they  were  taken  away  in  groups  of 
about  200  each;  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes.  May  I  have  permission  to  elaborate  a  little 
bit  on  that  matter  ? 


Chairman  Madden.  Yes;  proceed. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  To  make  the  correct  answer  to  you,  sir,  arriving 
at  that  figure  3,920,  I  had  to  start  from  a  certain  date.  You  cannot 
just  improvise  figures.  Figures  remain.  That  pertains  to  the  date 
which  I  chose  to  be  the  right  date  for  the  Starobielsk  camp,  which  was 
the  5th  of  April  1940.  Later  when  I  met  similar  survivors  as  myself 
I  also  checked  possibly  the  strength  of  their  two  camps,  which  would 
be  Kozielsk  and  Ostashkov,  to  find  and  determine  the  strength  of  the 
camps.  The  strength  of  the  camps  originally  during  those  long  7 
months  varied  and  was  certainly  much  higher  than  the  number  which 
has  been  established  in  the  reports  that  exist  today,  the  5th  of  April 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  number  are  you  referring  to  that  has  been 
established  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Established  by  us,  those  through  all  ways  and 
means  tried  to  be  correct  to  establish  the  strength. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Give  us  the  number.  What  is  that  number  that 
you  are  referring  to  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  am  speaking  with  complete  loiowledge  about 
the  Starobielsk  camp,  and  I  will  try  to  explain  why  I  have  the  right 
to  do  so.  I  do  not  speak  so  precisely  about  the  other  camps  because  I 
was  not  an  inmate  of  those  camps.  The  total  figure  of  the  camps  on 
that  particular  day,  the  5th  of  April  1940,  was  Starobielsk,  3,920; 
Kobielsk  about  5,000 ;  and  Ostashkov  about  6,780. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  is  the  total? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  The  total  is  15,700  men.  The  total  approximately, 
if  you  wish  to  know 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  are  approximating  the  figures  in  the  other 
two  camps.  Will  j'ou  tell  us  how  you  arrived  at  those  approximate 
figures  in  the  other  two  camps  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  My  meeting  the  men  who  were  in  those  camps  as 
I  was  in  Starobielsk.  I  was  interested  in  that  problem  from  the  very 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Let  me  ask  you,  to  make  it  short,  were  you  as- 
signed by  General  Anders  to  any  particular  task  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  That  was  much  later,  sir,  2  years  later.  Wlien  I 
was  with  the  Army  staff. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Two  years  later,  what  were  you  assigned  to  do  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  First  of  all,  that  assignment  was  initiated  by  my- 
self. It  wasn't  a  command.  I  was  the  first  man,  the  first  officer  to 
report  to  General  Anders  in  writing  on  the  1st  of  November  1941. 
I  have  a  copy  of  that  report  here  right  in  my  file. 

Mr.  Flood.  Just  a  moment.  You  were  at  Starobielsk.  You  left 
Starobielsk  with  the  last  group  of  men  to  leave  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  "^Vliere  did  you  go  when  you  left  Starobielsk?  First  of 
all,  what  was  the  date  when  you  left  Starobielsk? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  The  12th  of  May  1940. 

Mr.  Flood.  Where  did  you  go  from  Starobielsk  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Gentlemen,  if  you  don't  desire  to  listen  to  my 
elaboration,  it  will  make  it  a  little  bit  cloudy. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  would  like  to  know  where  you  went  from  Starobielsk 
in  May  of  1940. 


Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  went  to  a  camp  that  was  called.  Pavlishev  Bor. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  went  to  Pavlishev  Bor  from  Starobielsk? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  That  is  correct. 
Mr.  Flood.  How  long  were  you  there  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Twenty-eight  days. 

Mr.  Flood.  Where  did  you  go  from  Pavlishev  Bor? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Gryazovets. 

Mr.  Flood.  Gryazovets.  How  long  were  you  at  Gryazovets  ?  Wliat 
was  the  date  when  you  arrived  at  Gryazovets  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  have  it  all  here,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  arrived  at  Gryazovets  about  when  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  arrived  at  the  camp  Gryazovets  on  the  18th  of 
June  1940. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  you  left  when  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  We  left  Gryazovets  all  together.  When  the 
barbed  wires  were  cut  from  in  front  of  us,  we  left  as  free  men  on  the 
2d  of  September  1941. 

Mr.  Flood.  On  the  2d  of  September  1941  you  left  as  free  men? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  you  went  from  Gryazovets  to  where? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  To  the  rallying  point  of  the  Polish  Army  under 
the  command  of  General  Anders. 

Mr.  Flood.  Where  was  that  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  There  were  several. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  went  to  join  General  Anders  where  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  There  were  several  points.  I  went  for  the  first  7 
days  or  so  to  a  little  place  called  Totzkoye,  T-o-t-z-k-o-y-e. 

Mr.  Flood.  This  was  after  Russia  had  entered  into  the  war  and  she 
was  forming  an  army  of  former  Polish  officers  ? 

Mr.  ]Mlynarski.  Correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  After  all  that  was  done,  did  jou  ever  join  General  An- 
ders^    Did  you  ever  join  General  Anders'  command  yourself? 

Mr.  ISIlynarski.  From  the  very  first  time,  the  first  day  the  initi- 
ation, or  rather  let's  call  it  a  little  bit  pathetically,  the  resurrection  of 
the  Polish  forces  was  announced  by  General  Anders  personally,  wdio 
flew  from  Moscow  to  Gryazovets  on  the  25th  of  August  1941. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  you  responded  to  this  call  from  General  Anders? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  the  purpose  was  to  form  a  Polish  Army  under  the 
command  of  General  Anders,  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  For  an  army  you  must  have  soldiers  and  you  must  also 
have  officers. 

Mr.  INIlynarski.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  had  the  soldiers,  and  you  couldn't  find  officers. 

Mr.  JMlynarski.  At  that  time  we  had  no  soldiers  at  all. 

Mr,  Flood.  They  were  going  together. 

Mr.  jNIlynarski.  We  believed  that  they  were  alive,  which  was  true 
to  a  certain  extent. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  told  my  colleague  that  you  had  volunteered  for 
duty  with  General  Anders.  To  do  what  ?  '  Wliat  specific  thing  did 
you  offer  yourself  to  do  ? 


Mr.  Mlynarski.  Gentlemen,  I  am  a  little  bit  troubled  with  answer- 
ing that  question,  not  because  I  don't  want  to  but  because  I  don't  know 
how  to  answer  it.  First  of  all,  being  an  officer,  I  was  straight  under 
his  command.  There  were  some  intermediates  between  him  and 

Mr.  Flood.  I  understand  that,  but  it  has  been  indicated  that  you 
performed  a  certain  mission  and  that  mission  was  in  conjunction  with 
another  officer 

Mr.  Mltnar-ki.  Correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  To  look  for  missing  Polish  officers ;  is  that  correct  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Not  quite,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  is  correct? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  What  is  correct  is  this,  that  by  the  mere  fact  that 
people  around  me,  my  colleagues — here  is  one  sitting  right  here 
in  front  of  me — came  to  the  conclusion  that  I  am  one  of  those — I  don't 
want  to  brag  or  anything,  but  I  was  just  one  of  those  who  was  studying 
by  the  methods  of  deduction  the  whole  affair. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  understand  that  very  clearly,  but  did  you  go  looking 
for  Polish  officers? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Actually  I  did  not  go  looking. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  know  of  anybody  who  did  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Maj.  Joseph  Czapski  did,  personall3\ 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  know  Major  Czapski? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  He  is  a  very  old  friend  of  mine. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  talk  to  him  at  that  time  about  this  problem? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Many  times  before  and  after. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  ever  get  to  Tehran? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  *No,  I  didn't  go  to  Tehran. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  ever  hear  of  Colonel  Syzmanski  of  the  United 
States  Army? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  him  in  Cairo. 

Mr.  Flood.  Where  did  you  meet  him? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  In  Cairo. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  did  you  talk  about? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Different  affairs,  and  then  he  asked  me  to  write  a 
certain  report,  which  I  gladly  did. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  at  any  time  talk  with  Colonel  Syzmanski,  of 
the  United  States  Army,  in  Cairo  about  any  of  the  problems  related 
to  the  Katyn  affair  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Oh,  yes. 

Mr,  Flood.  That  is  all. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  To  your  knowledge  while  you  were  at  Gryazovets 
and  General  Anders,  as  you  said,  announced  that  the  Polish  Army 
would  be  formed  in  Russia,  how  many  officers  were  there  at  that  time 
at  (irryazovets,  to  your  own  personal  knowledge? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  There  were  approximately  200  officers,  including  a 
batch  of  let's  say  25  to  30 — those  figures,  gentlemen,  exist  ver}^  pre- 
cisely. I  do  not  have  them  in  my  memory.  Let's  say  approximately 
200  men  of  the  400  original  survivors,  plus  approximately  ^00  officers 
plus,  about  350  NCO's  and  a  few  privates,  which  enlarged  the  existing 
Gi\yazovets  cami),  which  was  to  become  the  only  camp  in  tlie  Soviet 
Union  called  a  ]>risoner-()f-war  cam])  at  that  time.  Those  000  officers 
plus  those  350  NCO's  arrived  in  the  Gryazovets  camp.  Please  make  it 
a  strong  note.    I  request  that. 


Mr.  Mitchell.  How  many? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  On  the  2d  of  July  1941,  that  means  11  days  after 
the  war  was  declared  between  the  Soviet  Union  and  Germany,  those 
men  which  originated  from  the  so-called  internment  in  Latvia  and 
Estonia  and  were  in  prison  in  the  Kozielsk  camp — I  have  the  dates 
right  here — from  June  1940  until  the  date  of  their  arrival  in  the  camp 
of  Gryazovets  on  the  2d  of  July  1941,  that  batch  which  was  much 
higher  than  the  figure  I  have  just  disclosed,  namely  1,250  men,  that 
batch  was  well  over  2,500  men  in  the  beginning  of  their  deportation  or 
their  change  in  place  of  imprisonment  from  Latvia  and  Estonia  to  the 
Kozielsk  camp  No.  2.    That  has  nothing  to  do  with  Kozielsk  No.  1. 

Kozielsk  No.  1  at  that  time  on  the  12th  of  May  1940  was  completely 
empty,  and  it  was  filled,  not  to  the  brim  but  approximately  2,500  men 
from  those  two  Republics  just  told  about. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Now  let  me  ask  you  a  question  which  bears  on 
the  very  issue  which  we  must  determine  here.  Of  those  officers  with 
whom  you  were  in  the  prison  camp  did  you  ever  hear  from  any  of 
them  after  May  1940  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Never,  not  a  word. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  As  a  result  of  that,  have  you  come  to  the  con- 
clusion that  they  had  been  liquidated  no  later  than  May  1940  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Decidedly  so. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Because  at  that  time  the  Russians  were  the  ones 
in  possession  of  that  territory,  it  is  your  conclusion  that  they  were 
liqiiidated  by  the  Russians? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Decidedly  so,  only  I  never  knew  the  place. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  you  meet  Colonel  Grobicki? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  met  Colonel  Grobicki  in  the  intermediate  little 
cam])  called  Pavlischev  Bor  and  from  then  on  we  spent  15  months 
together  in  the  Gryazovets  camp. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  He  was  with  you  at  Pavlischev  Bor? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes,  because  he  was  in  Kozielsk  originally.  Pavlis- 
chev Bor  was  the  spot  where  we  met.  That  means  the  remnants  of  the 
three  big  camps. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  One  other  question.  Witness:  Also  referring  to 
your  memoirs,  I  want  to  ask  you  whether  or  not  you  know  of  any 
officers  who  escaped  from  the  prison  camp  in  which  you  were. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  No. 

Mr.  JNIaciirowicz.  I  refer  to  page  5.  You  refer  to  the  fact  that  in 
the  early  days  of  the  camp  there  were  about  10  or  20  who  did  escape. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  think  I  referred  to  officers  ? 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Starobielsk. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  meant  officers? 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Yes. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  If  they  ever  escaped,  they  escaped  in  disguise  with 
the  boys,  putting  on  the  clothes,  the  uniforms  of  the  privates. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  the  early  days  there  was  a  very  small  number 
that  did  escape. 

]\Ir.  Mlynarski.  Yes,  but  I  don't  think  I  can  elaborate  very  much 
about  that  word  ''escape,"  because  that  means  really  that  they  left 
the  gates  of  the  cam]).  What  hapjoened  to  them  later  I  don't  know.  I 
tell  you  frankly  I  think  I  met  once  a  fellow  somewhere  in  London 
long  years  after,  who  did  escape  actually  and  was  found  alive  after- 
ward.    I  met  him  afterward. 


Mr.  Machrowicz,  I  understand  those  are  very  exceptional  cases. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  So  exceptional  cases. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  I  want  to  bring  out  is  that  there  were  at 
least  a  few  exceptional  cases  that  escaped. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  There  were.  I  don't  deny  the  fact  that  there 
were.  There  were  another  two  cases  which  I  would  not  call  an  escape 
in  the  way  of  running  away  from  the  camp. 

No ;  there  were  two  cases  which  originated  in  an  entirely  different 
fashion.  There  were  two  high  aristocrats.  One  was  Prince  Radzi- 
will,  and  the  other  was  Prince  Jan  Lubomirski,  in  the  camp  of 
Gryazovets.  Ultimately  they  both  were  sent  home,  and  we  were  glad 
to  hear  that,  that  was  all,  through  the  very,  very  highest  authority, 
through  the  King  of  Italy  himself  and  all  the  rest. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  is  all. 

Chairman  MxVdden.  Any  further  questions? 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  You  were  at  Kozielsk  for  some  time  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Never. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  Did  you  ever  know  of  a  man  named  W.  Jan  Firtek  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes ;  he  was  a  young  boy ;  an  ensign. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  An  officer  cadet? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Officer  cadet. 

Mr.  FuRcoLO.  Did  you  know  him  by  any  chance  yourself? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes;  I  knew  him  at  Gryazovets;  yes.  He  wrote 
some  memoirs,  I  remember. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  We  had  a  witness  whose  first  name  was  M-a-r-i-o-n, 
and  his  last  name  was  Gawiak,  G-a-w-i-a-k.  He  went  by  the  name 
of  Mike.  I  don't  know  how  you  would  pronounce  the  last  name.  He 
also  was  at  Gryazovets,  Does  that  name  by  any  chance  mean  anything 
to  you  at  all  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  don't  recollect  him  personally.  I  know  the  offi- 
cers much  better  because  we  lived  in  the  same  quarters.  I  don't  know 
the  boys.  They  lived  in  different  quarters.  Although  those  400  knew 
each  other. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Of  the  total  number  of  officers  that  were  with  you 
at  Starobielsk,  how  many  survived  to  your  knowledge  after  the  war? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Today  of  course  there  is  only  a  very  few  alive. 
They  were  decimated  afterward  by  all  sorts  of  fevers,  and  so  forth, 
during  our  stay  in  Russia,  and  they  were  decimated  by  war  casualities 
in  the  campaigns.  So  today  there  are  very  few.  In  the  United  States 
I  know  of  only  three.  Here  is  one  [indicating].  I  am  one,  and  there 
is  one  in  New  York.  That  is  about  all.  The  numbers  were  these  at 
the  time.  There  were  63  men  that  left  the  Starobielsk  camp  in  one 
of  those  many  batches.  But  that  was  a  specific  case.  They  left  on  the 
25th  of  April  1940.  The  little  batch  which  I  was  a  member  of  con- 
sisted originally  of  18  men.  There  arrived  at  the  intermediate  camp 
at  the  station  of  Babinino  only  63.  Two  men  were  taken  out  of  those 
awful  little  cabins  we  were  imprisoned  in.  Sixteen  and  63  is  79, 
pins — Congressman  Machrowicz  has  my  notes  there — I  mentioned 
I  think  6  or  7  men  who  originally  were  in  the  Starobielsk  cam])  and 
were  individually  deported  during  those  first  7  months,  and  they 
afterward  through  a  great  deal  of  luck  somehow  or  other  survived 
and  joined  our  forces,  which  makes  I  think  the  total,  if  now  I  could 


read  my  notes  I  would  know  better,  something  a  little  bit  over  79 
plus  6.    It  would  be  something  around  85. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  You  have  seen  the  lists  of  the  individuals  who  have 
been  identified  as  having  been  exhumed  at  Katyn.  Do  you  recognize 
any  names  there  of  any  officers  or  individuals  who  were  with  you  at 

Mr.  Mlyxarski.  Not  to  my  knowledge,  no.  I  didn't  find  a  single 
one.  Of  course  I  could  only  cover  the  limited  number  which  my 
limited  brain  could  embrace,  you  know.  If  you  want  to  see  a  little 
bit  of  a  very  private  and  very  personal  and  very  intimate  work  of 
mine,  here  it  is.  Here  on  this  page  are  the  names  of  my  closest  friends 
with  whom  I  was  sharing  the  lot  in  the  Starobielsk  camp.  Those  men 
were  all  put  down  in  different  periods  of  time  on  little  scraps  of  paper 
which  I  lost,  so  afterward  I  reworked  that  many,  many,  times  to 
arrive  at  a  certain  precision.  Down  the  line  up  to  about  here  [indicat- 
ing], which  includes  about  100  men,  I  would  dare  to  say  I  could  tell 
the  story  to  their  wives,  mothers,  or  daughters  pretty  well.  This  list 
includes  further,  of  course,  many  more  which  I  derived  from  differ- 
ent sources  afterward.  I  am  speaking  now,  gentlemen,  of  men  who 
are  dead.    That  is  how  my  work  started. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  How  do  you  know  they  are  dead? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  That  is  my  own  way. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Your  assumption  2 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  My  assumption.  I  am  not  condemning  anyone. 
I  have  no  right  to  do  so.  The  only  thing  is  that  in  this  limited  way 
of  life  which  we  are  all  leading  in  this  world,  I  think  we  have  the 
right  to  call  someone  at  least  missing  forever,  or,  if  you  please,  dead 
or  murdered  or  not  alive  if  that  i)erson  or,  in  this  case,  a  strength  of 
15,300  men  have  had  their  mouths  silenced  by  some  unknown  way. 
According  to  the  laws  of  large  figures,  it  is  unbelievable  that  a  batch 
of  15,300  men,  out  of  which  50  percent  were  young  men,  did  not  try  to 
escape  in  the  course  of  events,  not  to  try  to  escape,  really  to  escape. 
If,  according  to  the  Soviet  Union's  statement  of  January  1944,  those 
15,300  men  were  confined  in  completely  unknown  3  localities  differ- 
ent from  the  many  statements  which  you  have  received,  gentlemen, 
from  me  and  from  others  alive,  with  names  and  dates  and  geographical 
positions,  with  precision  if  the  Soviet  Union  can  only  tell  us  that 
there  were  3  camps  from  35  to  45  kilometers  west  of  Smolensk, 
numbered  1  ON,  2  ON,  and  3  ON,  and  that  those  men  worked  on  re- 
pairing roads  or  doing  something  of  that  nature.  I  would  like  to 
draw  your  attention,  gentlemen,  to  the  fact  which  I  make  a  statement 
of.  Although  our  lives  in  the  congested  camps  at  Starobielsk,  Ostash- 
kov,  and  Kozielsk  were  not  too  easy,  and  later  in  the  little  camp 
Gryazovets  in  the  north  on  the  railroad  to  Archangel,  however,  we 
were  never — this  is  my  own  personal  interpretation — confined,  we 
were  never  ordered  to  do  penal-servitude  work  according  to  the  meth- 
ods which  are  very  well  known  and  written  in  volumes  here  in  these 
United  States  and  applied  to  the  millions  that  worked  elsewhere  in 
camps  specifically  and  especially  organized  for  that  purpose.  Yes,. 
true,  we  had  to  work  and  we  did  some  very  filthy  work  and  under  un- 
pleasant conditions,  in  the  rain  and  snow  and  mud,  et  cetera,  but  all 
that  was  almost  99  percent  in  some  way  or  other  connected  with  the 
improvement  or  enlightenment  of  our  own  lives  in  those  confinements. 


In  Gryazovets,  in  the  small  camp,  where  we  were  living  together  al- 
most 15  months,  life  became  much  more  easy  to  study  for  us,  for 
those  who  lived  to  study,  that  kind  of  life.  There  Avas  an  order,  and 
that  order  was  adhered  to  with  all  precision,  that  all  officers  from 
major  upward — there  were  not  many,  who  occupied  just  one  little 
building — were  completely  free  of  any  work  whatsoever.  Excuse  me, 
ladies,  if  I  may  say  so,  there  were  some  ugly  little  things  which  we 
had  to  do,  cleaning  spots  which  someone  should  do  always  himself. 
Even  those  officers,  majors  and  higher  up  to  the  colonels,  were  for- 
bidden even  to  do  that  work.  So  let's  compare  this  fact.  They  had  a 
maid  who  swept  tlieir  rooms  in  that  little  building  of  theirs.  There 
was  one  general,  a  few  colonels,  and  Colonel  Grobicki  was  among 

Let's  compare  the  official  statement  of  the  Soviet  Government  telling 
us  that  15,300  men  were  laboring,  working  in  different  seasons  of  the 
year  because  that  went  on  since  April  1940  until  probably  August  1941, 
when  those  lands  were  occupied  by  the  German  forces.  They  were  off 
working  for  a  full  summer,  through  the  full  winter,  through  a  full 
spring,  and  again  almost  through  a  half  of  a  summer,  wor-king  and 
digging  trenches.  That  means  it  comprised  eight  generals,  et  cetera, 
down  the  line  to  the  NCO's. 

Chairman  Madden.  Are  there  any  other  questions? 

Mr,  Mitchell.  No  further  questions. 

Chairman  Madden.  From  all  that  you  have  related  here  to  us,  from 
the  information  you  have  received,  and  with  the  acquaintances  that 
you  had  in  these  camps,  would  you  be  in  a  position  to  say  who  was 
responsible  for  the  murders  at  Katyn  ?    Would  you,  yes,  or  no. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes. 

Chairman  Madden.  Who  would  you  say  was  responsible  for  the 
killing  of  the  people  at  Katyn? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  The  highest  authorities  of  the  Soviet  Union. 

Chairman  Madden.  If  there  are  no  further  questions,  the  commit- 
tee thanks  you  for  your  testimony.  Your  testimony  has  been  highly 
valuable.  On  behalf  of  not  only  the  committee  but  of  the  Congress, 
I  want  to  thank  you  for  coming  here  and  presenting  your  testimony. 
You  have  contriljuted  a  great  deal  toward  officially  establishing  the 
responsibility  for  the  Katyn  Massacre. 

Thank  you  very  much. 

Dr.  Srokowski,  will  you  be  sworn?  Do  you  solemnly  swear  that 
the  testimony  you  will  give  in  the  hearings  now  on  trial  will  be  the 
truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  do. 


Chairman  Madden.  Just  give  the  reporter  your  full  name  and  ad- 
dress, please. 

Mr.  Srokowski.  My  name  is  Mieczyslaw  Srokowski,  M-i-e-c-z-y-s- 
1-a-w,  S-r-o-k-o-w-s-k-i ;  5225  Blackstone  Avenue,  Chicago. 

Chairman  Madden.  Counsel,  you  may  proceed  witli  the  witness. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Mr.  Chairman  and  members  of  the  committee,  the 
-witness  has  requested  that  we  refrain  from  asking  him  too  many  ques- 
tions about  his  life  in  Poland  before  the  war.     Consequently,  I  will 


proceed  by  asking  the  doctor  if  he  was  at  Starobielsk  with  the  pre- 
vious witness. 

Dr.  Srokowski.  No.    I  was  in  Kozielsk. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Who  was  the  previous  witness,  for  the  record  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Mr.  Mlynarski. 

Chairman  Madden.  Speak  a  little  louder,  please. 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  met  him  only  in  Pavlischev  Bor. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  That  is  the  first  time  you  saw  him  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Xo;  I  knew  him  before. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Did  you  know  Grobicki  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Grobicki ;  yes ;  I  knew  him. 

Mr.  IVIiTCHELL.  At  Kobielsk  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Did  you  know  Colonel  Grobicki  before  Kozielsk? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  No  ;  I  met  him  only  in  Kozielsk. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Did  you  know  Mr.  Gawiak  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  remember  his  name.  Maybe  if  I  saw  him  I 
would  know  him. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  When  did  you  first  get  to  Kozielsk  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  The  first  of  November  1939. 

Mr.  Flood.  Before  you  get  that  far,  were  you  with  the  Polish 
Army  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  was. 

Mr.  Flood.  In  what  capacity  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  was  a  surgeon.  I  was  mobilized.  Before  the  war 
I  was  chief  surgeon  of  Polish  Red  Cross  hospital  in  Warsaw. 

Mr.  Flood.  When  you  were  sworn  they  called  you  "Doctor."  Doc- 
tor of  what  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Of  medicine,  medical  doctor. 

]Mr.  Flood.  You  were  a  Polish  doctor  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  a  medical  ofHcer  in  the  Polish  Army? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  No.     I  was  only  mobilized. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  your  rank  when  you  entered  service? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  When  I  entered  service  I  was  a  lieutenant,  and  I 
finished  as  major. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  went  in  as  lieutenant  and  finished  as  major? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  a  reservist  or  a  regular  army  officer? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  was  a  reservist. 

Mr.  Flood.  At  the  time  the  Germans  crossed  the  Polish  border  were 
you  then  in  the  army  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  was. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  in  the  line  opposite  the  Germans  in  that  part 
of  Poland  when  the  Germans  came  in? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  was  in  Warsaw. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  in  Warsaw. 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Yes.     I  was  a  surgeon  in  a  hospital. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  ever  captured  by  the  Germans? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  later  captured  by  the  Russians? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Bv  the  Russians. 

Mr.  Flood.  Where? 


Dr.  Srokowski.  Seventeenth  of  September  1939  at  Grembowla, 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  on  active  duty  at  the  time  you  were  captured? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  you  in  a  hospital  ? 

Dr.  Srokow^ski.  I  was. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  working  as  a  surgeon? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  In  a  military  hospital ;  yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Attending  wounded  Polish  troops? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Yes.  Polish  wounded,  because  we  only  became 
mobilized  the  morning  of  the  iTth  of  September. 

Mr.  Flood.  On  the  morning  of  the  17th  of  September  1939  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Yes.  I  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Bolsheviks  in  the 
afternoon  of  the  same  day. 

Mr.  Flood.  On  the  17th  of  September  1939  you  were  on  active  duty 
as  a  Polish  medical  officer  in  a  Polish  military  hospital? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  were  then  captured  by  the  Russians  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Right. 

Mr.  Flood.  Subsequently  you  got  to  Kozielsk  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  Where  did  you  go  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Subsequently,  because  before  I  was  taken  to  the 
south  of  Russia  it  was  a  small  camp. 

Mr.  Flood.  But  you  did  get  to  Kozielsk? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  After  a  few  weeks  we  stayed  there  we  were  trans- 
ported to  Kozielsk  the  1st  of  November  1939. 

Mr.  Flood.  November  1,  1939,  you  arrived  at  Kozielsk? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Right. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  While  you  were  at  Kozielsk,  were  you  permitted  to 
practice  medicine?  In  other  words,  were  you  attending  the  wounded 
there  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  No,  not  wounded  too  much.  There  were  only  sick 
people  there.  It  was  a  small  hospital  directed  by  a  Russian  lady. 
There  was  some  Polish  doctor  to  take  care  of  his  friends,  of  course, 
under  the  supervision  of  this  Russian  doctor. 

]Mr.  Mitchell.  Officially  you  were  not  permitted  to  tend  your 
Polish  officers? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  No. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  How  many  doctors  did  they  have  at  Kozielsk? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  cannot  say  exactly,  but  I  think  about  500. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Five  hundred  Polish  doctors  at  Kozielsk? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  That  is  right. 

Chairman  MxVdden.  Were  they  in  the  army  as  officers? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Reservists,  mobilized.  Of  course,  there  were  even 
some  civilians. 

Mr.  MiTciiELii.  How  long  were  you  at  Kozielsk  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  To  the  second  part  of  April  1940. 

Mv.  Mitchell.  The  latter  part  of  xipril  1940.  Where  did  you  go 
from  Kozielsk? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  From  Kozielsk  I  was  taken  to  Pavlischev  Bor. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  How  were  you  transported  ? 


Dr.  Srokowski.  By  walking  to  the  station  and  afterward  by  the 

Mr.  Mitchell.  How  many  went  with  you  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  cannot  say  exactly,  but  about  100. 

Mr,  Mitchell.  One  hundred  Polish  officers? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Were  they  all  officers? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  You  walked  from  the  camp  to  the  train  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  ISIiTCHELL.  What  kind  of  train  was  it? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  It  was  specially  built  for  prisoners,  I  have  seen 
the  cars  in  Europe,  with  coupes  with  a  small  corridor.  It  had  only  a 
small  window  in  the  coupe  with  grates.  We  could  not  go  out  even 
from  the  coupe. 

]\Ir.  Mitchell.  Grates.    You  mean  bars? 

Dr.  Srokowski,  Iron  bars. 

Mr.  Mitchell,  Were  they  individual  cells  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski,  Coupe,  passenger  cars  in  Europe,  where  you  have 
a  corridor, 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Compartment? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Compartment. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Did  you  see  anything  in  those  cars,  these  trains? 

Dr.  Srokow^ski.  We  looked  for  some  writing,  and  we  saw  some 
place  where  it  was  washed  out.  Finally  in  the  corridor  we  saw  some 
jiotes  probably  by  one  of  the  officers  who  had  left  before. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Left  where  ? 

Chairman  Madden.  This  notice  was  written  in  these  prison  cars? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Yes,  on  the  wall  of  the  car. 

The  Chairman.  On  the  wall  of  the  car. 

Dr,  Srokowski.  Written  by  a  prisoner  who  could  write.  It  was 
very  high  in  the  corridor  so  it  was  not  noticed  by  the  Bolshevik  guards. 
We  saw  some  place  where  it  was  washed  out. 

Mr.  Flood,  You  were  in  Kozielsk  with  a  lot  of  other  Polish  officers? 

Dr,  Srokowski.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  probably  knew  that  other  brother  officers  of  yours 
were  being  removed  from  Kozielsk  from  time  to  time  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski,  Right, 

Mr.  Flood.  1  suppose  you  were  wondering  what  was  happening  to 
them.     You  talked  among  each  other,  "Wliere  are  they  going?" 

Dr.  Srokowski.  The  Bolsheviks  made  suggestions  that  we  were 
going  to  be  given  up  to  the  Germans. 

Mr.  Flood.  Yes,  but  you  were  discussing  among  each  other,  "Where 
are  these  fellows  being  taken  to?     Where  are  they  going?" 

Dr.  Srokowski.  A  lot  of  people  believed  that  they  were  going  back 
to  Poland. 

Mr.  Flood.  Certainly.  So  when  you  got  on  the  cars  in  which  other 
officers  from  Kozielsk  had  been  taken  away. 

Dr.  Srokowski,  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood,  Naturally  you  thought  that  other  officers  from  the 
same  camp,  and  friends,  may  have  put  something  on  the  wall  to  tell 
you  something  or  give  you  some  message,  is  that  right  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski,  Yes, 

93744 — 52 — pt.  3 11 


Mr.  Flood.  You  were  lookiii^^  for  those  writings? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Prisoners  of  war  always  make  notes.  I  remember 
we  made  some  notes  on  the  walls  of  the  camp. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  is  like  the  American  expression  "Kilroy  was  here." 
You  were  looking  for  that.    Did  you  find  it  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  did  it  say  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  It  said  that  one  of  the  transports  which  left,  I  don't 
remember  exactly  the  day,  but  I  would  say  about  the  7th  of  April ■ 

Mr.  Flood.  1940. 

Dr.  Srokowski.  1940.  Was  one  station  after  Smolensk.  The  man 
who  wrote  this  couldn't  write  the  name  of  the  station,  but  he  wrote 
only  that  it  was  the  first  stop  after  Smolensk. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Wliich  is  Katyn,  is  it  not? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrow^icz.  The  first  station  past  Smolensk  is  Gniezdovo,  is 
is  not  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  cannot  say. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  However,  Katyn  is  near  the  first  stop. 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  don't  know,  only  the  train  stopped  at  the  first 
station,  he  wrote.  He  w^rote  in  the  letter  the  first  stop  after  the  big 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  There  is  no  railroad  station  at  Katyn,  but  the 
nearest  is  Gniezdovo,  which  is  the  first  station  past  Smolensk. 

Dr.  Srokow\ski.  He  did  not  mention  the  name  of  the  station. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  It  just  said  the  first  stop. 

Dr.  Srokowski.  It  is  very  difficult,  you  know,  because  before  they 
were  taken  off  the  cars  maybe  he  couldn't  see  the  name. 

Mr.  O'KoxsKi.  Did  he  sign  his  name  ? 

Dr.  Srokowskj.  No. 

Mr.  O'KoxsKi.  All  you  saw  was  the  writing  but  no  name? 

Dr.  Srokowski,  Yes. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  How  long  were  you  on  this  train? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  We  traveled  about  a  half  day.  We  stopped  in  a 
station  and  we  didn't  know  what  station  it  was.  We  Avere  kept  in  the 
station  about  20  hours.  At  the  end  of  it  we  saw  the  station,  from 
which  it  was  about  35  kilometers  to  the  camp,  Pavlischev  Bor. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  When  did  you  get  to  Pavlischev  Bor? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  The  second  part  of  April  1940. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  The  latter  part  of  April  1940? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  How  many  Polish  doctors  were  at  Pavlischev  Bor 
when  you  got  there  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  would  say  a  few ;  not  too  many.  I  cannot  exactly 
say.  I  remember  one  dentist  and  there  was  one  Mdio  before  the  war 
was  one  of  my  friends.  Pie  was  a  colonel  in  the  Polish  Army.  Before 
the  war  he  was  professor  of  surgery  in  Kharkov  University.  He  spoke 
Russian  very  well  and  the  Bolsheviks  gave  him  some  information.  I 
was  very  friendly  with  him  because  he  was  at  the  hospital  where  I 
w^as  chief  surgeon  before  the  w^ar.  He  had  some  friends  among  the 
Bolshevik  oflicers  who  explained  to  him  this  group  of  oflicers  will  go 
to  another  camp  which  will  be  much  more  comfortable  and  with  fewer 
.officers  we  will  have  a  much  better  condition  of  living. 


Mr.  Flood.  What  reason  can  you  give  for  escaping?  Do  you  have 
any  idea  why  you  escaped  ?  If  it  is  true  that  the  other  brother  officers 
of  yours  at  Kozielsk  were  killed  at  Kat5^n — and  the  evidence  so  far  in- 
dicates that  is  what  happened — if  they  were  all  killed  at  Katyn,  how  is 
it  that  you  were  not?    Do  you  have  any  idea? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  It  is  difficult  to  explain.  I  was  married  to  French, 
and  my  wife  left  Poland  one  day  before  war  broke  out.  She  wrote  me 
a  letter.    I  wrote  to  her  from  Kozielsk,  and  I  have  the  letter. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  He  wrote  this  letter  from  Kozielsk? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  That  is  the  letter  I  wrote  to  my  wife. 

Mr.  Flood.  To  your  wife  from  Kozielsk. 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Where  was  she,  in  France? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  In  France.  Af  coui'se  they  knew  that  someone 
might  later  be  asking  about  me. 

Mr.  Flood.  Have  you  ever  met  any  of  your  brother  officers  who  were 
in  the  prison  camp  at  Kozielsk  with  you  during  all  the  time  you  were 
there?  Have  you  ever  met  any  of  them  alive  since,  except  the  ones 
that  went  with  you  to  Pavlischev  Bor? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  do  not  get  your  question. 

Mr.  Flood.  Since  the  war  have  you  ever  heard  anything,  or  have 
you  ever  seen  alive  any  of  the  brother  officers  of  yours  who  were  in 
the  Russian  prison  camp  with  you  at  Kozielsk  other  than  the  ones  who 
were  at  Pavlischev  Bor  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  have  never  seen  any  of  the  others  ? 

Dr.  Srokow^ski.  Never. 

Mr.  Flood,  Have  you  ever  heard  of  them  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  No. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  In  connection  with  and  following  his  question 
through,  you  saw  a  list  of  the  exhumed  bodies  that  were  found  at  Katyn 
grave ;  haven't  you  ? 

D»*  Srokowski,  I  didn't  see  exactly  a  list. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  You  heard  the  names  and  those  names  you  recog- 
nized as  being  at  that  camp  at  that  time  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Yes.  There  was  one  lieutenant  who  was  in  civilian 
clothes  because  he  had  not  time  to  make  his  uniform,  I  lived  in  the 
same  room  with  him  and  he  told  me  that  he  had  all  his  military  papers 
hidden  in  his  jacket.  Afterward,  finally  I  found  his  name  exactly. 
1  saw  his  name  in  this  German  report,  identified  by  his  first  name  and 
.second  name,  and  even  his  grade  in  the  Polish  Army. 

Mr,  Sheehan.  Doctor,  the  previous  witness  and  practically  every 
witness  before  the  committee  so  far  who  was  captured  by  the  Russians 
all  stated  that  at  many  times  they  were  questioned  or  interrogated 
with  a  view  toward  seeing  if  they  could  convert  them  to  communism. 
Were  you  ever  interrogated  that  way? 

Dr,  Srokowski,  I  was  interrogated  several  times, 

Mr.  Sheehan.  What  was  their  main  purpose? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  First  of  all,  to  know  everything  about  you,  because 
some  Polish  officers  were  in  the  soldiers'  camps.  It  was  not  per- 
mitted, of  course,  and  they  did  everything  in  order  to  find  who  were 
officers  and  who  were  not.  Therefore,  several  times  they  asked  me 
several  questions,  where  I  was  born,  who  was  my  father,  and  so  on. 


In  the  beginning  we  thought  it  was  a  stupid  investigation,  but  finally 
we  found  it  was  very  intelligent  because  after  50  or  OU  times  they  would 
put  one  question  different.  It  was  really  difficult  to  memorize,  if  you 
wanted  to  give  the  truth.  A  lot  of  officers  were  hidden,  and  they  finally 
were  discovered. 

Mr.  SiiEEHAK.  Will  you  tell  us  why  you  think  they  wanted  to  sepa- 
lute  the  officers  (     What  was  their  end  purpose ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  think,  my  personal  opinion,  that  they  didn't  want 
the  Polish  officers  to  have  influence  among  the  Polish  soldiers.  The 
first  day  in  the  prison  camp  they  started  propaganda,  sometimes  very 
low.  I  remember  I  listened  to  the  propaganda.  I  was  interested 
how  they  would  try  to  change  the  minds  of  our  soldiers.  It  was 
something  very  poor.  I  remember  one  of  the  Bolshevik  officers  talked 
to  the  soldiers,  peasants,  countrymen,  and  told  them  that  here  is  really 
the  best  country  in  the  world,  where  the  miners  can  work  sitting  down 
in  there  and  the  machine  works  for  them.  The  people  were  offended 
by  so  low  propaganda. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  have  any  idea  how  many  of  the  officers  were 
reservists  who  were  prisoners  with  you,  and  how  many  were  regular 
army,  not  the  number,  but  the  percentage  ?  I  am  very  anxious  to  find 
out  about  what  the  percentage  of  reservists  was  of  those  that  were  at 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  couldn't  answer  that  question.  Among  doctors 
there  were  more  reservists. 

Mr.  Flood.  Most  of  the  prisoners  were  reservists  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Reserves. 

Mr.  Flood.  Among  the  doctors,  you  knew  the  doctors,  and  the 
chances  are  the  percentage  was  just  as  high  among  the  others,  but  you 
don't  know  that? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  We  are  trying  to  discover  that  because  in  nations  where 
there  is  universal  military  conscription  and  where  nearly  everybody 
of  any  stature  is  a  reserve  officer,  the  destruction  of  the  reserve  officer 
corps  is  not  only  the  destruction  of  military  officers  but  it  is  also  the 
destruction  of  the  intelligentsia.  The  economic,  the  professional,  the 
banking,  the  commercial,  the  entire  leadership  of  a  nation  in  central 
Europe  is  in  the  reserve  officer  corps.  If  you  destroy  the  reserve  officer 
corps  you  have  killed  two  birds  with  one  stone,  not  only  the  military 
officers  but  the  entire  intelligent  leadership  of  a  nation.  That  is  the 
reason  we  are  trying  to  find  out  what  happened. 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Among  the  doctors  there  were  a  lot  of  professore 
from  universities.  One  was  a  professor  in  this  Krakow  University. 
It  is  very  hard  to  remember.  From  the  point  of  view  of  education  I 
remember  also  a  professor  of  politics,  Professor  jNIorowski. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  While  you  are  on  that  point,  there  were  a  Professor 
Pienkowski  who  was  a  neurologist;  Dr.  Stefanowski  who  was  personal 
physician  to  MiU'shal  Pilsudski,  and  an  eminent  neurologist;  Professor 
Zielenski,  and  Professor  Nelken;  and  there  was  Dr.  Wroczynski^ 
former  Vice  Minister  of  Public  Health.    Do  you  remember  them? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Yes.     I  used  to  know  them  before  the  war. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  They  were  at  Kozielsk? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  They  were;  yes. 


.'■'Mr.  FuRCOLO.  I  want  to  ask  you  somethinfy  else,  if  I  may.  I  want 
to  ask  yon  if  bv  any  chance  you  knew  a  man  named  Jan  Firtek, 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  remember  the  name. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  Let  me  try  to  refresh  your  recollection  by  mentioning 
this.  He  apparently  published  something  in  London  in  the  Polish 
Daily  in  which  he  gave  some  of  his  experiences  at  Kozielsk.  Let  me 
read  briefly  one  thing  and  see  if  it  refreshes  your  recollection  in  any 
way  at  all. 

Did  you  know  anybody  there  named  Lieutenant  Prokop  ?  Was  he 
at  Kozielsk  ?    Was  there  "a  Colonel  Kuyba,  K-u-y-b-a  at  Kozielsk  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  don't  remember. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  The  reason  I  ask  is  because  I  want  to  quote  from 
something  which  was  written  by  Jan  Firtek.  He  refers  to  some  of  the 
prisoners  leaving.     One  qugtation,  and  they  are  on  the  train,  is: 

From  here  on  we  traveled  northeast.  Lying  on  one  of  the  top  bunks  you  saw 
scribbled  on  the  wall  with  a  match  or  a  pencil,  "the  second  stop  after  Smolensk 
we  get  out  and  climb  into  trucks."  There  was  a  date,  but  it  was  hard  to  make 
out  the  second  figure.  It  might  have  been  April  12  or  perhaps  April  17.  Their 
inscription  aroused  a  great  deal  of  interest  among  us,  and  we  tried  to  guess 
what  it  meant.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Prokop,  who  was  with  me  thought  it  might 
have  been  written  by  Colonel  Kuyba,  who  had  promised  to  leave  clues  if  he  could. 

"^Vliat  I  want  to  ask  you  is  this :  As  some  of  these  prisoners  were 
being  taken  out  of  Kozielsk  was  there  au}^  sort  of  talk  among  them 
indicating  that  they  would  try  to  leave  some  clues  for  those  who  might 
follow  them  ?     Do  you  remember  anything  like  that  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  No. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  Did  you  by  any  chance  know  a  man  named  Marion 
Gawiak,  called  Mike  ? 

Dr.  Srokow^ski.  I  remember  the  name.  He  must  have  lived  in  the 
other  barracks.  Most  of  the  time  I  was  in  Kozielsk  I  was  in  the 
barracks  for  the  doctors,  all  the  doctors.  Afterward  in  Gryazovets 
there  was  a  barracks  for  officers  and  the  soldiers. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  Did  you  know  a  Colonel  Grobicki  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Not  before  the  war.  I  met  him  for  the  first  time 
ii;!  Kozielsk.  After  I  was  released  from  Gryazovets  together  with 
him,  we  went  together  to  fight  with  the  Fifth  Division  of  Polish  Army. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  He  was  in  Kozielsk? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  That  is  all. 

Chairman  Madden.  Further  questions? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  How  many  doctors  did  you  say  there  were  at  Grya- 
zovets when  you  got  there  ?  You  said  you  were  in  the  quarters  with 

Dr.  Srokow^ski.  Not  only  one.  There  were,  I  think,  200  people  in 
this  small  house.     Possibly  there  were  500  doctors. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  At  Gryazovets? 

Dr.  Sroskowski.  No;  Kozielsk. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  I  am  talking  about  Gryazovets.  How  many  were 
there  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  don't  know.     Maybe  10,  no  more. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  When  General  Anders  was  forming  his  Polish 
Army,  how  many  Polish  doctors  reported  to  him,  reserve  officers  or 
regular,  medical  officers  of  the  Polish  Army  ? 


Dr.  Srokowski.  I  couldn't  say  in  the  Polish  Army.  After  the  visit 
of  General  Anders  I  was  known  as  cliief  medical  officer  of  the  Fifth 
Division.  I  went  with  him  to  Moscow  and  afterward  I  went  to  the 
south  of  Russia,  Kharkov.  There  I  was  for  a  certain  time  chief 
medical  doctor  of  the  division.  I  think  about  this  time  there  were  30 
doctors  from  the  other  camps. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  How  many  doctors  did  you  say  you  had  under  you 
then  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  think  about  seven  in  the  beginning. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Where  did  those  doctor  officers  come  from? 

Dr.  Srokowsivi.  From  the  other  camps  with  the  soldiers. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Do  you  know  the  names  of  those  camps? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  There  were  several.  I  can  remember  there  was  one 
east  of  Moscow.  I  cannot  remember  now  the  names,  though.  These 
camps  were  only  for  the  soldiers.  In  the  Polish  Army  the  doctors 
sometimes  have  the  rank  of  soldier.  Very  often  there  were  soldiers 
who  were  doctors. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  How  many  Polish  doctors  in  all?  Can  you  give 
this  committee  an  idea  how  many  there  were  with  General  Anders  at 
the  time  the  Polish  Army  was  leaving  Russia  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  couldn't.  I  was  with  the  Fifth  Division,  which 
was  a  different  place.  The  Sixth  Division  was  in  another  place. 
Therefore,  I  cannot  exactly  tell  you. 

Mr.  FuRCOLo.  From  the  time  you  were  at  Kozielsk  from  November 
1939  to  the  latter  part  of  April  1940  were  you  and  the  other  prisoners 
there  allowed  to  write  to  your  families? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  First  I  was  permitted  to  write  and  I  wrote  a  letter 
November  25,  1939.  We  had  some  trouble.  We  didn't  have  paper,  no 
money  for  stamps.  Finally  some  Polish  officers  sold  their  watches,  a 
thing  which  is  always  looked  for  in  Russia,  and  from  this  transaction 
it  w^as  possible  to  buy  some  paper  and  stamps. 

Mr.  FuRcoLo.  You  were  permitted  to  write  to  your  families? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Yes;  only  one  time  a  month  it  was  permitted  to 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  Once  a  month ;  but  they  would  write  to  their  families 
once  a  month. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Doctor,  you  just  mentioned  you  went  to  Moscow 
with  General  Anders. 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Not  exactly  that,  because  he  came  to  Gryazovets 
and  there  was  a  very  big  ceremony.  He  gathered  us  together  and  told 
us  we  were  free.  Of  course  he  flew,  and  1  went  by  train.  But  the  next 
day  I  met  him  in  Moscow  at  an  assembly  or  meeting  of  officers  to  make 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Did  you  see  Russian  officials  in  Moscow  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  What  did  you  talk  about  ? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  I  didn't  talk  with  them.  I  think  General  Anders 
and  some  delegate  from  the  Russian  Army. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  What  was  your  purpose  in  going  to  IVfoscow? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Mine?  We  Avent  afterward  to  Pavlischev  Bor, 
nearby  Kharkov,  where  we  started  to  reorganize  the  Polish  Army. 
We  flow  from  Moscow  to  Kharkov. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  In  other  words,  you  never  questioned  any  Russian 
officials  about  the  lost  prisoners  or  anything? 


Dr.  Srokowski.  No.  I  met  some  afterward  when,  as  I  told  you,  I 
was  chief  of  the  medical  service  in  the  division  in  this  camp  in  the 
south.  They  gave  me  officers  to  help  me  organize  the  hospital.  I 
didn't  speak  about  this  question  at  all  because  we  always  had  some  lack 
of  confidence  in  these  men  because  we  had  had  a  very  hard  time  when 
we  were  prisoners  of  war. 

Mr.  FuRCOLo.  Doctor,  I  want  to  call  your  attention  to  something 
that  was  in  the  Polish  White  Book  at  page  101.  It  refers  to  the  fact 
that  when  the  graves  at  Katyn  were  discovered,  diaries  were  found  on 
some  of  the  bodies.  This  was  in  1943.  It  quotes  from  the  last  sen- 
tence of  two  such  diaries.  I  want  to  read  you  from  one  diary  and  then 
I  want  to  ask  you  a  question  about  it.    This  diary  begins : 

April  8, 1940,  3  :  .30  a.  m.  Departure  from  Kozielsk  station  moving  west.  9  :  30 
a.  m.  at  Yelmia  station.  April  8,  since  12  noon  we  liave  been  standing  in  a  rail- 
way siding  at  Smolensk.  April  9,  in  the  morning  some  minutes  before  5,  reveille, 
in  the  prison  trucks  and  preparations  to  leave.  We  are  to  go  somewhere  by  ear 
and  what  next.  April  J>.  It  has  been  a  strange  day  so  far.  Departure  in  prison 
coach  is  terrible.  Taken  somewhere  into  a  wood,  something  like  a  country  house. 
Here  a  special  search.  I  was  relieved  of  my  watch  pointing  to  8  :  30  a.  m.  Asked 
about  a  wedding  ring.     Rubbles,  belts,  and  pocketknife  taken  away. 

That  is  the  end  of  the  quotation  from  the  book  and  there  the  diary 
breaks  ofl'. 

That  diary  is  one  of  Maj.  Adam  Solski.    Did  you  know  such  a  man? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Personally  I  didn't  know  him,  but  he  was  a  very 
stout  man.    I  met  him  during  my  walks. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  Was  his  name  Adam  Solski? 

Dr.  Srokowski.  As  I  remember;  yes. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  Was  he  a  prisoner  in  Kozielsk  in  1940  at  the  time 
you  were  there? 

Dr.  Srokoavski.  Yes. 

Chairman  Madden.  If  there  are  no  further  questions,  Doctor,  I 
want  to  note  for  the  record  that  you  have  made  a  great  sacrifice  in 
appearing  here  today.  The  Doctor  originally  suggested  and  thought 
it  would  be  best  that  lie  be  what  you  might  term  "a  secret  witness" 
or  give  his  testimony  not  in  executive  session  because  of  the  personal 
risk  involved,  not  to  himself  but  to  others.  He  has  made  a  special 
sacrifice  in  coming  here  today. 

Doctor,  the  committee  and  the  Congress  want  to  thank  you. 

Dr.  Srokowski.  Thank  you,  sir.  I  have  done  so  because  it  was  my 
friends  who  were  killed. 

(^liairman  Madden.  Not  only  have  you  made  a  special  sacrifice  dur- 
ing the  war  period,  but  I  think  that  sacrifice  and  appearance  here  to- 
day has  been  a  great  exemplification  of  your  patriotism  not  only  to 
your  motherland  but  to  the  free  liberty-loving  nations  everywhere. 

The  committee  will  recess  for  a  few  minutes. 

(Brief  recess.) 

ChaiiTiian  Madden.  The  committee  will  come  to  order. 

I  might  say  that  the  witness  we  are  about  to  hear  has  consented  to 
offer  liis  testimony  but  refuses  to  testify  in  public.  He  makes  this 
refusal  for  the  reason  that  he  has  relatives  behind  the  iron  curtain  and 
he  feels  in  his  own  mind  there  would  be  reprisals  against  his  relatives. 
He  is  a  very  important  witness.  He  is  a  Catholic  priest,  a  DP,  a 
former  chaplain  in  the  Polish  Army. 


It  has  been  the  policy  of  this  committee  since  its  organization  that 
"we  not  hold  hearings  in  executive  session.  Other  committees  of  Con- 
gress occasionally  hold  hearings  in  executive  session.  Because  this 
has  been  the  only  committee  taking  testimony  concerning  an  interna- 
tional crime,  the  committee  feels  that  it  cannot  be  accused  by  some 
of  the  countries  beyond  the  water  of  holding  star  chamber  sessions  or 
of  having  testimony  taken  behind  closed  doors,  and  we  have  decided 
to  maintain  our  policy  of  not  holding  meetings  in  executive  session. 

All  members  of  the  committee  present  here  have  interviewed  this 
witness  and  have  talked  to  him.  We  know  his  identity  and  his  name 
and  address.  For  that  reason  the  witness  will  testify  behind  the 
board  which  you  see  there. 

The  witness  has  been  sworn,  I  will  swear  the  interpreter  when 
the  witness  is  brought  out. 

Will  you  raise  your  right  hand.  Do  you  swear  that  the  testimony 
you  will  give  from  the  witness  now  to  be  heard  will  be  a  true  transla- 
tion of  his  testimony,  so  help  you  God  ? 

Mr.  KoMAN  PuciNSKi.  I  do. 


Mr.  Mitchell.  Father,  where  were  you  born  ? 

Mr.  Doe.  I  was  born  in  Poland. 

Chairman  Madden.  Speak  loud  so  the  committee  can  hear, 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Where  were  you  ordained? 

Mr.  Doe.  In  Poland  in  1934. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Were  you  in  the  armed  services  of  Poland  during 
the  war? 

Mr.  Doe,  Yes',  I  was,  and  I  was  a  prisoner  of  war,  a  German 
prisoner  of  war. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Father,  what  information  do  you  have  about  Katyn 
that  would  be  of  interest  to  this  committee  of  Congress? 

Mr.  Doe.  Yes ;  I  do  have  information  that  is  pertinent  to  the  Katyn 
investigation,  although  I  was  not  an  eye  witness  to  the  massacre. 
I  am  a  material  witness,  and  1  possess  information  on  Katyn. 

In  the  beginning  of  June  1945  I  was  a  pastor,  a  chaplain,  in  a 
German  DP  camp  for  Poles  named  Verdan  Am  Allen,  V-e-r-d-a-n, 
A-m,  A-1-l-e-n. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Proceed. 

Mr.  Doe.  At  that  time  a  Russian  appeared  at  this  camp  and  reported 
to  Major  Gruber,  G-r-u-b-e-r,  and  asked  him  for  protection. 

Major  Gruber  was  a  Polish  Army  officer  serving  as  liaison  officer 
with  the  British  forces'. 

When  Major  Gruber  heard  this  man's  name  and  when  he  had  heard 
this  man  tell  him  that  he  is  a  key  witness  to  the  Katyn  massacre.  Major 
Gruber's  immediate  reaction  was  one  of  doubt.  However,  he  decided 
to  interrogate  the  man  at  length. 

When  he  completed  his  lengthy  interrogation  of  this  Russian,  he 
came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Russian  was  an  authentic  witness  to  the 
Katyn  murders. 

Major  Gruber  then  came  to  me  as  the  pastor  of  the  camp  for  advice 
as  to  how  to  proceed. 


We  decided  that  Major  Gruber  should  send  a  telegram  to  the 
Foreign  Ministry  of  the  Polish  Government-in-exile  in  London  advis- 
ing them  of  this  man.  Major  Gruber  did  this,  but  we  received  no 
reply  from  London. 

Major  Gruber  then  notified  General  Rudnicki,  R-u-d-n-i-c-k-i,  who 
was  the  commanding  general  of  the  First  Polish  Panzer  Division. 
General  Rudnicki  appreciated  the  value  of  this  Russian's  information, 
but  he  said  that  he  could  take  no  part  in  it  or  take  any  action  on  it 
because  it  is  purely  a  political  matter.  General  Rudnicki  advised  us 
to  wait  a  little  longer  for  a  reply  from  the  Polish  Government-in-exile 
in  London. 

In  the  meantime  I  secured  the  services  of  a  competent  Russian  trans- 
lator and  interrogated  the  Russian  personally.  The  interview  lasted 
approximately  2  hours.  The  Russian  was  a  man,  a  middle-aged 
person,  between  40  and  45  years  of  age,  medium  build,  blond,  had  the 
appearance  of  a  typical  Russian  peasant,  and  he  had  a  characteristic 
Russian  name.  I  do  Jiot  recall  exactly  at  this  time  what  that  name 
was,  but  I  do  know  that  it  was  a  typical,  characteristic  Russian  name. 

The  Russian  told  us  that  he  had  his  home  in  the  area  immediately 
adjoining  the  Katyn  Forest.  He  told  that  in  the  location  where 
later  were  found  the  graves  of  the  Polish  officers  he  grazed  his  cattle, 
I  do  not  know  whether  at  that  time  he  was  the  sole  owner  of  his  own 
property  or  whether  he  was  the  member  or  partner  of  a  collective  farm. 

One  day,  according  to  his  information,  the  Russian  authorities 
banned  anyone  from  entering  this  particular  area  of  the  forest  and 
surrounded  it  with  a  heavy  guard.  It  was  published  throughout  the 
area  that  entrance  into  this  area  or  trespassing  in  this  area  would 
subject  a  person  to  immediate  death. 

Some  secret  work  and  construction  began  in  that  area.  The  entire 
population  in  the  area,  including  this  Russian,  believed  that  it  was 
some  project  that  had  some  connection  with  the  war  effort.  Conse- 
quently, at  first  they  did  not  pay  too  much  attention  to  this  construc- 
tion work  or  project. 

Whether  this  work,  this  unusual  activity  in  the  forest,  began  toward 
the  end  of  1939  or  the  very  beginning  of  1940  I  am  not  certain.  How- 
ever, as  I  recall,  this  Russian's  observations  centered  primarily  around 
the  very  early  spring  of  1940. 

This  Russian  said  that  the  populace,  the  neighbors  around  there, 
had  begun  talking  about  the  fact  that  trucks  were  starting  to  arrive 
in  this  forest  during  the  late  night  hours  and  that  during  the  very 
early  morning  hours  these  same  trucks  left  the  area.  The  Russian 
peasant  became  very  much  interested  in  this  movement.  That  is  why 
one  evening  he  hid  himself  in  the  bushes  near  the  road  leading  into 
the  Katyn  Forest.  He  observed  that  at  night — I  don't  recall  exactly 
what  time  at  night,  but  it  was  late  at  night — he  had  observed  a  large 
column  of  trucks  driving  into  this  roadway.  The  trucks  were  covered, 
but  the  Russian  was  close  enough  to  the  road  to  have  heard  the  con- 
versations and  discussions  emanating  from  these  trucks.  But  he  could 
not  distinguish  at  the  time  what  language  the  people  in  the  trucks 
were  speaking. 

He  remained  in  his  secluded  spot  for  several  hours  until  the  trucks 
made  their  return  trip  out  of  the  forest.  Then  on  the  return  trip  he 
no  longer  heard  any  voices,  and  the  back  gates  of  the  trucks  were 


open  SO  that  he  could  determine  and  establish  that  the  trucks  were 
empty.  There  was  no  doubt  in  his  mind  that  tlie  Russians  had  left 
these  people  somewhere  in  the  forest. 

He  became  extremely  interested  in  what  the  Russians  did  with 
these  people.  As  a  result,  on  several  occasions  he  crawled  into  the 
forest  on  his  hands  and  knees  to  the  location  where  these  trucks  had 
stopped.  He  said  that  he  had  to  be  extremely  careful  in  this  observa- 
tion because  the  area  was  closely  guarded  and  that  his  life  was  in 
danger.  He  was  close  enough  to  the  actual  scene  to  be  able  to  see 
with  the  help  of  large  reflectors  and  searchlights  in  the  forest,  that 
the  Russians  were  removing  these  people  from  the  trucks.  These 
people  were  formed  into  columns  and  then  in  these  columns  they  were 
marched  a  considerable  distance  from  the  trucks.  They  were  guarded 
by  Russian  soldiers.  I  do  not  recall  whether  he  said  whether  these 
Russians  were  NKVD  soldiers  or  whether  they  were  regular  Russian 
soldiers.  As  these  columns  of  people  were  marched  awaA'  from  the 
trucks  he  could  hear  shouts  and  screams  for  mercy,  and  also  swearing 
by  the  Russians.  He  could  see  that  the  people  who  had  been  removed 
from  the  trucks  were  not  dressed  in  civilian  clothing  but  rather  in 
army  uniforms.  The  wdiole  action  lasted  several  hours.  A^^len  the 
action  w^as  completed  and  the  shouts  subsided  the  Russians  returned 
back  to  their  trucks  and  went  away. 

For  this  Russian  it  was  a  gi-eat  experience,  for  he  had  convinced 
himself  and  established  that  in  that  forest  were  committed  great 
murders  or  crimes.  The  second  thing  that  he  had  convinced  himself 
of  was  that  these  were  not  civilians  but  rather  people  in  uniforms,  in 
army  uniforms. 

During  the  day  he  tried  to  get  as  close  as  he  could  to  the  area  with- 
out being  suspected,  to  observe  what  was  happening  during  the  day, 
and  he  had  seen  activity  there  in  the  form  of  certain  people  planting 
trees,  young  saplings  in  the  forest. 

The  population  in  the  area  knew"  that  in  several  tens  of  kilometers 
away  from  Katyn  Forest  are  large  concentration  camps  in  w'hich  they 
had  Poles,  and  as  a  result  this  Russian  then  began  to  suspect  that 
these  men  being  brought  into  the  forest  actually  were  the  Polish 

He  was  further  convinced  of  this  fact  wdien  he  realized  that  the 
shouts  and  screams  and  beggings  for  mercy  that  he  had  heard  had 
been  in  a  language  which  he  could  understand  very  briefly  and  some 
words  could  have  sounded  like  Russian,  some  w'ords  in  a  language 
similar  to  Russian. 

But  lie  could  not  be  certain  that  they  were  soldiers  from  these  par- 
ticular camps,  because  in  Russia  it  was  customary  to  transfer  prisoners 
from  one  jail  to  another.  They  could  have  been  soldiers  from  some 
other  camps. 

Toward  the  very  late  part  of  spring  all  this  activity  ceased,  but  the 
terrain,  the  innnediate  area  of  the  forest  continued  to  be  under  heavy 
guard  and  trespassing  was  prohibited. 

This  situation  existed  uutil  the  Germans  invaded  the  territory.  As 
soon  as  the  Germans  invaded  the  area  the  local  population  began 
telling  them  of  the  nnirders  in  the  forest.  This  Russian  told  me  that 
he  went  to  the  (Terman  Commission  and  told  them  of  his  observations 
as  to  the  activity  in  the  forest.     The  Germans  investigated  the  forest 


area  and  made  copious  notes  and  sketches  of  the  area  but  took  no 
further  action  at  that  time.  It  wasn't  until  1943  when  the  Germans 
beofan  uncovering  or  digging  up  the  mass  graves.  At  that  time  he  told 
me  that  he  was  one  of  the  key  witnesses  in  the  investigation  conducted 
by  the  Germans. 

Because  he  feared  recriminations  from  the  Russians  for  his  testi- 
mony, he  had  asked  the  Germans  to  give  him  protection.  The  Ger- 
mans first  took  him  to  Berlin  and  then  took  him  to  the  city  of  Verdun, 
where  he  had  worked  for  a  German  master,  this  Russian  told  me  during 
my  interview  with  him. 

Since  we  received  no  reply  from  the  Polish  Government-in-exile  in 
London,  Major  Gruber  sent  another  cable  to  the  Government.  How- 
ever, the  second  cable  also  went  unanswered.  We  could  not  conceal 
this  Russian  too  long  in  our  camp,  because  he  was  tremendously  fear- 
ful that  the  Russians  would  find  him.  He  feared  that  if  the  Russians 
ever  found  him  he  would  be  murdered.  He  realized  the  value  of  his 
information  to  the  Poles,  so,  consequently,  he  came  to  the  Poles  for 
assistance  and  sanctuary.  The  Russian  remained  in  this  camp  for 
about  1  month.  After  this  time  Major  Gruber  and  I  began  debating 
very  seriously  what  to  do  with  him.  8o  we  decided  to  notify  the 
British  Intelligence  of  the  man  that  we  were  concealing.  Major 
Gruber  went  to  the  British  Intelligence  and  told  them  of  this  man  and 
of  the  information  that  he  had  given  the  major  and  myself. 

Within  less  than  an  hour  an  attractive,  luxurious  limousine  came  to 
our  barracks  and  removed  this  Russian  and  his  friend. 

The  British  Intelligence  thanked  Major  Gruber  and  told  them  how 
grateful  they  were  for  his  services. 

I  am  convinced  that  this  Russian  must  be  alive  today  somewhere 
in  England,  and  it  is  my  belief  that  the  British  authorities  will  bring 
this  man  forward  when  they  consider  the  time  is  appropriate. 

Major  Gruber,  after  completing  his  work  in  the  camp,  returned  t« 
England.  I  believe  that  he  can  be  found  in  London  through  the  Polish 
Government-in-exile.  I  am  certain  that  he  must  have  complete  details 
on  this  Russian,  including  his  name,  because  at  the  time  of  our  inter- 
rogation he  made  extensive  and  copious  notes. 

That  is  all  that  I  know  in  this  matter. 

Chairman  Madden.  Are  there  any  questions? 

Mr.  Flood.  I  have  one  or  two ;  but,  first  of  all,  I  would  like  to  have 
some  dates  established,  if  it  is  possible.  Secondly,  will  you  ask  him 
whether  or  not  the  Russian  peasant  who  heard  the  screams  and  shouts 
and  swearing  heard  any  gunfire.  Just  those  two  items,  to  begin  with. 
Any  dates  that  can  be  fixed,  and  did  the  Russian  peasant  say  anything 
about  any  gunfire  when  he  was  in  the  forest. 

Mr,  PuciNSKi.  I  have  told  the  witness  that  Congressman  Flood 
wants  additional  information  as  to  dates.  So  the  first  question  we  will 
put  to  him  is  when  exactly  did  this  Russian  peasant  come  to  this 

Mr.  Doe.  He  first  came  to  the  camp  and  then  reported  to  Major 
Gruber,  who  in  turn  brought  him  to  me,  and  this  was  in  the  begin- 
ning of  1945. 

Mr.  Flood.  When  was  he  turned  over  to  British  Intelligence? 

Mr.  Doe.  It  was  either  the  very  end  of  June  or  the  very  beginning 
of  July  1945. 


Mr.  Flood.  Did  the  Russian  peasant  use  any  dates  or  indicate  by 
year,  month,  season,  or  in  any  other  way  to  Gruber  or  to  the  witness 
dates  or  time  element  as  to  what  he  saw  i 

Mr.  Doe.  As  near  as  I  can  recall,  he  made  these  observations  in  the 
Katyn  Forest  during  the  very  early  part  of  the  spring  of  1940.  The 
populace  in  the  area  of  course  thought  at  that  time  that  this  was 
some  project  that  was  connected  or  associated  with  the  war  effort. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  know  that.     What  about  gunfire  ? 

Mr.  Doe.  Yes ;  he  had  heard  revolver  shots.  Revolver  shots  differ 
considerably  from  rifle  shots.  However,  I  don't  recall  that  he  de- 
scribed in  detail  the  exact  method  used  in  executing  these  people. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  witness  says  that  he  was  a  chaplain  in  a  DP  camp 
for  Poles  in  June  of  1945.  Where  was  that  ?  I  don't  want  to  know 
camp  he  was  in,  but  what  country  he  was  in. 

Mr.  Doe.  It  was  in  Germany. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  the  witness  ever  report  to  the  superintendent  or 
commandant  of  the  DP  camp  or  to  the  DP  commission  any  of  the 
facts  revealed  to  the  British  Intelligence  or  revealed  here? 

Mr.  Doe.  This  is  the  first  time  that  I  am  making  these  statements. 
I  had  not  given  this  information  to  anyone  else,  including  the  Polish 
Government-in-exile  in  London,  because  I  felt  that  in  view  of  the 
fact  that  they  did  not  reply  to  our  two  telegi'ams  then  apparently 
they  were  not  interested. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  is  all. 

Mr.  Furcolo.  Did  the  Russian  peasant  tell  you  that  he  actually  saw 
any  of  the  murders  committed  ? 

Mr.  Doe.  The  exact  details  of  the  technique  used  in  murdering  these 
Polish  officers  the  Russian  did  not  describe,  but  he  did  describe  the 
screams  and  the  pleas  for  help,  and  he  did  describe  the  hearing  of 
the  shots  and  he  did  describe  seeing  these  trucks  arrive  in  the  forest 
with  people  in  them  and  then  leaving  the  forest  with  their  tail  gates 
down  and  empty. 

Mr.  Furcolo.  Did  he  say  whether  or  not  he  had  seen  any  of  the 
executions  ? 

Mr.  Doe.  He  saw  the  way  these  people  were  removed  from  the 
trucks,  the  way  they  were  organized  and  lined  up  into  columns,  and 
the  way  they  were  led  away,  and  he  could  see  this  because  of  the 
search  lights  and  the  reflectors  that  were  used  to  illuminate  the 

Mr.  Furcolo.  I  understand  that  part,  but  did  the  Russian  peasant 
say  whether  or  not  he  saAV  the  actual  killing  of  aaj  of  the  prisoners. 

Mr.  Doe.  He  heard  the  shots,  he  heard  the  screams,  he  heard  the 
pleas  for  help,  but  the  actual  technique,  the  actual  act  of  executing 
these  people,  the  actual  fact  of  observing  the  actual  execution  of  these 
people,  I  do  not  recall  that  he  described  to  me. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Wlien  did  you  last  see  Major  Gruber? 

Mr.  Doe.  The  last  time  I  saw  him  was  in  the  fall  of  1945.  We  had 
corresj^onded  frequently. 

Mr.  Flood.  This  Russian  peasant  was  in  this  DP  camp  for  a  month 
or  more,  and  he  was  a  very  important  witness  to  this  crime.  How 
many  times  during  the  montli  that  the  Russian  peasant  was  in  the  DP 
camp  did  the  witness  talk  to  him  about  this  matter. 


Mr.  Doe.  I  talked  to  him  once  for  2  hours.  On  the  other  hand, 
Major  Gruber  talked  to  him  very  frequently  because  this  Russian  was 
secluded  in  a  private  room  and  he  did  not  go  outside  the  room ;  he  did 
not  walk  the  streets  or  participate  in  any  of  the  camp  activities. 

Mr.  Flood.  If  the  witness  knows,  does  Major  Gruber  speak  Russian  ? 

Mr.  Doe.  No,' Major  Gruber  talked  to  this  witness  through  an  in- 

Mr.  Flood.  Does  the  witness  talk  Russian  ? 

Mr.  Doe.  I  understand  Russian  because  I  attended  Russian  schools 
prior  to  1914. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  the  witness  attempt  during  the  2-hour  interview 
with  the  Russian  peasant  to  interrogate  him  and  cross-examine  him 
in  such  a  way  as  to  search  out  the  veracity  of  the  story  ? 

Mr.  Doe.  Yes.  I  used  various  methods  and  techniques  and  efforts 
to  ascertain  the  veracity  of  his  statements  and  to  establish  whether  or 
not  he  was  some  false  witness. 

Mr.  Flood.  Since  the  witness  is  a  Roman  Catholic  priest  and  is  also 
under  oath  and  should  be  experienced  in  talking  to  peasants,  is  it  his 
considered  judgment,  under  all  those  circumstances,  that  the  peasant 
was  telling  the  truth? 

Mr.  Doe.  I  am  convinced  that  he  was  to  have  been  believed.  Then 
of  course  there  is  the  other  consideration  that  this  Russian  realized 
the  value  of  his  testimony  to  the  Poles,  and  consequently  he  came  to 
the  Poles  for  help  when  he  needed  it. 

Mr.  Flood.  Is  there  anything  in  the  record  of  that  Russian  peasant 
while  he  was  in  that  camp  that  would  indicate  any  psychiatric  or  emo- 
tional instability  or  anything  which  would  affect  the  credibility  of  his 
statement  ? 

Mr.  Doe.  This  man  apeared  to  me  to  be  of  a  very  sound  mind  and 
a  sound  outlook  on  life,  and  it  did  not  appear  to  me  that  he  could  have 
fabricated  the  statements  that  he  gave  me. 

Chairman  Madden.  Any  further  questions  ? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  When  did  the  witnes  last  hear  from  Major  Gruber  ? 

Mr.  Doe.  I  saw  Major  Gruber  in  the  fall  of  1945. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Has  he  heard  from  him  since? 

Mr.  PuciNSKi.  The  witness  answered  that  on  the  basis  of  the  fre- 
quent conversations  between  Major  Gruber  and  myself  during  the 
ensuing  months  regarding  this  particular  Russian,  Major  Gruber  also 
was  convinced  that  this  man's  testimony  is  reliable. 

Mr.  Doe.  I  have  never  seen  nor  heard  of  Major  Gruber  since  the  fall 
of  1945. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Wliat  nationality  was  the  interpreter  that  both  you 
and  Major  Gruber  used  to  speak  to  this  Russian? 

Mr.  Doe.  He  was  a  Pole,  a  former  prisoner  of  war. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Prisoner  of  war  of  whom  ? 

Mr.  Doe.  Of  Germany.     He  was  a  former  German  prisoner  of  war. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Does  he  know  his  name  ? 

Mr.  Doe.  Unfortunately  I  do  not. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Does  he  have  any  idea  or  could  he  advise  the  com- 
mittee where  to  contact  such  a  person  today?  Would  he  be  in  Ger- 
many or  where  ? 

Mr.  Doe.  I  do  not  know.  He  conceivably  might  have  returned  to 
Poland.  I  do  not  know  where  he  could  be  found.  But  I  am  quite 
certain  that  Major  Gruber  can  be  located  in  England. 


Cliairman  Madden.  Any  further  questions? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  No  further  questions. 

Chairman  Madden.  Will  you  tell  the  witness  we  are  very  thankful 
for  his  testimony  here  this  afternoon. 

Mr.  Doe.  May  I  say  a  few  words  ? 

Chairman  Madden.  Yes. 

Mr.  Doe.  The  murders  at  Katyn  Forest  of  the  Poles  were  a  very 
important  and  very  serious  incident  because  in  the  Katyn  Forest  there 
w^ere  murdered  so  many  thousands  of  the  Polish  intelligentsia.  The 
investigation  of  this  committee  of  the  United  States  Congress  is  being^ 
observed  very  carefully  and  with  great  interest  by  all  Poles,  not  only 
here  but  also  in  Poland,  if  the  information  is  getting  through.  The 
work  of  this  committee  is  giving  hope  and  confidence  not  only  to  Poles 
but  to  all  of  the  oppressed  people  that  the  objectives  of  the  United 
States  are  not  only  for  peace  in  the  whole  world  but  for  a  just  peace 
for  all  nations.  I  am  certain  that  the  names  of  the  committee,  includ- 
ing the  chairman,  Mr.  Madden,  shall  remain  gratefully  inscribed  in 
the  minds  of  all  Poles. 

Chairman  Madden.  Tell  him  that  we  wish  to  thank  him  and  we  do 
hope  that  the  work  of  this  committee  will  serve  a  great  deal  to  bring 
about  a  situation  so  that  a  thing  like  this  can  never  occur  again. 

Mr.  Doe.  Thank  you  very  much. 

Chairman  Madden.  The  committee  will  now  adjourn  until  tomor- 
row morning  at  9 :  30. 

(Whereupon,  at  5:40  p.  m.,  the  hearing  was  recessed  until  9:30 
a.  m.,  Friday,  March  14, 1952.) 


FRIDAY,   MARCH   14,    1952 

House  of  Representatives, 
The  Select  Committee  on  the  Ivatyn  Forest  Massacre, 

Chicago,  III.. 

The  select  committee  met  at  10  a.  m.,  pursuant  to  recess,  in  room  247,, 
United  States  Courtliouse,  Hon.  Eay  J.  Madden,  chairman,  presiding. 
'  Present:  Representatives  Madden,  Flood,  Machrowicz,  Furcolo, 
O'Konski,  and  Sheehan. 

Representatives  Kluczynski  and  Sabath. 

Also  present:  Jolin  J.  Mitchell,  chief  counsel;  and  Roman  Pucin- 
ski,  investigator. 

Chairman  Madden.  The  committee  will  come  to  order. 

The  first  witness  this  morning  will  be  Mr.  Ershov.  The  interpreter 
will  be  Mr.  Mlynarski.  The  witness  does  not  want  to  be  photo- 
graphed.    I  will  swear  the  interpreter  first. 

Do  you  solemnly  swear  that  you  truthfully  will  interpret  the  testi- 
mony given  by  the  witness  in  the  cause  now  on  trial  correctly,  so  help 
you  God  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  I  do. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Mr.  Mlynarski,  now  repeat  the  oath  for  the  witness 
as  the  chairman  states  it. 

Chairman  Madden.  Raise  your  hand.  Do  you  solemnly  swear  that 
the  testimony  you  will  give  in  the  hearing  now  on  trial  will  be  the 
ti'uth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God? 

Mr.  Ershov  (through  interpreter).  I  do. 

Chairman  Madden.  Let  me  say  to  the  photographers  that  the  com- 
mittee at  these  hearings  respects  the  right  of  a  witness  as  to  whether 
he  wishes  to  submit  to  photography  or  otherwise.  This  procedure 
is  very  important  because  in  this  type  of  an  investigation  a  witness 
may  have  very  important  reasons  for  not  wanting  to  be  photographed. 
If  he  insists  on  not  being  photographed,  a  witness  is  entitled  to  that 
])rotection.  His  relatives  living  behind  the  iron  curtain  are  also  en- 
titled to  that  })rotection.  I  hope  that  the  photographers  will  cooper- 
ate with  the  committee  and  the  witness. 

Counsel,  will  you  proceed. 


Mr.  Mitchell.  Will  you  ask  the  witness,  please,  to  state  his  full 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Vasili  Ershov,  V-a-s-i-1-i  E-r-s-h-o-v. 



Mr.  Mitchell.  Where  was  he  born  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Ukraine. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  When? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  1906. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  What  was  his  occupation  before  the  war? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Before  the  war  he  was  executive  director  or  mar,- 
ager  of  a  plant  and  of  a  sovhoz,  an  abbreviation  for  a  land  state 
owned  and  conducted  by  the  Soviet  Government. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Sovhoz  is  a  farm  operated  by  the  state. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes,  sir. 

The  witness  wants  to  give  additional  information. 

Chairman  Madden.   AlII  right. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Th  ;  plant  was  a  kind  of  a  meat  plant. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Slaughterhouse? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Not  quite  a  slaughterhouse.  They  made  some  food 
out  of  meat,  sausages. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  A  production  plant  ? 

Mr.  ]\Ilynarski.  A  processing  plant ;  yes. 

Mr,  Mitchell.  Where  was  he  during  the  war  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  In  the  face  of  Leningrad  until  Berlin  he  was 
continuously  on  the  offensive  line. 

Chairman  Madden.  Offensive? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Offensive. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Was  he  in  the  Russian  Army  during  the  war  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  In  both  times  during  the  war  and  after  the  war 
until  1949. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  When  did  he  enter  the  Russian  Army  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  He  was  called  on  the  22d  of  June  1941. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Was  he  a  commissioned  officer  or  an  enlisted  man 
or  what  was  his  rank  or  rating? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  He  was  the  deputy  commanding  officer  in  the  rank 
of  colonel  of  the  division  commander  on  the  general  supplies.  That 
means  ordnance,  I  think. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Of  the  Russian  Army? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  No  ;  of  that  particular  division. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  What  place  in  Russia  was  he  mobilized  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  In  the  city  of  Leningrad. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Will  you  ask  him  to  repeat  that  date  again  and 
what  rank  he  had  at  that  time. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  The  beginning  of  his  military  service  was  on  the 
22d  of  June  1941  in  the  rank  of  captain  of  an  intendant,  which  is  a 
supply  officer  of  technical  intendant  of  first  class. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Quartermaster.  Will  you  ask  the  witness  when  he 
left  the  Russian  service  and  where? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  In  the  eastern  part  of  Germany,  at  the  beginning 
of  the  year  1949. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  What  was  going  on  in  Germany  at  that  time  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  What  happened  particularly  to  him  or  to 

Mr.  Mitchell.  To  him,  and  was  there  any  important  event  at  that 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Surrounding  him,  he  asks? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Ask  him  about  himself. 


Mr.  Mlynarski.  He,  like  many  thousands,  tens  of  thousands  of 
others  like  himself,  was  awaiting  after  the  war  was  over  for  freedom, 
but  we  didn't  be  able  to  find  freedom.  We  were  victorious  but  we 
didn't  get  freedom.  And  why?  We  did  not  betray  our  nation,  but 
we  have  betrayed  Stalinism. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  How  did  he  come  to  leave  Germany  and  the  Russian 
Army  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  On  an  airplane  with  the  aid  of  the  British  occu- 
pation forces. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Did  he  go  from  Germany  to  the  British  zone  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes.  He  arrived  in  the  British  zone  and  settled 
his  matters  in  the  headquarters  of  the  British  forces. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Who  was  with  him  on  this  pirplane? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  His  wife  and  his  child. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  What  is  his  status  in  the  United  States  today  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  He  has  not  yet  quite  settled  himself,  but  he  feels 
himself  completely  free  like  an  American  citizen. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Was  he  ever  any  time  during  his  days  in  Russia 
associated  with  the  NKVD  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  No. 

Mr.  JNIitchell.  Will  you  ask  the  witness  now  to  tell  the  committee 
when  he  first  heard  about  Katyn  ? 

]\rr.  Mlynarski.  Tlie  first  time  he  heard  rbout  Katyn,  rather,  read 
about  Katyn  was  in  the  Russian  papers  dated  January  1944. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Which  Russian  paper  was  it? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Pravda. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Is  that  a  copy  of  it  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  The  same  as  this  one. 

Mr.  MiTCPiELL.  That  is  not  the  same  paper,  though? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  But  is  is  the  identical  paper  today  of  the  date  past. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Will  you  ask  him  to  narrate  anything  he  knows 
about  Katyn  for  the  benefit  of  the  committee,  how  he  heard  about  it, 
what  he  may  have  heard  later  on,  who  he  knew  who  was  in  any  way 
connected  with  Katyn  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  When  he  was  the  deputy  of  the  connnanding  offi- 
cer of  the  division  on  behalf  of  the  supply,  excuse  me,  of  being  a 
quartermaster,  in  the  capacity  of  a  quartermaster 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Shorter  sentences,  tell  him. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  He  supplied  the  division  and  the  army  with  food, 
clothing,  footwear,  ordnance,  gasoline,  the  technical  equipment.  In 
my  division,  as  in  any  other  division,  there  were  penal  units.  In  the 
Polish  Army  there  is  a  gendarme  system,  MP,  military  police.  In  the 
Soviet  Army  there  is  the  NKVD.  NKVD  is  a  civilian  name.  In  the 
army  it  exists  under  the  name  of  Smersh. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Can  you  spell  Smersh  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  It  is  an  abbreviation  or  linking  of  two  words, 
which  means  the  death  of  spies,  and  it  is  spelled,  S-m-e-r-s-h. 

Within  the  headquarters  of  a  division  the  unit  of  Smersh  is  included 
which  is  not  subservient,  not  under  the  orders  of  the  CO  or  the  com- 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Generally  how  many  people  are  in  that  unit  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  About  25  or  30  men.     It  was  not  strong. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Continue,  please. 

9?.744 — 52 — pt.  3 12 


Mr  Mlynarski.  They  take  orders  only  from  Beria. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  ^Vlio  is  Beria? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  A  member  of  the  Politburo,  Minister  of  the  Na- 
tional Security,  state  security.  Within  that  body,  that  unit  consisting 
of  25  or  30  men,  is  incorporated  the  connnander  [witness  writing  on 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  May  I  explain  to  you,  sir?  Here  is  that  body 
called  Smersh.  Here  is  the  chief,  the  head  of  that  Smersh.  Below 
there  is  a  man  who  is  also  an  executive,  but  he  undergoes  the  orders  of 
the  chief  who  is  here.    The  line  topward,  upward  is  Beria. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  In  other  words,  they  take  orders  direct  from  Beria. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes,  through  the  man  who  is  heading  the  Smersh, 
down  the  line  to  another  chief. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Continue. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Out  of  the  number  of  25  or  30  men  the  comman- 
dant which  is  down  below  has  under  him  about  12  or  15  men.  The 
duties  of  that  commandant  is  the  execution  of  all  directives  of  Smersh. 
They  execute  the  directives  of  Smersh.  We  may  call  those  men  and 
their  superiors — their  commandants — executioners  or  henchmen — the 
head  of  the  henchmen.  The  connnandant  of  Smersh  in  my  division 
was  Captain  Borisov,  B-o-r-i-s-o-v.  He  didn't  make  the  impression 
of  a  normal  person  because  during  his  lifetime  he  has  executed — trans- 
lating correctly,  shot — more  men  than  he  had  years  in  his  life.  When 
Borisov  used  to  sleep  he  used  to  wake  up  every  half  hour,  and  behind 
his  bed — the  leg  of  the  bed — he  used  to  get  a  vodka  bottle,  drain  it, 
and  then  go  to  sleep  again.  Without  tlie  liquor  he  could  not  sleep.  He 
had  a  vision  during  the  niglit  liouvs  of  the  executions  which  he  had 
perpetrated.  But  taking  into  consideration  the  fact  that  I  was  the 
dejHity  on  supplies,  and  on  the  strength  of  a  secret  order  from  Moscow, 
before  every  execution  the  henchmen  received  an  established  amount^ 
of  vodka,  before  and  after.  The  vodka  was  supplied  or  delivered  from  ' 
the  stocks  which  the  colonel  was  in  charge  of. 

As  Borisov  could  not  wait  for  the  moment  to  get  the  vodka  in  time 
before  the  execution,  he  used  to  come  every  day  to  the  colonel  begging 
him  to  give  him  the  vodka  in  order  to  make  him  still  alive.  Before 
the  execution  or  the  shooting  of  four  men  in  approximately  November 
1944  on  the  territory  of  Poland  in  the  district  of  Malkinia-Gorna, 
M-a-1-k-i-n-i-a — G-o-r-n-a,  Borisov  came  to  the  colonel  asking  him  to 
issue  or  release  him  some  vodka  before  the  execution,  and  he  wants  to 
tell  the  story. 

He  says  the  Natchalnik,  which  means  commander — superior,  in 
other  words — drank  vodochka.  What  does  that  mean?  A  liter  of 
vodka.  We  have  drunk  vodochka.  I  imagine,  for  myself,  vodochka 
means  vodka  in  the  diminutive,  a  Swedish  word.  We  have  drunk 
plenty  of  vodka  in  the  days  Katyn.  He  was,  of  course,  drunk  and 
he  bragged. 

Mr.  Flood.  At  that  point  will  you  ask  the  witness  if  anybody  else 
was  present  at  the  time  of  the  conversation  between  Borisov  and  the 
colonel  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Such  matters  are  never  discussed  in  the  presence 
of  a  tliird  party. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  answer  is  "No"? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  The  answer  is  "No." 


In  April  1940  Borisov  and  his  unit — lie  and  his  men  or  unit — have 
destroyed  or  shot  over  400  Polish  officers  in  Katyn.  I  tried  not  to 
listen  to  him  too  much  because  Borisov  could  have  on  a  following 
occasion  tried  to  testify  whether  the  colonel  is  not  getting  too  much 
interested  in  that  matter,  but  nothing  happened  of  that  kind.  He 
simply  was  drunk  and  told  the  story. 

Apparently  Borisov  did  not  personally  do  any  shooting,  as  the 
stories  are  told  that  the  victims  were  led  to  the  edge  of  the  hole  and 

They  have  built  or  made  a  fox  hole.  They  used  to  bring,  to  fetch 
the  Polish  officers  into  the  fox  hole  where  they  did  the  shooting  in 
order  to  avoid  any  resonance — any  noise. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Does  he  mean  soundproof?  Is  that  what  he  has 
in  mind? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Less  than  it  would  be  in  the  open.  That  is  what 
he  knows  about  Katyn  from  the  mouth  of  a  man  who  has  executed — 
performed  the  executions  of  Polish  officers  in  Katj^n. 

Mr.  Sheehan^.  Will  you  ask  him  whether  Borisov  placed  a  date  on 
these  shootings? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  In  the  month  of  April  1940.  He  cannot  recite 
the  date  in  the  month  of  April.     He  would  like  to  say  something  else. 

Cliairman  Madden.  Go  ahead. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  How  those  atrocities — I  am  translating  literally — 
have  been  received  bv  the  Russian  people. 

Mr.  M-TciiEi.L.  Wi-at  atrocities? 

Mr.  MlynxVrski.  The  Bolshevik  atrocities  concerning  Katyn.  The 
Soviet  Union  nations  are  fully  convinced  that  the  killings,  the  shoot- 
i]igs  of  13,  maybe  14 — the  figure  is  unknown 

Mr.  ]VIachrowicz.  Thirteen  or  fourteen  thousand? 

Mr.  Mlyisarski.  Thousand — is  at  the  hand  of  the  NKVD. 

Why  do  we  think  that  way?  Why  do  we  talk  that  way?  Let  us 
make  that  matter  clear,  why  we  had  to  destroy  thirteen  or  fourteen 
thousand  Polish  officers.  We  have  to  understand  that  thirteen  or 
fourteen  thousand  officers  represent  the  strength  of  250,000  men,  that 
men  of  the  strength  of  1.50,000  to  250,000  are  denied  officer  leadership. 
That  is  No.  1. 

Second,  that  they  had  to  destroy  the  bulk  of  the  Polish  intelli- 
gensia.  That  was  something  to  think  about.  In  other  words,  to 
destroy  potential  enemies  that  may  be  active  someday  in  the  future. 

Furthermore,  the  Russian  nations  were  fully  aware  of  the  atrocities 
in  Winnitza. 

Mr.  Flood.  By  the  "Russian  nations"  does  he  mean  the  various 
component  states  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski:  Using  their  expression  "Russian  nations"  he  un- 
derstands that  that  expresses  actually,  as  you  said,  sir,  the  nations 
wliicli  comprise  the  Soviet  Union. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  answer  was  "Yes"  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes,  sir ;  but  may  T  add  what  he  explained  to  me. 

Mr.  Flood.  Go  ahead. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  That  when  he  uses  the  expression  "Soviets"  let's 
say  briefly,  then  he  means  the  henchmen  of  the  regime,  and  he  men- 
tioned the  name  of  Stalin  himself. 

During  the  Second  World  War  against  Hitler  in  all  the  areas  where 
the  Red  army  was  on  the  defensive  the  Red  army  was  burning  and 


destroying  completely,  flattening  all  these  towns  and  villages.  For 
that  purpose  there  were  special  units  that  were  walking  with  torches. 
The  communities  wliicli  Avere  to  be  burned  by  the  Bolsheviks 

Mr.  Flood.  I  beg  your  pardon.  Did  he  say  in  all  areas  where  the 
Russians  at  that  time  were  on  the  defensive  or  the  offensive? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Defensive ;  in  the  retreat. 

Mr.  Flood.  Ask  him  is  he  not  describing  what  has  been  referred 
to  as  the  Russian  "scorched  earth"  defensive  policy.     Is  that  it? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  He  takes  the  Lenin  formula,  which  says  that  the 
victory  of  the  proletariat  in  the  whole  world  is  inevitable. 

Mr.  Flood.  Now  just  a  minute.  He  was  describing  the  burning 
of  certain  areas  along  a  defensive  front.  Was  that  in  execution  of 
or  carrying  out  the  Russian  scorched-earth  policy  of  defense  at  that 
time?     Is  that  answer  "Yes"? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  He  is  £:oing  to  reply. 

The  Soviet  Government  had  in  mind  that  all  the  populace,  the  people 
that  lived  in  those  areas  who  haven't  yet  succeeded  to  retreat  are  the 
traitors  of  the  nation  and  the  accomplices  of  Hitler,  and  therefore  they 
had  to  be  destroyed. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  relationship  does  that  have  to  Katyn  Massacre  of 
the  Polish  officers  at  this  point  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  He  wants  to  explain  that  the  Bolshevik  system  is 
based  on  blood,  and  without  blood  cannot  live. 

Mr.  Flcod.  That  may  very  well  be.  He  does  not  have  to  convince  us 
very  much  of  that.  We  have  reasonable  cause  to  believe  that  is  prob- 
ably so  under  certain  circumstances.  He  gave  us  one  reason  why  it 
was  necessary  from  the  Russian  point  of  view  to  destroy  the  Polish 
officers.  He  was  about  to  give  us  a  second  reason.  What  is  the  second 
reason  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  He  repeats  that  he  has  said  that  before,  that  one 
is  to  deny  the  leadership  of  the  Polish  Army  by  officers. 

Mr.  Flood.  He  gave  one  reason  in  two  parts.  Part  1  of  the  first 
reason  was  military  necessity  or  advisability,  and  part  2  of  the  first 
reason  was  the  destruction  of  the  intelligentsia  leadership  of  a  nation. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  With  regard  to  the  second  point  he  explains  that 
this  would  b3  the  destruction  of  the  highest  grade,  if  we  may  say  so, 
of  the  Polish  intelligentsia,  and  then  by  doing  so  only  the  lower  grade 
would  remain. 

Mr.  Flood.  In  other  words,  the  answer  was  again  "Yes."  We  un- 
derstand that  ? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Does  he  have  any  other  reason  besides  the  ones  just  given 
tliat  at  this  time  he  can  suggest  to  the  committee  would  be  the  motive 
for  the  Russian  killing  of  those  Polish  officers?  What  other  motive 
could  they  possibly  have,  in  his  opinion? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  It  was  a  coordinated  ])lan  to  annihilate  the  living 
substance  of  the  Polish  Nation  in  perfect  accord  with  Hitler. 

Mr.  Flood.  We  seem  now  to  understand  his  opinion  of  what  tlu' 
motives  were.  I  would  like  to  ask  one  or  two  questions  about  his 
conversations  with  the  connnandant  of  the  execution  squad  or  tiif 
Smersh  unit,  Captain  Boi-isov.  Will  you  ask  the  witness  if  he  ev(M' 
talked  to  Borisov  after  the  first  convei-sation  that  he  described  with 
Borisov  ? 


Mr.  Mlyxakski.  He  had  been  seeing  him  until  1945,  and,  in  short, 
now  and  then  they  both  touched  that  subject. 

Mr.  Flood.  So  between  194-t,  the  date  of  the  first  conversation,  and 
1945,  he  hekl  different  or  several  conversations  with  Borisov  and 
talked  about  the  Katyn  shootings? 

Mr.  Mlyxarski.  Yes ;  and  not  only  with  him. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  does  he  mean  by  ''not  only  with  him"  ? 

Mr.  ]Mlynarski.  He  had  also  a  conversation  with  one  of  the  promi- 
nent w^orkers,  as  he  says  it,  or  rather  members,  of  Smersh. 

Mr.  Flood.  Of  Smersh  or  of  Captain  Borisov's  commandant  squad? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  No  ;  he  says  it  was  wuth  Smersh,  nothing  to  do  with 

Mr.  Flood.  Then  he  had  a  conversation  with  some  member  of  the 
Smersh  unit. 

Mr.  Mlynakskl  That  is  right. 

Ml'.  Flood.  Who  was  that  member,  if  he  recalls? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  He  remembers  very  well. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  his  name  and  rank  ? 

Mr.  Mlyxarski.  Please  ])ut  it  down.  Lieutenant  Ilyasov,  I-l-y-a- 
s-o-v.     He  was  the  head  of  Smersli,  the  Fifteenth  Motorized  Division. 

Mr.  Flood.  Then  this  was  not  the  Smersh  unit  of  the  colonel's  own 

iVIr.  Mlyxarski.  Xo;  it  wasn't  his  division. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  the  nature  of  that  conversation  with  Ilyasov? 

Mr.  Mlyxarski.  He  will  tell  you.  The  officers  used  to  talk  among 
themselves  about  it,  saying  that  Poland  is  not  a  member  of  the  Allies 
because  the  Poles  have  suffered  a  great  from  the  Soviets,  and  because 
of  tliat  it  may  become,  ensue,  that  in  a  future  war  the  Polish  nation 
will  stand  not  with  but  against  the  Soviet  Union.  And  Ilyasov 
replied,  "Before  that  we  will  give  them  notice  that  the  way  we  have 
done  it,  executed  as  in  Katyn." 

Tlij'.t  is  the  second  example  for  tlie  coinmittee. 

Mr.  Flood.  In  other  words.  Colonel  Ilyasov  was  going  to  use  the 
massacre  at  Katyn  as  a  w^arning  to  the  Poles  to  stay  in  line  with  the 
Russians;  is  that  it? 

Mr.  Mlyxarski.  He  says  that  the  Bolsheviks  don't  say  that,  they 
don't  speak  that  way,  but  they  think  that  way. 

]Mr.  Flood.  Was  it  common  talk  about  Katyn  among  tlie  Russian 
officers  in  his  command,  in  liis  division  or  in  his  area?  Was  it  com- 
mon talk  about  Katj-n  in  theii"  private  conversations? 

Mr.  Mlyx^vrski.  Xo;  it  was  not  a  conunon  subject  because  our 
nation  is  aware  of  atrocities  of  much  higher  and  greater  scope.  Katyn 
is  just  peanuts. 

Chairman  Maddex.  What  does  he  mean  by  saying  Katyn  is  just 
peanuts  ? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Did  he  actually  say  "peanuts"  ? 

Mr.  JNIlynarski.  Xo  ;  that  is  my  expression.  I  want  to  correct  that. 
He  says  trifle. 

The  Polisli  ])eop]e  who  live  here  and  elsewhere,  Americans  of  Polish 
extraction  who  live  here,  about  35,000,000  sti'ong,  in  freedom,  that  we 
don't  realize  here  that  the  Bolsheviks  if  not  directly  with  a  bullet,  they 
destroy  or  have  destroyed  25,000,000  people  with  other  methods. 


Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  ask  him  if  Captain  Borisov  ever  denied  to  him 
tlie  stoiy  that  he  first  told  him,  drunk  or  sober,  in  any  conversations 
he  had  with  him  after  the  first  time?  Did  Borisov  ever  say,  "Forget 
about  it.     Forget  I  said  it"'? 

Mr.  Mltnarski.  No,  sir.  He  would  like  to  reply  to  your  first 
question  about  using  the  word  "trifle."  He  wants  to  explain  further 
the  word  "trifle,"  referring  to  Katyn. 

Let's  take  Rumania,  Bulgaria,  Czechoslovakia,  Albania,  East  Ger- 
many, East  Austria,  China,  the  people  of  the  Soviet  Union,  and  the 
Korean  affair.  The  Korean  affair  is  a  problem  of  the  strength  of 
the  American  nerves,  whether  they  will  stand  it  or  not.  If  the  xVmer- 
ican  nerve  fails  to  stand  that  pressure,  then  it  will  spread  both  east- 
ward and  westward.  I  woulcl  like  only  to  warn  the  people  and  the 
distinguished  committee  that  it  is  not  the  Russian  nation  that  does 
that.  The  Russian  natio]i  is  a  nation  that  is  friendly;  the  Russian 
nation  is  a  member  of  the  fi-iendly  nations  to  whom  we  all  belong.  The 
13  members  of  the  Bloody  Krendin — I  know  that  I  will  not  \i\e  long, 
but  I  am  not  afraid.  I  have  to  try  to  save  the  whole  free  nations. 
I  have  to  say  the  truth  what  bolshevism  is  represented  by.  Otherwise, 
I  would  be  an  unworthy  man  if  I  would  not  have  said  that.  That  is 
my  resolution. 

I  think  that  all  the  free  nations  of  the  world  are  bound  to,  have  the 
duty  to,  to  join  hands  around  the  the  free  world  and  aroinid  the  free 
United  States,  the  country  which  first  now  ste]is  out  for  the  fight,  the 
struggle  against  the  bad  man. 

Mr.  O'KoNSivi.  May  I  ask  a  question.  .Vsk  him  in  connection  with 
that  w^ord  "trifle"  if  it  isn't  an  established  j>olicy  of  the  Krendin 
criminals  to  liquidate  opposition  wherever  they  go,  that  Katyn  is  only 
a  small  sample  of  what  they  have  done  wherever  they  have  gone.  Ask 
him  if  it  isn't  their  firm  and  established  policy  wherever  they  go  to 
kill  off  the  opposition  and  the  leadeiship. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Ask  him  also  if  all  the  peo])le  were  added  up,  the 
murders  and  the  various  purges  in  the  various  countries  they  have 
taken  over,  if  the  figure  would  not  reach  over  25  million  people  that 
they  have  already  murdered. 

Mr.  Mlynarski,  For  the  period  ? 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi,  Ever  since  they  took  over  in  1917, 

Mr,  Mlynarski.  He  means  to  say  that  what  he  implied  was  that 
since  1939  and  through  the  march  over  through  Poland  throughout 
the  period  of  the  war.  Then  he  addeVl  that  free  Poland  does  not 
exist,  that  Marshall  Pokossovski  governs. 

Chairman  Madden,  Any  moi'e  questions? 

Mr.  JNIiTCHELL.  No  more  questions, 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  Several  books  and  documents  refer  to  a  conversation 
that  is  supposed  to  have  taken  place  between  Beria  and  I  think  another 
man  something  like  M-e-r-k-u-1-o-v,  and  someone  else — I  don't  have 
the  book  with  me  at  the  present  time — in  which  a  prominent  and  high 
Russian  official  was  supposed  to  have  said  with  reference  to  the  Polish 
])risoners  at  Katyn,  "We  made  a  great  mistake  about  them."  Do  you 
kuow  anything  about  such  a  conversation? 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  He  only  expresses  and  tells  Avhat  he  knows.  He 
may  think  differently  about  matters,  but  he  will  not  expose  them  as 


lonar  as  lie  doesn't  know  thoroughly  Avhat  he  has  to  say.  In  other 
words,  I  understand  that  he  doesn't  know  enough  to  say  ''Yes"  or  "No" 
to  that. 

Mr.  FuKCOLo.  That  is  certainly  tlie  attitude  we  waut  him  to  take  as 
a  witness.  My  question  is.  have  you  at  any  time  heard  anything 
about  such  a  conversation. 

Mr.  Mlynarski,  He  starts  h\  saving  the  psycholog;y'  of  the  Krem- 
Mr.  FuHCOLO.  I  don't  mean  to  interrupt  you.  but  I  think  you  could 
probably  answei*  this  question  very  briefly. 

Chairman  Madden.  1  think  he  said  he  didn't  know. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  I  am  merely  asking.  I  understand  that  you  your- 
self were  not  present  at  such  a  conversation.  My  question  is,  At  any 
time  have  you  heard  about  such  a  conversation  from  anyone^  Have 
you  heard  any  reference  to  that?  You  can  answer  it  either  "yes''  or 
"no,"  and  then  I  can  go  ahead  from  there. 

Air.  Mlyxarski.  He  says  that  he  is  trying  to  reply  to  your  question 
for  the  first  time  and  you  don't  let  him  tell  it. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  Go  ahead  and  answer. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  He  is  not  a  gramophone  and  he  can't  repeat  him- 
self identically  each  time. 

Mr.  FuRcoLo.  Tell  him  he  is  doing  all  right.  Tell  him  to  go  ahead 
in  his  ow  n  way. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  He  said  before,  the  psychology  of  the  Kremlin, 
those  who  know  eveiything,  the  henchmen  who  know  everything, 
geniuses,  is  that  what  the  Kremlin  is  doing  is  always  correct  and  never 
to  admit  any  faults. 

Chairman  Madden.  If  you  will  pardon  me,  I  thinly  the  first  question, 
the  question  of  Congressman  Furcolo  was  answered  when  he  asked 
whether  or  not  he  knew  anything  about  Stalin  or  Molotov  making  the 
statement,  "AVe  don't  want  to  make  the  same  mistake  that  we  made  at 
Katvn.''  I  think  he  said  he  didn't  know  anything  about  that,  did  he 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  Yes,  he  did. 

Chairman  Madden.  I  think  he  answered  that. 

Mr.  Furcolo.  Let  me  ask  you  this  question:  Various  books  and 
documents  have  referred  to  a  conversation  that  is  supposed  to  have 
taken  place  between  Stalin  and  someone  else  in  which  Stalin,  with 
reference  to  the  prisoners  at  Katyn,  is  supposed  to  have  written  out 
the  word  "liquidate.*'  I  realize  that  you  were  not  present  at  such  a 
conversation.  I  merely  asked,  have  you  at  any  time  heard  anything 
about  such  an  occurrence. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Either  from  Russians  or  from  any  other  nationality. 

Mr.  ]\Ilynarski.  There  is  no  such  thing  as  a  virtue,  but  there  is  an 
order  set  by  the  Bolsheviks  that  every  one  has  to  be  liquidated  who  is 
against  Bolshevism,  and  that  the  Polish  Army  represented  by  the 
Polish  officers  was  the  potential  enemy  of  the  Soviet  Union.  There- 
fore, it  had  to  be  liquidated. 

Chairman  Madden.  Any  more  questions? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  No  further  cjuestions. 

Chairman  Madden.  We  want  to  thank  you,  tell  him. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  I  would  like  to  have  a  few  minutes  with  the  com- 
mittee and  the  witness. 


Cluiirnian  INIadden.  Mr.  Inteipreter,  \ve  would  like  to  tell  the  wit- 
ness we  thank  him  for  coniiiifi:  here  and  testifvino;  today.  His  testi- 
mony is  very  valuable  to  the  committee. 

Mr.  Mlynarski.  He  wishes  to  thank  yon  and  he  appreciates  the 
opportunity,  and  he  says  it  was  his  duty  to  do  it. 

Chairman  Madden.  The  committee  will  recess  for  If)  minutes. 

(Brief  recess.) 

Chairman  Madden.  The  conniiittee  will  come  to  order. 

Mr.  Casimek  Skarzynski.  Will  you  be  sworn.  Do  you  solemnly 
swear  that  the  testimony  you  will  (jive  in  the  hearin"-  now  being 
held  will  be  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothin<j:  but  the  truth,  so 
help  you  God  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  I  do  so  swear. 



Chairman  Madden.  State  your  name  to  the  reporter. 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Casimer  Skarzynski,  C-a-s-i-m-e-r  S-k-a-r-z-y-n- 

Chairman  Madden.  And  your  address? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  My  address  is  Calgary,  Alberta,  Canada. 

Chairman  Madden.  Let  me  ask  the  witness,  do  you  have  any  ob- 
jection to  being  photogi'aphed  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Not  during  the  hearing,  if  possible. 

Chairman  Madden.  Let  me  say  to  the  photographers  that  this  wit- 
ness does  not  object  to  being  j^hotogra plied  Ijefore  he  testifies.  Natu- 
rally it  is  against  the  rules  of  the  committee  to  take  photographs  of  a 
witness  when  he  is  testifying,  but  he  hasn't  proceeded  with  his  testi- 
mony and  there  is  no  objection  to  photographs  as  long  as  the  witness 
does  not  object. 

I  w411  say  to  the  photographers  there  is  no  bar  against  their  remain- 
ing in  the  courtroom  as  long  as  the  witness  doesn't  object. 

Counsel  may  proceed. 

Mr.  MiTCHELiv.  Mr.  Skarzynski,  will  you  state  to  the  committee 
where  you  were  born  and  when  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  I  was  born  in  Poland. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Where  in  Poland? 

Mr.  Skarzy'nski.  In  Warsaw,  in  a  small  village  near  Warsaw,  in 
1887.    I  am  65  years  old, 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Where  did  you  go  to  school  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  In  Austria  near  Vienna.  I  finished  my  high 
school  and  college  in  Kalksburg,  near  Vienna,  Austria.  Then  I  was 
1  year  in  the  Ecole  des  Sciences  Politiques,  in  the  School  of  Political 
Sciences  in  Paris,  France;  and  then  2  years  in  the  Institute  Su[)erieur 
de  Commerce  in  Antwerp  in  Belgium. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  What  was  your  occupation  immediately  before  the 
war  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  In  the  last  15  years  before  the  war  I  was  the  vice 
president  of  the  Polish  Pulp  &  Paper  Co.,  Ltd. 

Mr.  Mitciholl.  A\'lu'r(>  were  you  on  Septembei-  1,  19:)!);  in  what  city 
and  town? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  In  Warsaw. 


Mr.  Mitchell.  What  liappened?  Will  you  kindly  tell  the  commit- 
tee what  happened  to  you  as  an  individual  from  that  time  on? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  From  that  time  on  I  stayed  in  Warsaw  for  a  few 
days  and  then  there  was  an  order  to  evacuate  the  male  population 
from  Warsaw.  I  went  east  to  tlie  ]:)lace  of  my  wife's  family  and  then 
the  Germans  advanced.  Then  I  came  back  to  Warsaw  and  went  back 
to  my  office  and  stayed  there  until  December  1939,  at  which  time  I  was 
fired  by  the  Germans.  The  whole  board  of  directors  of  this  company 
was  fired  by  the  Germans  because  the  plants  were  taken  over  as  private 
property  of  the  German  Eeich.  I  was  then  without  employment.  I 
volunteered  to  the  l^ilish  Red  ( h'oss  in  the  first  days  of  January  1940. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  You  volunteered? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  I  volunteered:  I  offered  my  services  to  the  Polish 
Red  Cross,  with  which  I  had  nothino;  to  do  up  to  then.  Then  the 
Polish  Red  Cross  told  me  that  I  am  nominated  general  secretary  be- 
cause the  board  of  directors  was  beino;  completed.  The  general  secre- 
tary and  the  chairmim  were  in  London  or  in  Geneva.  I  couldn't  tell 
you  that.  Anyhow  they  were  abroad  at  the  beginnino-  of  the  war  and 
could  not  come  back.  So  the  corj^oration  nominated  me  general  sec- 
retary.   That  is  how  I  started  my  w^ar  work.    Shall  I  continue? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Continue,  please. 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  During  the  first  days  of  my  presence  in  the  office 
of  the  Polish  Red  Cross  I  had  especially  to  organize  the  financial 
life  of  the  Red  Cross  because  it  was  a  new  situation,  and  in  the 
meantime,  of  course,  I  held  the  meetings  of  the  board  of  directors. 
I  heard  then  that  at  the  end  of  January  19-10  we  had  been  told  by 
the  Germans  to  prepare  camps  to  receive  Polish  officers  who  were 
sup])osed  to  come  back  from  interment  in  Soviet  Russia.  Since  No- 
vember already  the  families  of  these  officers  started  to  get  letters  from 
them,  and  we  knew  more  or  less  where  they  were.  We  knew  about  the 
three  camps.    We  didn't  know 

Mr.  Flood.  What  three? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  Kozielsk.  Starobielsk,  and  Ostashkov.  We  didn't 
know  much  about  them,  but  we  knew  they  were  at  three  camps  some- 
where in  Russia.  1  knew  personally  the  names  of  Kozielsk  and  Staro- 
bielsk. I  didn't  know  then  the  name  of  Ostashkov,  but  I  suppose  the 
others  did.  When  the  Germans  told  us  that  we  were  supposed  to 
prepare  cam])s  to  receive  them,  of  course  this  news  electrified  the 
families  and  the  whole  nation,  14,000  families,  a  figure  which  we  didn't 
know  exactly  then.  Theie  was  feverish  work  started  at  once.  We 
organized  refugee  cami^s  at  Terespol,  at  the  border  of  the  then  zone 
between  Germany  and  Russia.  We  sent  there  nurses,  doctors,  supplies, 
all  that  we  could.  It  was  not  much  Init  we  did  what  we  could.  We 
were  expecting  these  officers. 

In  the  meantime  we  started  correspondence  with  the  International 
Committee  of  the  Red  Cross  in  Geneva  and  with  the  German  Red 
Cross,  which  was  to  a  certain  extent  our  controlling  authority  since 
the  occupation.  The  Germans  told  us  that  Russia  not  having  ratified 
the  Geneva  and  The  Hague  conventions  about  the  Red  Cross  and 
about  the  methods  of  warfare,  we  could  not  expect  any  news  from 
our  men  in  Russia  and  that  we  must  wait  for  the  individual  men  to 
write  first,  that  no  inquiries  could  be  made  to  Russia. 


Mr.  Flood.  At  that  point  there  were  communications  directed  in 
writing  by  the  Polish  Eed  Cross,  which  you  know  as  a  fact  as  general 
secretary,  to  the  German  Red  Cross  in  Berlin  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  to  the  International  Red  Cross  in  Geneva  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  There  is  no  International  Red  Cross.  There  is 
only  an  International  Committee  of  Red  Crosses,  which  is  the  linking 
bodv  of  all  National  Red  Crosses. 

Mr.  Flood.  With  headquarters  at  Geneva  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  wrote  letters  to  Geneva  and  to  Berlin 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  For  the  purpose  of  soliciting  information  about  these 
Polish  officers  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  When  were  those  letters  written  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  They  were  written  since  December  1939  because 
we  started  at  once  to  send  them  what  we  knew  about  the  list  of 

Mr.  Flood.  Just  a  moment.  You  started  to  write  these  letters  we 
have  just  talked  about  as  far  back  as  December  of  1939? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Yes ;  the  first  letters. 

Mr.  Flood.  Dr.  Gorczycki 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  He  was  the  general  manager  of  the  Polish  Red 

Mr.  Flood.  At  the  time  you  were  identified  with  it? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Yes;  the  whole  time  between  19-10  he  was  already 
there,  until  1945. 

Mr.  Flood.  Counsel  for  the  conmiittee  has  handed  me  what  pur- 
ports to  be  a  letter  to  the  Committee  of  the  International  Red  Cross, 
War  Prisoner  Agency,  Geneva,  in  care  of  the  German  Red  Cross, 
dated  Warsaw,  March  18,  1941,  with  the  letterhead  of  the  Polish  Red 
Cross,  Information  Bureau,  with  certain  Polish  writing,  signed  by  the 
Director  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross,  Dr.  Gorczycki.  Will  you  have  this 
marked  as  an  exhibit  ? 

(Letter  referred  to  was  mnrJced  "Exhibit  No.  6''  and  filed  for  the 

Mr.  Flood.  This  obviously  is  a  copy  of  the  letter  this  purports  to 
refer  to.  I  now  show  you  exhibit  6,  and  ask  you  if  you  can  identify 
this  letter  yourself  oi-,  if  you  cannot  identify  this  exact  exhibit,  does 
it  represent  the  type  and  nature  of  letter  that  you  tell  us  was  written 
by  the  Polish  Red  Cross  through  the  German  Red  Cross  to  the  Red 
Cross  International  Committee  in  Geneva  at  the  time  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  That  is  exactly  a  copy  of  the  letter,  one  of  the 
many  letters. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  know  of  this  particular  letter  of  that  exact  date? 

Mr.  Skarzynski,  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  It,  however,  represents  the  nature  of  the  letter  to  which 
you  refer  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Exactly.  There  wei-e  many  others  before  and 
after  during  the  whole  war  to  the  Internatioiuil  Connnittce. 

Mr.  Flood.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  think  this  should  be  made  a  part  of 
the  record. 


(The  document  referred  to  was  marked  "Exhibit  No.  6"  and  is  as 
follows :) 

Exhibit  No.  6 

PoLjsH   Red  Ckoss, 
information  bukeau, 
Warszawa  Ulica  Czerwonb:go  Krzyza,  40, 

Warsaw,  March  IS,  1941. 

To  the  Committee  of  the  International  Red  Cross  War  Prisoners  Agency — 
Geneva,  in  Care  of  the  German  Red  Cross. 

Genti.emen  :  The  information  bureau  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross  aclinowledges 
receipt  of  the  letter  dated  29.1.41.  Mil.  Pol.  G.P.  133,  enclosed  in  the  letter  of  the 
German  Red  Cross  dated  11.11.41,  No.  VII/4-Br./HC  and  submits  the  following 
details  collected  by  us  concerning  the  Polish  prisoners  detained  in  Soviet  Russia. 

Ad.  1.  The  Polish  Red  Cross  has  received  a  large  amount  of  letters  from  pris- 
oners detained  in  officers  prison  camps  in  Russia  until  Spring  1940.  From  then 
on,  until  November,  all  correspondence  with  officers  interned  in  Russia  ceased. 
Since  November,  some  letters,  but  in  negligible  quantity,  were  received  again. 

Ad.  2  and  3.  We  suppose,  basing  all  our  conclusions  on  our  informations,  that 
prisoner  camps  in  U.  S.  S.  R.  are  divided  into  three  classes. 

The  camps  situated  in  Russia  at  Starobielsk,  Kozielsk,  Ostaszkow  were  mainly 
used  for  members  of  the  Police  Force,  Military  Policemen,  Officials  of  the  Courts 
of  Justice,  Attorneys,  Judges,  and  members  of  civil  courts.  Letters  from  Staro- 
bielsk and  Kozielsk  were  received  until  spring  1940.  Since  then  they  ceased 
completely.  Camp  Ostaszkow  was  mailing  always  the  smallest  quantity  of  letters 
and  was  the  first  to  stop  all  correspondence.  It  can  be  assumed  from  families 
of  the  detained  and  from  the  descriptions  given  by  the  prisoners  themselves  and 
by  the  civilian  refugees  which  have  been  liberated  and  were  allowed  to  return 
to  Poland,  that  the  camps  of  Starobielsk  and  Kozielsk's  were  slowly  liquidated 
from  March  until  end  of  May  1940. 

The  prisoners,  by  groups,  were  sent  to  an  unknown  destination.  We  have 
received  no  news  from  Camp  Ostaszkow. 

It  was  learned  in  July  1940  that  two  camps  for  officers  were  organized  at 
Griszowiec,  district  of  Wologda,  where  400  officers  from  camps  Starobielsk, 
Kozielsk,  Ostaszkow,  and  also  Pawliszczew  Bor  were  transferred.  We  know  very 
little  about  this  last  concentration  camp. 

We  have  a  list  of  addresses  of  prisoners  camps  in  U.  S.  S.  R.  besides  the  fron- 
tier camps  mentioned  at  the  beginning  of  this  letter. 

1.  Moscow  central  post  office.  Box  ll/C-12.  This  is  the  address  of  pris- 
oners of  Kozielsk  camp. 

2.  Moscow  central  post  office,  Box  ll/C-15.  This  address  has  not  been 
verified  yet.  Only  one  letter  from  a  prisoner  formerly  at  Starobielsk  was 

Two  kolkhozs  near  Kozielsk,  Popielewo  and  Kombinat,  are  reserved  for  civil- 
ian prisoners,  there  are  no  military  in  both  cities.  During  August,  September, 
and  October  the  Polish  Red  Cross  using  question  forms  issued  jointly  with  the 
German  Red  Cross  using  500  inquiries  to  Moscow  to  the  Commisary  of  the  Inte- 
rior, war  prisoners  central  agency.  Those  inquiries  conf^erned  persons  arrested 
by  the  police  or  detained  at  different  camps.  In  January  1941  we  have  received 
from  the  Union  of  Red  Crosses  and  Red  Crescents  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  87  replies,  all 
of  them  negative. 

Dr.  Wt.  GoRCZYCKi, 
The  Director  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross. 

Mr.  Flood.  Go  ahead. 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  A¥e  waited  at  this  camp  ready  to  receive  the 
officers  for  several  months.  I  don't  remember  exactly  if  it  was  in 
April  or  in  May  1940  that  the  German  authorities  told  us  to  close 
the  camps,  telling  us  that  the  officers  won't  come  back. 

Mr,  Flood.  What  German  echelon  of  command  told  you  that,  mili- 
tary or  German  Red  Cross? 

Mr.  Skar/.ynski.  Militaiy.  That  was  the  representative  of  the 
German  General  Government.     You  know  the  Germans  when  they 


invaded  Poland  they  took  over  a  part  of  western  Poland  and  incorpo- 
rated it  into  the  Eeich,  against  of  coui-se  all  the  conventions.  Russia 
took  the  eastern  })art,  and  the  middle  was  some  territory  left  under 
t  he  name  of  General  Government. 

Mr.  Flood.  This  was  a  German  military  occupation  government. 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  A  German  military  occupation  government. 
They  didn't  want  to  use  the  name  Poland.  Tliey  jnst  called  that 
General  Government. 

Mr.  Flood.  Were  those  instructions  given  directly  to.  you  or  did  you 
hear  about  them  ^ 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  The  instructions  wei-e  given  by  a  representative  of 
the  German  Government  to  Dr.  Gorzcycki. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  tlie  date  of  that  directive  or  that  oi-der^ 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  I  don't  remember.  It  was  about  April  or  May,, 
or  maybe  the  first  day  of  June,  but  not  later,  1940. 

Mr.  Flood.  Was  that  the  substance  of  the  order  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  It  was  the  substance  of  the  order.  It  was  a  verbal 

Mr.  Flood.  A  verbal  order. 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  I  was  simply  notified  that  the  camps  .should  be 
closed  and  that  we  are  not  supposed  to  expect  any  officers  to  come  back 
from  Russia.  From  then  on  the  correspondence  with  the  families, 
first,  and  the  International  Committee  became  more  and  more  active 
during  these  2%  years  which  had  elapsed  since  that  moment  and 
the  discovery  of  Katyn.  To  realize  the  atmosphere  under  which 
we  were  at  the  moment  of  the  discover}^  of  Katyn,  you  must  remember 
that  the  Polish  nation  and  Hitler's,  too,  the  part  of  the  nation  under 
Germany,  was  subject  to  the  most  bestial  atrocities  of  the  Germans, 
and  we  were  witness  to  atrocities  which  are  beyond  description.  I 
won't  take  your  nerve  and  your  time  to  describe  them,  but  we  were 
all  the  time  under  German  most  atrocious  pressure.  At  the  mouient 
when  the  Katyn  discovery  was  made  we  were  just  Avitnessing  perhaps 
the  most  atrocious  move  of  the  Germans  in  Poland,  which  was  the 
liquidation  of  the  Polish  citizens  of  Jewish  descent.  It  started  in  the 
winter  of  1942-43  just  in  the  time  when  Katyn  was  discovered.  All 
of  these  atrocities  created  an  atmosphere  of  hate  for  the  Germans,  and 
it  is  strange  to  say  but  the  whole  Katj'n  story  on  behalf  of  the  Polish 
Red  Cross  is  a  .story  of  a  struggle  not  with  the  Russians  but  with  the 
(xerman  authorities  under  which  rule  we  were.  It  is  noi-mal  and 
human.  We  knew  about  Russia,  but  we  knew  not  much,  and  we  were 
under  the  Germans. 

Chairman  Madden.  What  year  are  you  referring  to? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  I  am  referrring  to  the  2  years,  more  than  2  years 
from  the  beginning  of  the  war  to  the  discoverv  of  Katyn,  to  make  you 
understand  the  atmosphere  under  which  we  were. 

('hairman  Madden.  That  is  about  4  years? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  No;  between,  sa}^  January  1940  and  Aj)ril  1943. 

Chairman  Madden.  About  3  3^ears? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  About  3  years.  On  the  ninth  of  April  1943,  be- 
fore anybody  knew  about  the  Katyn  affair,  the  chairman  of  the 
]*olish  Red  Cross  had  a  phone  from  the  propaganda  department  of 
the  German  Government  in  Warsaw,  and  he  was  sunnnoned  to  come 
at  once  to  a  meeting  where  a  special  envoy  of  Dr,  Goebbels  of  tlic 


Propaganda  Ministry  in  Berlin,  was  supposed  to  have  a  speech. 
The  chairman  refused  to  go  under  the  pretext  that  he  couldn't  go 
immediately  and  that  it  was  a  propaganda  move.  To  his  surprise 
the  German  received  his  refusal  very  politely,  for  the  first  time  since 
the  beginning  of  the  war,  and  he  told  him,  'Tt  is  all  right  if  you 
can't  come,  and  I  will  come  to  you  in  the  afternoon  and  I  will  tell 
3'ou  or  phone  you  what  was  the  result  of  the  meeting." 

In  the  afternoon  he  phoned  again  the  chairman  and  he  told  that 
an  envoy  of  tlie  German  Propaganda  INIinistry,  of  Dr.  Goebbels,  made 
a  speech  to  all  kind  of  Polish  institutions  and  organizations  and  that 
he  told  them  about  the  discovery  by  the  German  military  autliorities 
of  a  mass  grave  of  Polish  officers  allegedly  massacred  by  the  Russians 
and  that  he  is  of  the  opinion  and  the  German  Government  is  of  the 
opinion  that  the  time  had  come  for  reconciliation  between  the  Polish 
and  tlie  Germans  under  the  sign  of  the  joint  effort  to  fight  for  the 
civilization  of  Europe  against  the  barbaric  East. 

The  (ierman  couldn't  expect  the  Polish  nation,  after  all  this  terrible 
atrocities  they  committed,  to  join  them  enthusiastically  in  their  fight 
against  Russia  because  Germany  was  guilty  of  their  own  crimes.  But 
that  is  what  they  expected.  In  the  beginning  we  had  the  best  co- 
operation from  the  German  authorities,  which  was  news  for  us,  until 
the  moment  they  saw  that  this  hope  that  the  Polish  nation  was  going 
to  jump  to  the  neck  of  Germany  because  the  Katyn  crime  was  dis- 
jjellfd.     S'nce  that  time  we  woi'lced  under  different  conditions. 

When  the  German  rej^resentative  had  come  back  after  this  phoae 
call  he  told  the  chairman  of  our  Red  Cross  that  on  the  following  day 
a  plane  is  leaving  Warsaw  and  there  are  two  seats  reserved  for  the 
Polish  Red  Cross  Board  of  Directors,  and  that  this  envoy  of  Dr. 
Goebbels  is  going  to  fly  with  them.  The  chairman  refused  again 
because  he  said  that  is  a  pure  propaganda  move,  and  the  Red  Cross 
must  keep  away  from  any  propaganda.  He  was  received  again  very 
politely  by  the  Germans.  We  waited  for  2  days,  and  in  the  meantime 
we  got  in  contact  with  our  underground  authorities,  and  the  public 
didn't  know  yet  about  Katyn.     It  was  not  yet  official. 

]Mr.  Flood.  You  got  in  touch  with  what  underground  authorities? 

]\Ir.  Skarzynski.  With  the  Polish  underground  authorities  in 

JNIr.  Flood.  Who  were  operating  during  the  German  occupation? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  During  the  whole  time  of  the  German  occupation. 
We  had  one  liaison  officer,  only  one  man  in  link  with  them,  because 
the  need  for  secrecy,  and  he  was  Dr.  Gorczycki.  He  was  the  only 
one  who  had  a  contact  between  the  Red  Cross  and  the  unclergrouncl. 
Nobody  at  first  wanted  to  know.  In  the  secrecy  of  the  underground 
one  man  has  one  task,  and  he  was  the  liaison.  The  underground 
told  us  that,  whatever  happened,  we  must  take  part  as  much  as  we 
can,  and  we  decided  to  exhume  the  bodies  to  enable  the  families  to  get 
a  list  of  the  identified  officers  and  to  try  to  know  who  did  the  murder. 

I  must  tell  you,  gentlemen,  our  first  impression  was  the  absolute 
impression  that  the  Germans  did  it,  and  that  we  had  to  do  with  a 
German  provocation,  after  seeing  what  we  saw  during  tliese  2i/^ 

The  day  after,  on  the  12th  of  April,  came  one  of  the  men  who  was 
on  the  Katyn  propaganda  mission,  a  very  well-known  Polish  author 


who  was  there.  He  came  back  and  told  us  that  it  was  his  duty  to 
report  to  the  Polish  Red  Cross  as  the  last  remnant  of  Polish  sover- 
eignty, which  we  really  were. 

Mr.  Flood.  Can  you  give  us  his  name? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  It  was  Ferdinand  Goetel.    He  is  now  on  this  side. 

Mr.  Flood.  Where  is  he  now  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  As  far  as  I  know,  a  few  years  ago  he  was  in  Italy. 
I  couldn't  tell  you  where  he  is  now. 

From  the  Floor.  In  England. 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  He  is  an  intelligent  man.  He  gave  information 
personally  to  me  because  he  was  my  good  acquaintance.  From  his 
point  it  seemed  to  appear  that  it  was  a  crime  really;  that  there  are 
the  bodies  of  a  thousand  Polish  officers  over  there ;  and  that  the  crime 
seemed  to  him  to  be  committed  by  Russia.  We  still  had  our  suspicions, 
and  we  still  did  not  quite  believe  who  did  the  crime. 

On  the  14th  of  April  Dr.  Grundman,  from  the  propaganda  depart- 
ment of  the  German  Government,  came  personally  to  see  me  and  told 
us  that  tlie  plane  had  already  left  Krakow,  and  two  high  officers  of 
our  Red  Cross,  the  Krakow  branch,  were  already  in  the  plane  with  a 
delegation  of  the  Polish  clergy,  and  that  we  are  supposed  to  join  the 
flight  and  to  send  a  delegation  of  the  board  of  directors  to  inspect 

Chairman  Madden.  There  will  be  a  30-second  recess. 

(Brief  recess.) 

Chairman  Madden.  Will  you  continue,  please? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  We  were  told  the  fact  that  the  plane  was  leaving 
and  that  two  high  officers  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross  in  Krakow  were 
already  on  the  way.  The  Krakow  branch  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross  was 
important  because  the  capital  of  the  general  government  was  Kra- 
kow, not  Warsaw.  The  branch  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross  there  was 
under  immediate  pressure  of  this  main  military  of  Ivrakow.  We  had 
to  decide  in  a  very  short  moment. 

We  refused  to  send  a  delegation  of  the  board  of  directors  for  the 
same  reason  that  I  told  you,  not  to  further  propaganda,  but  accord- 
ing to  the  instructions  received  by  the  underground  we  decided  to 
send  a  skeleton  exhumation  crew  to  be  left  to  start  to  work  immedi- 
ately, if  necessary,  and  one  member  of  the  board  of  directors  who  was 
supposed  to  head  this  group  and  who  had  the  power  to  decide  what- 
ever he  thought  necessary  to  do  the  work,  start  the  work  or  to  abandon 
it,  or  to  refuse  to  do  it.  It  happened  that  the  board  of  directors  nomi- 
nated me  for  this  task.    That  is  why  I  flew  to  Katyn. 

Mr.  Flood.  At  this  minute  when  you  left  Warsaw  to  join  the  two 
Red  Cross  Poles  from  Krakow  to  go  to  Katyn 

]\Tr.  Skarzynski.  I  joined  them  in  Warsaw. 

Mr.  Flood.  It  was  your  understanding,  even  though  you  went  with 
this  skeleton  crew,  that  no  decision  had  been  made  by  the  Polish  Red 
Cross  at  that  point  to  actually  cooperate. 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  No. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  decision  was  to  be  left  to  you  as  the  chief  of  the 
delegation  after  you  were  on  the  field  at  Katyn  and  decided  then  and 
only  then  whether  or  not  you  would  recommend  that  the  Polish  Red 
Cross  proceed ;  is  that  it  ? 


Mr.  Skarzynski.  Yes,  and  I  had  the  right  to  leave  this  skeleton 
crew  or  not.  It  was  on  the  14th  of  April  at  3  p.  m.  that  we  left  War- 
saw in  a  plane.  On  this  plane  was  not  a  delegation  of  the  Polish 
clergy  as  the  Germans  told  me,  but  just  one  priest  sent  by  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Krakow  to  give  the  benediction  to  the  bodies  and  to  pray, 
just  one  priest.  Then  there  was  a  German  head  of  the  delegation, 
of  course,  Mr.  Zenzinger.  Three  Germans  were  there  at  the  airport 
who  were  told  to  me  as  being  members  of  the  Berlin  criminal  police. 
They  were  supposed  to  go  there  because  they  were  interested  in  the 
legibility  of  documents,  £he  ability  to  be  read,  legibility  of  docu- 
ments found  on  the  bodies.  I  suppose  they  were  members  of  the 
Gestapo,  but  I  can't  tell  you  that.  Three  very  suspicious  young  Poles 
were  serving  the  Germans,  one  a  doctor  of  the  only  German  paper  pub- 
lished in  the  Polish  language,  one  a  movie  operator,  a  man  who  took 
pictures,  one  only,  and  another  young  fellow  who  was  an  employee. 

Mr.  Flood.  By  suspicious  you  mean  you  were  suspicious  that  they 
may  have  been  collaborating  with  the  Germans? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  They  certainly  were,  especially  the  man  who  was 
a  doctor  of  this  paper. 

Mr.  Flood.  By  doctor  you  mean  editor? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Editor.  Certainly  he  was  collaborating.  The 
others  Avere  just  physical  employees  hired  by  the  Germans.  We  flew 
2  days  to  Smolensk.  We  spent  the  night  in  Minsk,  and  then  we  came 
to  Smolensk  in  the  afternoon  on  the  loth  and  spent  the  night  again 
without  being  permitted  to  go  to  the  graves. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  15th  of  what? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Of  April.  Of  course  Smolensk  was  a  wholly 
militarily  occupied  town,  and  we  had  to  take  our  meals  with  the  Ger- 
man officers,  which  was  not  very  pleasant  to  us,  but  we  couldn't  help 
it.  We  were  invited  to  the  officers  mess  of  a  unit  which  was  called 
the  propaganda  company.  It  was  a  unit  which  the  German  divisions 
or  armies  had,  which  was  supposed  to  keep  up  the  Nazi  spirits  among 
the  troops.  This  propaganda  company  was  the  unit  which  discovered 
Katyn.  I  believe  the  commanding  officer  was  not  an  important  officer, 
but  just  a  subaltern  level.  Lieutenant  Slovencik  from  the  late  Rus- 
sian Army,  and  Second  Lieutenant  Von  Arndt,  who  told  me  he  was  a 
lawyer  in  Berlin  before  the  war — these  two  gentlemen  were  the  hosts 
and  received  us  in  this  mess.  We  had  a  very  frugal  meal.  After  the 
meal  Lieutenant  Slovencik  spoke  and  explained  first  his  version  of 
how  the  Germans  discovered  the  Katyn  graves.  He  started  with  a  lie. 
He  stated  that  in  1939  the  Germans  conquered  Poland  and  gave  a  part 
of  the  conquered  land  over  to  Russia,  and  that  is  how  it  happened  that 
many  Polish  officers  got  into  the  Russian  Army. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  language  did  he  speak? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  German,  of  course. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  all  understood  German? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  I  understood  German.  Some  of  us  did  and  some 

Mr.  Flood.  You  did  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  I  did,  of  course,  and  that  he,  being  the  CO  of  this 
company,  heard  in  Smolensk  that  in  1942  some  Polish  workers  hired 
by  the  German  authorities  for  some  work  in  contact  with  the  native 
population  heard  about  a  massacre  of  Polish  officers  and  that  this 


Kiissian  peasant  showed  them  tlie  phice.  These  Polish  Avorkers  were 
supposed  to  have  made  some  digging  and  found  some  bodies,  and 
being  afraid  of  the  number  of  bodies,  they  covered  the  graves  up  again 
and  put  three  birch  crosses  on  the  spot.  Then  they  went  away  with 
their  units  somewdiere  east  with  the  advancing  German  armies.  That 
is  the  vei'sion  of  Lieutenant  Slovencik, 

He  said  that  these  rumors  grew  in  intensity  during  the  year  he  was 
in  Smolensk  and  that  he  then  decided  on  his  own  accord  to  investigate 
what  was  the  matter  about  these  rumors,  an<,l  that  he  discovered  these 
seven  graves  in  Katyn.  Being  deeply  shocked  by  the  tragedy  of  these 
Polish  families,  he  wired  about  his  discovery  to  his  superiors  in  Berlin, 
and  he  is  very  proud  to  state  that  the  Feuhrer  answered. 

Mr.  Flood.  He  wired  his  superiors  in  Berlin  directly  from  the  field, 
did  he  say  ? 

Mr.  Skarztnski.  From  the  propaganda  company  in  Smolensk 
where  the  headquarters  of  his  company  were.    I  suppose  it  went 

Mr.  Flood.  Through  channels. 

Mr.  Skaezynski.  Through  channels.  And  that  the  Feuhrer  him- 
self gave  him  the  answer  and  was  satisfied  with  his  initiative,  of  which 
he  was  very  proud,  and  that  the  Feuhrer  gave  him  the  order  to  coop- 
erate wnth  the  Poles  and  to  do  everything  possible  to  enable  the  fam- 
ilies to  get  the  names  of  the  victims  and  to  get  everything  on  the  bodies 
of  the  victims. 

He  finished  his  speech  by  an  appeal  to  the  Polish  nation  about  the 
necessity  to  join  again  the  Germans  in  their  figlit  against  Russia. 

I  was  the  only  one  to  answer,  and  I  answered  him  that  I  came  here 
just  for  the  purely  technical  purpose  of  exhumation.  I  talked  about 
half  an  hour  about  some  details  as  to  the  organization  of  that  eventual 
exhumation  to  be  decided  tomorrow.  He  promised  me  his  full  coopera- 
tion, and  he  was  very  cooperative.  Then  I  could  not  help,  I  had  to 
rectify  his  mistake  in  his  speech.  I  told  him  it  wasn't  true  that  the 
German  Armies  conquered  all  of  Poland  and  then  gave  over  one  part 
of  the  territory  to  Russia,  but  that  Russia  entered  Poland  during  the 
fight  on  the  basis  of  the  pact  between  Von  Ribbentrop  and  Molotov. 
I  told  him  then  that  as  to  the  appeal  to  the  Polish  nation  I  must  state 
and  have  the  right  to  reply  that  every  Pole  would  be  deeply  shocked 
by  this  discovery,  but  inevitably  will  link  this  matter  with  the  fact 
that  it  was  done  at  a  time  when  Russia,  the  present  eiiemy  of  Germany, 
was  their  friend  and  ally,  on  the  basis,  again,  of  this  pact. 

I  must  say  that  the  German  officers  didn't  answer  a  word. 

Chairman  Madden.  A  little  louder. 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  That  was  the  end  of  this  meeting,  and  we  went  to 
sleep.  On  the  day  after  that  we  were  driven  to  the  graves  which,  if 
I  am  not  mistaken,  is  only  about  15  kilometers  west  from  Smolensk. 
The  approach  to  the  site  was  terrible  because  we  saw  already  300  bodies 
exhumed,  lying  around  the  grave.  The  grave  was  open,  the  upper 
layers  emptied  and  lying  around.  There  were  huge  red  crosses  flying. 
They  were  not  red  crosses  of  our  type.  They  w^ere  hanging  vertically, 
not  horizontally.  They  were  just  for  propaganda  pur[)()ses.  With 
this  one  priest  we  went  around,  our  crew,  and  we  saw  all  tliese  bodies, 
and  we  stated  then  that  the  300  bodies  were  all  shot  by  a  shot  through 
the  head. 


'Sir.  Flood.  At  that  point,  was  the  group  that  Avent  from  Smolensk 
with  the  Germans  to  tlie  graves  in  the  Katyn  Forest  on  that  day  only 
3'our  Polish  group  ^ 

Mv.  Skarzyxski.  It  ^Yas  a  group  which  was  in  the  plane,  our  Polish 
group  plus  the  Red  Cross  group,  plus  the  priest  from  Krakow,  plus  a 
doctor  I  had  with  me.  I  didn't  know  liim.  Maybe  I  wanted  his  ad- 
vice. Plus  the  three  Berlin  policemen,  the  chief  of  the  delegation, 
and  the  three  young  Poles  in  the  service  of  the  Germans. 

Mr.  Flood.  Right. 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  We  saw  all  these  300  bodies  were  certainly  shot 
dead,  killed  by  a  shot  through  the  base  of  the  cranium.  I  didn't  see 
any  other  ones,  just  the  ones  with  the  classical  wound.  We  saw  some 
bodies  which  were  tied  with  a  rope.  The  men  had  winter  clothes;  the 
coat  covered  the  head. 

Mr.  Flood.  How  do  you  mean? 

Mr.  SivARZYXSKi.  The  particular  bodies  which  were  tied. 

Mr.  Flood.  How  was  the  coat  over  the  head?  What  do  you  mean 
by  that  ? 

Mr.  SkarzyxstvI.  The  winter  coat — — 

Mr.  Flood.  Overcoat,  we  call  it  here. 

]Mr.  Skarzy^xski.  The  overcoat  was  taken  off  the  body  and  covered 
the  head  and  then  tied  with  a  rope.  At  the  same  time  the  hands  were 
tied  backward  with  the  rope. 

^Ir.  l^LooD.  Did  you  see  the  hands  tied  behind  the  back  yourself? 

Mr.  Skarzy'xski.  Yes;  several  bodies. 

Mr.  Flood.  Was  it  a  rope  or  a  wire  ? 

Mr.  Skarzyxskt.  A  ro])e.  I  never  saw  a  wire.  Then  there  was  a 
rope  joining  this  rope  of  the  neck  with  the  rope  which  tied  the  hands. 
It  was  a  perfect  hobble.  The  coat  was  put  over  the  body  in  a  way 
that  the  slit  at  the  end  of  the  coat  was  exactly  at  the  place  where  the 
revolver  had  to  be  \)\\t.  You  saw  the  head  in  a  narrow  patch  on  the 
back  on  tb.e  place  where  the  revolver  had  to  be  applied.  I  saw  one 
body  with  the  mouth  tilled  with  something  like  sawdust.  I  didn't 
try  it  with  my  fingers,  of  course.  It  looked  like  sawdust.  I  was  told 
afterward  that  there  were  some  others. 

I  saw  then  the  bodies  of  two  generals,  Smorawski  and  Bohaterowicz. 
The  bodies  were  quite  well  preserved.  The  hands  were  perfectly 
preserved,  even  the  tingernails. 

Mr.  Flood.  How  do  you  know  those  were  the  bodies  of  two  generals? 

Mr.  Skarzy'X'Ski.  The  generals  had  a  special  stripe  alongside  the 
trousers  and,  of  course,  with  shoulder  straps. 

Chairman  Maddex.  These  bodies  where  the  mouth  was  filled  with 

Mr.  ISkarzyxski.  I  saAv  one. 

Chairman  Maddex.  Did  they  have  a  bullet  hole  in  the  back  of  the 
neck  the  same  as  the  others  ? 

Mr.  Skarzy'xski.  The  same  as  the  others. 

Mr.  Sheeiiax\  Mr.  Madden,  I  would  like  to  point  out  for  the  mem- 
bers of  the  conuuittee  that  is  a  significant  bit  of  testimony,  the  saw- 
dust in  the  mouths,  because  the  secret  witness  we  had  in  Washington, 
the  hooded  witness,  who  was  an  eyewitness,  stated  that  in  many  of 
the  shootings  he  saw  apparently  the  Russian  officers  would  reach  down 
into  a  box  of  sawdust  or  something  and  stuff  their  mouth  before  they 

[»:!744~52 — pt.  :^ — —IZ 


either  shot  them  or  threw  them  in  the  grave.  This  gentleman  cor- 
roborates that  evidence,  which  is  the  first  direct  testimony  we  have 
had  of  that  fact. 

Mr.  Sic^^RZYNSKi.  I  saw  one  body,  and  I  have  been  told  by  the  Ger- 
mans that  there  were  others.    I  don't  know  how  many  others. 

Tlie  priest  took  his  liturgical  dress,  and  we  all  joined  in  the  prayer. 
He  immediately  fainted  after  the  prayer.  He  was  a  very  poor  man. 
He  couldn't  stand  the  smell.  We  had  to  revive  him  in  about  half  an 

We  continued  to  inspect  the  bodies.  After  seeing  20  or  50,  it  is 
about  the  same  for  300  or  a  thousand.  There  is  no  difference.  They 
were  all  in  the  same  condition. 

Mr.  Flooix  Did  the  Germans  have  medical  officers  or  medical  corps- 
men  there  pointing  out  to  you  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  No,  not  with  us.  They  were  in  another  place 
that  I  will  tell  you  about  in  a  minute.  The  uniforms  were  well  pre- 
served, all  the  distinctions.  The  distinctions  in  the  Polish  Army  are 
on  the  shoulder  straps.  That  is  how  I  could  tell  the  generals,  not  only 
the  trousers  but  also  the  shoulder  straps.  The  Polish  eagles  on  the 
officers'  caps,  the  buttons  and  the  decorations  were  in  a  perfect  state. 
The  uniform,  which  was  of  very  good  quality  in  the  Polish  Army  in 
1939,  was  in  a  very  decent  state.  The  boots,  too.  I  mean  the  upper 
part  of  the  boots,  because  the  soles  were  certainly  worn  out  through 
this  month  of  life  in  Kozielsk  and  the  internment. 

We  stayed  there  for  several  hours.  I  refused  three  times  to  talk  for 
the  broadcast.  They  wanted  me  to  broadcast  my  impressions.  Of 
course  I  refused.  I  told  them  I  am  going  to  do  that  under  the  con- 
dition that  I  am  not  going  to  join  the  German  propaganda. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  This  is  right  at  the  site  of  the  graves'^ 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Eight  at  the  site  of  the  graves.  Then  I  had  two 
talks  with  Russian  peasants.  The  day  before  at  this  famous  meeting  I 
saw  pictures  taken  of  depositions  of  the  Russian  peasants  which  say,  as 
I  suppose  you  all  know,  that  in  April  and  May  1940  there  were  cars 
coming  to  the  station  of  Gziezdovo,  that  in  these  cars  were  Polish 
officers,  that  these  officers  were  taken  into  special  trucks  which  are 
made  in  Russia  to  transport  prisoners.  The  population  called  these 
trucks  the  Black  Raven.  That  was  the  name  in  Russia,  Blnck  Raven. 
That  these  trucks  took  the  Polish  officers  to  the  place  of  Katyn 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Are  you  telling  us  now  of  your  conversation  with 
these  Russian  peasants? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  What  I  read  the  day  before.  And  that  from  this 
forest  they  heard  shots  and  cries. 

I  talked  to  them.  I  knew,  of  course,  that  these  people  told  the 
truth.  I  had  that  impression.  I  talked  Avith  two  of  them,  and  they 
repeated  the  same  thing  which  I  saw  the  day  before  in  the  paper. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  say  you  talked  with  two  peasants.  Were 
these  talks  with  the  peasants  arranged  for  you  by  the  Germans? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  The  peasants  were  there  waiting. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Was  that  arranged  by  the  Germans? 

Mr,  Skrazynski.  Certainly. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  language  did  they  speak? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Russian. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  speak  Russian  ? 


Mr.  Skarzynski.  Yes. 

Mr,  Machrowicz.  Were  there  any  German  officers  present  while 
you  talked  to  them  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Lieutenant  Slovencik  was  present.  I  didn't  have 
the  impression  of  any  of  these  Eussian  peasants  being  under  pres- 
sure, certainly  not. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Did  anything  happen  there  that  would  indicate 
to  you  that  there  was  any  pressure  used  upon  them  by  the  Germans? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  No;  then  I  talked  to  the  second  Russian  peasant 
without  any  assistance.  I  talked  with  him  for  maybe  3  or  4  minutes 
alone,  and  he  repeated  the  same  thing  to  me  in  Eussian  with  the 
clear  eyes  of  a  Eussian  peasant,  and  you  could  see  he  was  telling  the 
truth.  '  Tlien  the  Germans  started  to  crowd  around  us.  I  saw^  a  Ger- 
man with  a  microplione  aproaching,  wanting  to  take  this  conversa- 
tion.   Then  I  stopped  at  once  and  went  away. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  At  the  time  you  were  talking  to  him,  Slovencik  pro- 
bably couldn't  talk  Eussian  anyway,  could  he? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  He  couldn't.  I  suppose  he  had  some  knowledge 
of  the  Eussian  language.  He  knew  some  words,  but  he  didn't  speak 
Eussian.    Some  of  the  other  Germans  could. 

Mr.  MiTCHFXL.  When  you  were  interrogating  these  Eussian  wit- 
nesses could  you  ask  them  any  questions  you  wanted  to  ? 

Mr,  Skarzynski.  Sure,  certainly.     There  was  not  pressure  there. 

Then  we  drove  to  a  place  near  the  graves,  about  one  mile  and  a  half, 
where  there  was  a  police  station.  This  police  station  was  under  the 
command  of  a  Second  Lieutenant  or  Lieutenant  Voss,  a  police  officer ; 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  Before  you  get  to  that,  had  these  Eussian  peasants 
told  you  the  same  thing  that  was  in  the  depositions  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  The  same  thing.  Especially  in  this  short  conver- 
sation where  we  were  alone,  in  a  very  short  and  rapid  way  to  get  it 
out  of  him,  he  confirmed  that  exactly, 

Mr,  JMachkow^cz,  Do  you  happen  to  remember  the  names  of  any 
of  these  peasants  ? 

Mr,  Skarzynski,  I  remember  one  named  Kisielev,  K-i-s-i-e-1-e-v. 
Then  w^e  went  to  the  station ;  we  drove  to  the  station  where  we  found 
this  police  officer  Voss,  and  Dr.  Buhtz.  Dr.  Buhtz  was  there,  and  he 
had  a  kind  of  small  laboratory  which  was  installed  to  make  legible 
some  documents  which  could  not  be  read.  Those  documents  and 
decorations  were  exposed  on  a  kind  of  a  table,  and  all  those  docu- 
ments were  really  prior  to  May  and  April  1940.  Of  course  that  was 
not  proof  for  us  because  the  exhumation  was  clone  without  us,  but  we 
saW'  that.  I  once  again  refused  to  broadcast.  Then  I  was  asked  by  the 
Germans  privately  and  personally  to  express  my  opinion  about  what 
I  saw,  and  I  told  then  that  I  was  of  course  deeply  shocked  and  that 
I  must  underline  with  satisfaction  the  spirit  of  the  army.  In  the 
meantime  I  had  already  decided  to  leave  the  three  men  in  Katyn,  and 
leaving  them  at  the  mercy  of  the  German  Army  alone  on  foreign 
territory  occupied  by  one  of  our  enemies,  I  couldn't  imagine  they 
could  work  out  the  full  cooperation  of  the  Germany  Army.  I  wanted 
to  make  a  good  start.  The  German  Army  was  cooperative  in 


Before  leaving  I  talked  to  the  head  of  the  three-man  crew  which  I 
left  in  Katyn,  Lieutenant  Rojkiewicz,  volunteer  worker  of  the  Red 
Cross  in  wartime,  R-o-j-k-i-e-w-i-c-z,  that  he  has  to  organize  these 
exhumations  according  to  the  instruction  of  the  Germans  as  arranged 
with  Lieutenant  Slovencik,  that  he  has  to  comply  of  course  with  all 
instructions  given  by  the  Germans,  with  one  exception,  that  if  he 
should  be  deprived  of  the  right  to  read  the  documents  and  to  see  docu- 
ments immediately  at  the  exhumation  as  well  as  at  the  police  station 
where  they  were  stored,  if  he  had  not  full  freedom  to  do  that,  he  was 
supposed  to  pack  his  things  and  come  back  to  Warsaw,  because  we  had 
the  impression — we  didn't  know  then  tliat  we  could  in  the  future 
make  a  medical-legal  investigation  of  the  documents.  We  didn't  know 
the  amount  of  documents  that  were  going  to  be  found  there.  We 
thought  that  the  only  possibility  to  have  an  idea  about  the  date  of  the 
murder  was  to  read  the  documents  on  the  bodies  as  the  bodies  were 
exhumed.  That  is  why  I  told  them,  not  knowing  exactly  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  work,  how  the  Germans  would  do  it,  in  spite  of  their 
cooperativeness,  I  told  him  that  in  case  the  Polish  crew  should  be  de- 
prived of  the  right  to  read  the  documents,  to  have  insight  to  them, 
then  they  should  simply  refuse  to  continue  and  come  back  to  Warsaw. 

They  didn't  have  to  do  that.  There  was  friction  between  them  and 
the  Germans,  but  they  had  the  right  to  look  at  the  documents  on  the 
bodies  and  to  look  at  the  documents  at  the  police  station.  That  was 
the  most  important  thing.  So  I  came  back  to  Warsaw,  leaving  this 

Mr.  Flood.  How  long  were  you  at  Katyn,  in  hours  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  About  6  hours,  not  more. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  ever  go  back? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  No.  I  will  tell  you  why :  I  came  to  Warsaw,  and 
on  the  17th  the  Board  of  Directors  met  again,  and  we  prepared  a 
statement  to  be  given  to  the  Germans,  if  necessary,  and  this  statement 
contained  only  eight  laconic  points:  That  I  had  been  there;  that  I 
stated  the  presence  of  these  300  bodies ;  that  I  stated  the  shot  wounds 
through  the  head ;  that  the  murders  had  not  been  committed  for  rob- 
bery because  the  pockets  were  full  of  money,  wallets,  purses,  docu- 
ments, et  cetera;  that  the  documents  which  had  been  shown  to  us 
seemed  to  prove  that  the  date  of  the  murder  was  April  and  May 

Mr.  Flood.  You  stressed  the  word  "seemed." 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Why  did  you  use  that  word  at  that  time  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Because  we  didn't  take  the  documents  ourselves. 
They  were  presented  to  us  by  the  Germans. 

Mr.  Flood.  This  was  a  report  that  the  Polish  Red  Cross  directors 
were  preparing  in  case  the  Germans  asked  you  for  one  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  That  is  it. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  they  ever  ask  you  for  one  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Yes;  the  same  day.  And  as  the  last  point,  that 
we  were  ready  to  take  the  task  of  exhumation  but  of  course  this  task 
is  only  possible  with  the  fullest  collaboration  of  the  Geiman  Army, 
impossible  otherwise.  The  last  j)oint  I  stated,  that  the  (lerman  Army 
was  very  cooperative,  was  on  purpose,  as  I  told  you,  to  make  a  good 
start,  and  it  was  true. 


Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  have  a  copy  of  that  report  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Yes ;  I  have  it  here. 

Mr,  Flood,  Will  you  let  me  see  it'^ 

Mr.  SK.VRZYXSKL  It  is  in  Polish. 

Mr.  Flood.  Let  me  see  it  anyhow.    [Document  handed  to  Mr.  Flood.] 


Chairman  Madden.  The  hearing  will  come  to  order. 


Mr.  Flood.  When  we  recessed,  I  was  asking  jou  if  you  had  a  copy 
of  the  Polish  IJed  (^ross  report  that  yon  had  prepared  in  anticipa- 
tion of  a  German  request  for  such  a  report. 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Correct. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  you  told  me  you  had  prepared  such  a  report — by 
"you,"  I  mean  the  board  of  directors  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross  at  War- 
saw— and  that  you  had  it  here,  and  you  presented  me  with  a  document 
which  you  say  is  a  copy  of  such  a  report,  written  in  Polish. 

I  have  presented  that  to  my  colleague,  the  gentleman  from  Michigan, 
Congressman  Machrowicz,  who  reads  and  understands  Polish,  and  he 
tells  me  it  is  such  an  instrument  as  you  say. 

Will  you  find  there  for  me  that  part  of  this  document  which  con- 
tains the  eight  points  which  you  gave  the  Germans  { 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  It  was  prepared  to  be  given  eventually. 

Mr.  Flood.  Prei)ared  to  be  given  eventually,  and  I  understand  it 
was  afterward  given. 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  It  w^as  given  afterward. 

There  it  is  [indicating], 

Mr.  Flood.  I  have  shown  page  12  to  Congressman  ]Michrowicz,  aud 
he  confirms  your  statement  that  pages  12  and  1?>  do  contain  the  ejght 
points  that  you  have  detailed  for  us. 

I  would  like  these  two  pages  to  be  translated  from  Polish  into 
English  and  inserted  at  this  point  in  the  record.  Will  you,  Mr.  Pucin- 
ski  [addressing  the  investigator  for  the  committee] ,  see  that  those  pages 
are  so  translated  and  inserted  at  this  point  ? 

Chairman  Madden.  Will  you  mark  that  as  an  exhibit  ? 

Mr.  Flood.  I  want  that  incorporated  as  part  of  the  record, 

(The  pages  referred  to  were  marked  "Exhibit  No,  7,"  and  are  as 
follows :) 

Exhibit  No.  7 
[Translation  from  Polish,  pages  12  and  13] 

The  next  morning  I  submitted  an  oral  report  on  my  journey  to  the  Central 
Board.  The  report  was  given  in  tlie  minutes  of  tlie  Presidium's  meeting  No.  33:i. 
From  tliis  report  the  following  facts  emerged  : 

1)  At  the  locality  of  Katyn,  near  Smolensk,  there  are  partially  excavated 
mass  graves  of  Polish  officers : 

2)  kelying  upon  the  examination  of  al^out  ."W)  bodies  so  far  exhiimed.  one 
may  state  that  these  officers  were  killed  by  bullets  tired  into  the  back  of  the 
head.  The  unift)rm  nature  of  the  wounds  in  all  [tlie  l^odies]  proves  beyond 
doubt  [that  the  executions  were]  mass  executions. 

3)  The  murder  was  not  motivated  by  robbery,  because  the  bodies  are  in 
uniforms,  in  boots,  with  distinctions,  and  a  considerable  number  of  Polisli  coins 
and  l.anknotes  were  found  on  the  bodies. 


4)  The  murder  took  place  in  March-April  1940.  This  judgment  is  based  upon 
the  documents  found  on  the  bodies. 

5)  Up  to  now,  only  a  small  number  of  the  murdered  persons  (150)  have  been 

6)  If  identification  and  registration  of  the  murdered  people  is  desired,  the 
team  sent  to  Smolensk  should  be  increased  by  5  or  G  persons. 

7)  The  work  of  our  Technical  Commission  can  be  develoi>ed  and  carried  on 
only  jointly  with  the  work  of  the  German  military  authorities  competent  in  this 

8)  Our  Commission  received  the  kindest  and  fullest  collaboration  from  the 
German  military  authorities  in  this  area. 

The  first  6  of  the  above  points  do  not  require  any  discussion.  With  regard 
to  point  7,  the  performance  of  an  independent  investigation  by  the  Polish  Red 
Cross  alone  at  Katyn  Forest  was  absolutely  impossible.  That  the  Polish  Red 
Cross  undertook  the  work  of  exhumation  on  such  a  scale  outside  the  frontiers 
of  Poland,  in  a  foreign  country  devastated  by  the  war  and  occupied  by  imr 
enemies,  and  moreover  near  the  front  (Smolensk  is  now  only  80-40  km.  from 
the  front  line),  might  [indicate  that  they]  might  have  had  in  mind  an'investiga- 
tion  undertaken  only  with  the  assistance  of  the  German  army.  It  should  be 
borne  in  mind  that  in  the  Katyn  affair,  as  in  all  other  affairs,  the  ends  of  German 
policy  and  those  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross  were  totally  different.  The  aim  of  the 
Polish  Red  Cross  was  to  bury  the  bodies  of  the  Polish  officers  in  new  graves  as 
soon  as  the  wearisome  and  complex  work  of  exhumation  and  identification  had 
been  accomplished.  The  German  authorities,  however,  were  interested  in  i)rop- 
aganda.  This  discrepancy  of  aims  has  led  to  frictions  which  will  be  discussed 
infra.  It  was  beyond  any  doubt  that  the  German  propaganda  would  give  up  the 
control  of  the  worlt  in  order  to  ingratiate  itself  with  Polish  public  opinion. 
Although  this  undertaking  was  in  the  interest  of  propaganda  to  some  degi'ee, 
[propaganda]  was  nevertheless  a  secondary  motive.  The  Polish  Red  Cross 
was  to  choose  either  to  give  up  the  work  or  to  accept  a  modest  executive  function 
on  the  spot,  under  German  control.  For  reasons  mentioned  al)ove,  the  Polish 
Red  Cross  has  decided  to  choose  the  latter  alternative. 

With  regard  to  point  8,  the  Central  Board  having  its  Technical  Commission 
near  Smolensk  in  full  dependence  upon  the  German  army,  and  having  in  mind 
the  importance  of  the  work  of  the  Commission,  it  [the  Central  Board]  deemed  it 
advisable  to  give  .  .  . 

[Translated  by:  Dr.  Peter  Siekanowscz,  Foreign  Law  Section,  Law  Library^ 
Library  of  Congress  May  14,  1952.] 

Mr.  Flood.  You  told  ns  this  morninfr  that  one  of  the  things  tluit 
encouraged  the  Polish  Red  Cross  to  cooperate  with  the  Germans  and 
go  to  Katyn,  or  at  least  to  determine  if  you  would  cooperate,  was  the 
urging  of  the  Polish  underground  so  to  do. 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  That  is  right, 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  the  Polish  underground  expect  you  to  report  back 
to  them  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Certainly. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  make  such  a  rej^ort  to  the  Polish  underground? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  The  day  after  my  return  from  Katyn. 

Mr,  Flood,  You  will  have  to  talk  alittle  louder. 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  The  day  after  my  return  from  Katyn. 

Mr,  Flood.  What  dav  did  vou  return  from  Katyn  to  Warsaw  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski,  Tlie  17th  of  April  1943. 

Mr.  Flood,  The  17th  of  April  194?>.  "\^niat  is  the  date  of  the  Polish 
Red  Cross  report  to  the  Germans? 

Mr,  Skarzynski,  The  17th  of  April,  the  same  date,  in  the  morning. 
I  came  back  from  Katyn  in  a  German  aircraft  on  the  16th  at  niirht 
without  stopping,  from  Smolensk  to  Warsaw,  On  the  l7th,  in  the 
morning,  we  had  this  meeting  of  the  board  of  directors  of  the  Polisli 
Red  Cross,  and  we  elaborated  the  eight  points.  Then  in  the  afternoon, 
I  was  summoned  to  appear  before  the  Germans,  the  propaganda  de- 
partment of  the  government. 


Mr.  Flood.  You  were? 

Mr.  Skarztnski.  I  was  personally. 

I  met  there  Dr.  Griuidman,  the  same  man  who  informed  me  first 
about  Katyn,  Dr.  Heinrich,  who  was  the  official  supervisor  of  the 
Red  Cross,  an  SS  man,  and  two  Grestapo  men  presented  to  me  as  such. 
They  told  me  these  two  gentlemen  belonged  to  the  Gestapo,  the  Ge- 
heime  Staats  Polizer. 

They  asked  me  to  report  what  I  saw  at  Katyn,  and  then  they  sum- 
moned me  to  give  an  interview  to  the  press,  which  I  refused.  When 
they  heard  my  refusal,  Dr.  Heinrich  told  me,  "All  right,  you  can 
refuse,  but  then  you  must  write  a  letter  to  the  press,  and  this  letter 
we  intend  to  send  to  London " 

Mr.  Flood.  What  press  ? 

Mr.  Skarztnski.  The  (irerman  press,  of  course — "send  to  London 
to  make  your  compatriots  from  London  know  what  is  in  Katyn." 

Mr.  Flood.  By  "compatriots  in  London,'*  what  did  he  mean  ? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  After  having  refused  the  interview,  they  wanted 
me  to  write  a  letter,  a  report  about  my  Katyn  visit,  and  this  report 
was  supposed  to  appear  in  the  whole  of  Germany;  and,  of  course, 
necessarily  appear  also  in  the  English  press,  the  British  press,  in 
order  to  open  the  ej'es,  as  they  said,  of  my  compatriots  in  London, 
to  make  them  understand  what  Germany  was  after. 

Mr.  Flood.  By  "compatriots  in  London,"  do  you  mean  what  we 
refer  to  as  the  Free  Polish  Government? 

Mr.  Skarztnski,  Exactly. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  do  that? 

Mr.  Skarztnski.  No,  I  refused.  I  must  say  this  time  I  was  a  little 
scared  in  refusing. 

Mr.  Fix)0d.  It  was  about  time  you  got  scared  refusing. 

Mr.  Skarztnski.  I  told  them  I  refused  because,  "first  of  all,  it 
would  be  the  same  thing  as  an  interview ;  and  secondly,  because  I  am 
convinced  that  it  wouldn't  have  the  effect  you  expect,  because  my 
compatriots  in  London  would  have  the  impression  that  I  had  the 
choice  between  sending  the  letter  or  being  sent  to  a  concentration 
camp."    That  was  the  moment  when  I  was  scared. 

Dr.  Grundman,  of  the  propaganda,  saved  the  situation  because  he 
started  to  laugh  aloud,  and  he  said,  "The  man  is  right."  So  that  is 
Avhat  finished  it. 

Tlien  Dr.  Heinrich,  in  a  rather  angry  tone,  told  me,  "Well,  then, 
I,  as  supervisor  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross,  summon  you  to  give  me 
today  by  5  p.  m.  a  report  of  your  visit." 

Mr.  Flood.  And  that  is  the  report  we  have  just  placed  in  the  record  ? 

Mr.  Skarztnski.  That  is  what  has  been  placed  in  the  record,  and 
nothing  else  has  been  given  to  the  German  propaganda. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  is  all  the  Germans  got  from  the  Poles? 

Mr.  Skarztnski.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  say  you  did  make  a  report  to  the  Polish  under- 
ground ? 

i\Ir.  Skarztnski.  And  that  took  months,  and  that  is  this  document. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  make  the  same  report  to  the  Polish  under- 
ground that  you  gave  to  the  Germans  ? 

Mr.  SltARZTNSKI.    No. 


Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  make  a  report  to  the  Polish  luulero^oiind  ? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  I  did,  the  same  day  I  did  to  the  (iermaiis.  I  met 
the  chief  of  wliat  was  called  the  civilian  service. 

Mr.  Flood.  1  tlioufjlit  you  told  us  this  mornino;  that  oidy  the  i)resi- 
dent  of  the  Pohsli  Red  Cross  luul  a  contact  with  the  underorouud. 
How  did  you  o'et  it  ^ 

Ml".  Skarzynski.  T  got  it  when  a  friend  of  mine,  wlio  was  manager 
of  a  Polish  bank,  phoned  to  me  the  same  day  after  my  return  from 
Katyn,  and  told  me,  "You  are  going  to  meet  today  the  chief  of  the 
civilian  fighting  forces  of  the  Polish  underground,"  and  that  was  Mr. 
Stefan  Karbonski,  who  is  today  in  America.  Stefan  Karbonski  was 
the  chief  of  the  civilian  defense,  not  in  the  passive  meaning  but  the 
active  meaning. 

In  this  oflice  room  of  this  bank  director,  my  friend,  I  met  him,  and 
1  gave  liim  a  verbal  report,  amout  2i/^  or  3  hours,  about  my  visit  in 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  ever  piei)are  a  written  ie])()rt  for  tlie  Polish 
underground  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  No.    We  always  avoided  anything  in  writing. 

Mr.  F'lood.  Was  there  a  liaison  or  a  direct  connection,  or  were  they 
the  same  units,  that  is,  the  Polish  underground,  the  Polish  defense 
forces,  and  the  London  Fi-ee  Polish  Government? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  Tlie  same. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  same  outfit? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  The  same  outfit. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  the  difference,  if  there  was  a  difference,  be- 
tween the  oral  report  you  gave  to  the  representative  of  the  under- 
ground that  day  in  your  friend's  banking  oflice,  and  tlie  report  that 
you  officially  gave  the  Germans  in  writing? 

Mr.  Skarzyx^^ski.  The  Germans  we  gave  only  the  laconic  eight 
j)oints;  and  to  Karbonski  I  repeated  what  I  told  you  today,  perhaps 
in  a  little  more  detail,  because  I  had  -]  hours'  time. 

Mr,  Flood.  You  reported  to  Karbonski,  the  undei-ground  repre- 
sentative, evervthing  you  have  told  us  thus  far  today,  but  not  so  much 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  More  detail,  because  I  had  more  time,  but  nothing 

Mr.  Flood.  Exactly.  In  this  report  to  the  Germans  you  told  me  this 
morning  that  your  conclusion  was  that  from  your  observation  it 
seemed  tliat  the  Russinns  had  done  the  killing  at  Katyn,  from  the 
German  report. 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  It  seemed  that  the  killing  was  d(me  on  those  dates. 

Mr.  Flood.  It  seemed  on  those  dates.  What  did  you  say  to  the  chief 
of  the  underground  or  the  underground  representative  with  reference 
to  that?    Did  you  qualify  it  to  him,  or  were  you  more  decisive? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  I  was  more  decisive. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  did  you  say? 

Mv.  Skarzyxski.  My  ])ersonal  intimate  conviction  is  that  the  Rus- 
sians did  it. 

Ml-.  Flood.  Was  that  your  conviction  then? 

^Tr.  Skarzyxski.  It  was. 

Mr.  Flood.  Did  you  so  report  to  him  then? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Yes. 


Mr.  Flood.  Is  it  your  conviction  now  ? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Flood.  Has  anything  occurred  between  that  day  and  this  to 
change  your  opinion  ? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  No. 

Chairman  Maddex.  Have  you  finished? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  Not  yet. 

Mr.  Flood.  Just  to  emphasize  it,  wliat  was  your  opinion  ?  I  want 
that  repeated. 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  At  the  moment  I  came  back  from  Katyn? 

Mr.  Flood.  Yes. 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  My  ])ersonal  im])ression — it  wasn't  an  opinion, 
because  I  couldn't  dare  have  an  opinion  about  a  complicated  thing 
such  as  a  murder,  but  my  personal  impression  was  that  the  Russians 
did  it,  and  that  I  repeated  to  Karbonski.  It  wasn't  an  opinion.  It  was 
an  impi'ession.    A  ])erson  could  have  been  proven  false. 

Mr.  Maciirowicz.  Has  that  im])ression  been  strengthened  by  any- 
thing since  then? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  Yes;  many  things. 

Mr.  Maciirowicz.  Now.  would  you  consider  that  your  considered 
opinion  ? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  Definitel}':  my  conviction. 

I  forgot  to  tell  yon  one  very  important  thing.  When  I  was  at  the' 
Katyn  graves,  I  asked  the  German  officers  how  could  they  imagine 
that  there  are  11,000  corpses  there  when  1  saw,  out  of  the  seven  graves, 
I  thought  something  between  four  and  six  thousand.  The  Germans 
told  me  very  naively,  "Yes;  we  know  there  are  more  than  that  here, 
because  we  multiplied  the  coefficient  of  the  density  of  the  bodies  in 
the  graves  by  the  whole  area  which  yon  see  here,  and  that  is  how  we 
get  the  11,000." 

That  was,  of  course,  nonsense,  because  they  wanted  the  figure  11,000, 
knowing  there  are  about  11,000  officers  in  Russia.  They  discovered 
the  graves  of  the  officers,  and  they  wanted  to  make  the  propaganda 
stoi*y  a  bigger  one,  and  they  launched  the  figure  of  11,000. 

Mr.  Flood.  Of  course,  you  know,  and  it  has  been  indicated  on  the 
record  of  the  committee  by  several  reputable  witnesses  at  other  hear- 
ings, that  the  number  of  Polish  officers  moved  from  Kozielsk  coincides 
almost  exactly  with  the  number  of  bodies  found  at  Katyn. 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  Exactly. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  number  at  Starobielsk  and  the  other  camps  was 
not  an  issue  at  Katyn,  at  least  so  far. 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  Not  at  Katyn 

Mr.  Flood.  Let  me  ask  you  one  moi'e  question.  Why  did  you  tell 
the  Germans  one  story  and  the  Russians  the  other,  with  reference 
to  the  decisiveness  of  your  conclusion  ? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  The  Russians  ?     I  never  told  the  Russians. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  beg  your  pardon,  the  Free  Poles.  You  told  the  Free 
Poles  one  story  with  decisiveness,  and  you  told  the  German  a  watered- 
down  version  of  it. 

Mr.  Sk^vrzyxski.  Yes ;  and  we  continued  to  tell  that  to  the  Germans, 
because  we  didn't  want  the  Germans  to  have  the  impression  that  we 
joined  them  in  their  opinion.  As  long  as  we  could,  as  long  as  the 
investigation   wasn't  finished — and  it  wasn't  finished   officially   on 


tlie  of  September  10-t4,  Avhen  the  (lei'mans  retired  from  Poland — 
we  always  told  the  Germans  "we  don't  know,  becanse  we  did  not 
finish  the  investigation,"  always  with  the  same  ])sycholo<rical  intention 
not  in  the  slif>htest  to  join  the  German  propaganda  and  be  canse  to 
sign  or  to  declar  something  according  to  German  wishes. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Yon  just  stated  a  few  minutes  ago  that  the  (lermans 
knew  that  there  were  about  11,000  ofticers.     How  did  they  know? 

Mr.  Skarz.nski.  There  was  a  conference  between  Germany  and 
Russia  in  December  1940  in  Cracow  about  the  repatriation  of  the 
Poles  under  Russian  domination.  We  didn't  know  what  was  the 
object  of  this  conference,  but  after  the  confei-cnce  we  had  been  told 
to  prepare  the  camps  to  receive  the  officers.  We  know  that  at  tliat 
time  Russia  had  the  exact  number.  Russia  had  already  three  camps 
open.  We  are  sure  that  the  Germans  knew  it,  and  the  proof  of  it 
is  that  Goebbels  anonymously  determined  Katyn  as  the  mass  grave 
of  all  the  officers  which  were  in  Russia,  and  lie  stated  1 1,000.  He  must 
have  known  this  figure. 

Chairman  Madden.  Any  further  questions? 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  I  want  to  ask  you  this,  Mr.  Witness:  I  understood 
you  to  say  that  in  preparation  for  the  officers  that  you  expected  to  come 
back  again,  your  group  was  preparing  some  camps  in  the  expectation 
that  they  would  return. 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  Then  I  understood  you  to  say  that  in  April  or  May 
or  June  of  1940,  you  were  notified  the  camps  of  Kozielsk.  Starobielslv^ 
and  Ostashkov  IukI  been  closed,  and  you  were  not  to  expect  any 
officers  back  from  Russia  ? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  No.  We  were  notified  simply  by  the  Gei-nuins 
that  we  have  to  close  our  reception  camp. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  That  was  the  Germans  who  said  you  should  close 
yours  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  Tn  other  words,  you  never  got  any  word  from  Russia 
in  any  way  that  they  had  closed  their  camps? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  No. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  As  part  of  your  duties  in  the  Red  Cross,  you  learned 
that  the  families  of  these  prisoners  had  been  getting  letters  from  them 
once  a  month,  or  something  like  that? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Yes. 

Mr,  FuRCOLo.  I  am  referring  now  to  the  prisoners  in  the  camps 
at  Kozielsk,  Starozielsk,  and  Ostashkov.  You  did  learn  that  those 
families  had  been  getting  letters  from  their  menfolk  who  were  pris- 
oners, at  least  in  the  latter  part  of  19;>9  and  the  first  month  or  two  of 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  FtTRcoLO.  T  am  interested  in  finding  out  whethei-  any  of  those 
families  heard  from  any  of  the  ]')risonors  at  any  time  after,  say,  April 
or  May  of  1940?  Did  you,  in  the  course  of  your  duties  in  the  Red 
Cross,  have  occasion  to  be  in  touch  with  the  families  of  those  men 
sufficiently  so  that  you  can  give  us  an  answer  to  that? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Certaiidy. 

Mr.  FuRCoLo.  What  would  your  answer  be? 


Mr.  Skarzynski.  The  answer  -svould  be  that  after  June,  the  end 
'or  May  or  June  1940,  no  more  letters  came  from  the  three  camps. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  As  part  of  your  duties,  you  naturally  made  it  your 
business  to  inquire  around  amon^ij  the  families  so  you  could  be  fairly 
certain  of  it  ? 

Mr,  Skarzynski.  The  families  came  to  us  asking  us  about  the 
whereabouts  of  their  dependents,  and  we  could  do  nothing  else  but 
write  to  the  International  Committee  of  Red  Crosses.  We  got  the 
answer  from  the  German  Red  Cross  that  if  a  man  disappeared  from 
one  of  the  three  camps,  the  only  wa}^  to  do  is  to  write  to  the  police 
authorities  of  the  given  nation,  and  many  families  wrote  to  the  police 
authorities  and  received  a  letter  back  with  a  stamp,  "Departed.  All 
the  men  evacuated,"  or  "His  present  address  is  unknown,"  or  "The 
camp  has  been  closed.     Present  address  unknown." 

Chairman  Madden.  The  hearing  will  recess  for  about  30  seconds. 

I  wish  to  announce  that  the  dean  of  the  Congress  has  just  come 
in  the  hearing  room,  Congressman  Sabath.  Congressman  Sabath  is 
the  oldest  man,  in  point  of  service,  of  any  Member  that  ever  sat  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  in  the  history  of  the  Nation. 

Forty-four  j^ears,  is  it,  Judge? 

Mr.  Sabath.  Forty-six  years. 

Chairman  Madden.  And  he  does  not  look  to  be  over  46  years  old. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Since  we  have  introduced  Congressman  Sabath, 
I  think  it  would  be  fair  to  Congressman  Sabath  also  to  let  it  be  known 
that  it  was  to  a  great  extent  thanks  to  the  assistance  and  guidance 
of  Congressman  Sabath  that  this  committee  was  established  by  the 
Congi'ess.  I  think  we  should  give  proper  credit  to  Congressman 
Sabath  for  his  efforts  to  probe  this  Katyn  massacre.     [Applause.] 

Chairman  Madden.  I  will  say  further  that  Congrf^ssman  Sabath 
"w^as  a  great  aid  as  chairman  of  the  Rules  Committee  in  passing  the 
resolution  which  cleared  the  way  for  this  investigation  to  get  on  the 
floor  of  the  House. 

The  hearing  will  now  proceed. 

Mr.  FiTRcoLO.  Would  it  be  fair  to  say,  then,  Mr.  Witness,  that  in 
the  course  of  your  duties  in  the  Red  Cross,  you  came  in  contact  with 
many  hundreds  of  families  of  prisoners  of  the  three  camps  I  have 
mentioned  who  had  been  receiving  mail  from  them  in  the  latter  l^art 
of  1939  and  the  first  2  or  3  months  of  1940,  but  who,  after  April  or 
JMay  of  1940,  no  longer  received  correspondence  from  their  menfolk? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  That  would  be  correct;  except  the  contact  wasn't 
personal  between  me  and  the  families.  It  was  just  in  exce])tional 
cases.  It  was  betAveen  the  information  bureau  of  the  Polish  Red 
Cross,  with  about  270  employees,  and  Ave  created  a  lot  of  files  about  the 
woimded  and  missing  men  which  would  till  this  room.  These  files 
were  all  burned  during  the  Warsaw  riots. 

Mr.  FrRCOLO.  I  had  better  preface  this  question  by  a  very  brief 
statement.  Of  course,  as  you  know,  we  are  trying  as  much  as  possible 
to  document  everything  in  this  committee.  The  case  tliat  Ave  make 
out  eventually  is  going  to  be  stronger  in  accordance  Avith  the  degree 
of  documentation  we  have.  I  want  to  ask  you  this  question:  In  the 
course  of  my  study  into  this  matter,  I  haA^e  many  times  come  across 
ihe  statement  that  immediately  after  the  discoA'ery  of  the  massacre, 


the  Polish  (Jovernnient  asked  tlie  International  Red  Cross  Committee 
to  investifijate  imi)artially,  and  that  the  German  Government  asked 
the  International  Eed  Cross  Committee  to  investipite  impartially. 
For  some  reason,  such  an  investigation  was  not  held.  The  books  and 
pa])ers  and  documents  that  I  have  read  all  practically  unanimously 
indicate  that  the  reason  it  was  not  held  was  because  of  the  fact  that 
the  Soviet  Government  also  would  not  participate  in  that  recjuest. 

I  asked  former  Ambassador  Romer,  when  he  was  on  the  stand, 
Avhether  or  not  such  a  request  had  been  transmitted  to  the  Interna- 
tional Red  Cross  Committee  by  the  Polish  (Government,  and  whetlier 
a  similar  request  had  been  transmitted  by  the  German  Government, 
and  the  answer  was,  "Yes."  I  then  inquired,  as  I  have  of  othei-  wit- 
nesses, whether  or  not  the  Russian  Government  had  ever  refused  to 
join  in  makino;  such  a  request.  Up  to  this  point  we  have  not  beew  able 
to  locate  a  witness  who  has  been  intimately  enouoh  connected  with  it 
to  be  able  to  tie  it  down  that  the  Russian  Government  either  did  or 
did  not. 

I  wonder  if  you,  as  an  official  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross,  and  who  was 
intimately  associated  with  it,  can  help  us  on  that  point,  because  it  is 
of  vital  importance. 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  A  few  days  after  my  return  we  had  knowledo;e  of 
the  fact — through,  of  course,  the  secret  radio — that  the  Polish  Gov- 
ermiient-in-exile  sent  a  teleoram  to  Geneva  asking  for  an  interna- 
tional commission.  The  German  Government  didn't,  because  the 
German  Government  didn't  want  in  this  way  indirectly  to  acknowledge 
the  existence  of  the  Polish  Government-in-exile,  and  the  German 
(iovernment  wanted  us,  the  Polish  Red  Cross,  to  send  a  telegram  to 
Geneva,  whose  counterpart  would  be  sent  by  the  German  Red  Cross 
to  Geneva.  They  avoided  the  government  in  order  not  indirectly  to 
acknowledge  the  other  one. 

We  refused  for  a  long  time.  We  said,  "We  are  not  in  a  position  to 
act  for  a  nation  or  for  a  government.  We  are  just  the  Polish  Red 
Cross,  a  national  association,  a  private  association  of  the  Red  Cross, 
and  we  are  not  able  to  send  a  wire  to  Geneva." 

Theii  they  told  us,  "The  Crerman  Govermnent  dichrt,  but  the  German 
Red  Cross  did,  so  your  way  is  open." 

Finally  we  had  to  give  way.  Again,  we  didn't  send  a  telegram  ask- 
ing for  an  investigation,  which  was  not  our  role  and  not  our  right,, 
but  we  simply  gave  an  extract  of  these  eight  points  to  Geneva. 

Three  days  afterwards  we  got  a  reply,  which  is  in  this  same  docu- 
ment, from  the  international  committee.  This  reply  stated  that.  "We 
have  received  already  from  two  different  sides  the  same  demand,  the 
same  news  about  the  discovery  of  Katyn.  We  are  ready  to  send  an 
Inteinational  Commission,  and  the  members  of  the  Commission  are 
already  chosen,  but  according  to  a  circular  letter  we  sent  to  all  bel- 
ligerent nations  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  in  the  first  2  weeks  of 
the  war,  we  are  able  to  undertake  the  task  of  an  investigation  in  our 
name,  in  the  name  of  tlie  International  Committee  of  the  Red  Cfoss, 
only  in  the  case  of  the  agreement  of  all  interested  [)arties,  and  the 
agreement  of  Ru.ssia  never  came." 


Mr.  F'uRCOLO.  That  is  the  point  I  want  to  get  to.  I  want  to  find 
out  definitely.  Whatever  preliminary  steps  may  have  been  gone 
through,  is  it  true  that  at  some  time  or  other  shortly  after  the  mas- 
sacre, the  Germans,  either  through  the  Red  Cross  or  their  Government 
or  some  informal  organization,  and  the  Polish,  either  through  their 
Red  Cross  or  their  Government  or  some  informal  organization,  did 
ask  for  an  impartial  investigation  through  the  cooperation  of  the 
International  Red  Cross  Connnittee,  but  that  the  Russians  either  re- 
fused to  ask  for  that  or  simply  didn't  join  in  the  request  which,  because 
of  this  international  situation  that  you  have  mentioned,  in  effect  meant 
that  there  could  not  be  any  impartial,  unbiased  investigation  by  the 
International  Red  Cross  Committee? 

Mr.  ISk.\kzynski.  That  is  exactly  it.  The  Russians  never  asked  to 
give  access.  Certainly  they  didn't  give  it.  Or  maybe  there  was  a 
kind  of  a  telegram  from  Geneva  to  Russia — but  that  only  Geneva  could 
tell  you  about — -and  then  refused  by  Russia.  I  couldn't  tell  you  about 

Mr.  FuRcoLO.  Was  it  a  situation  such  that  in  the  absence  of  a  re- 
quest from  Russia  for  action  by  the  International  Red  Cross  Com- 
mittee, the  International  Red  Cross  Connnittee  would  not  be  able  to 
take  steps  to  make  an  impartial  investigation? 

Mr.  Skakzynski.  It  couldn't  do  it,  according  to  its  charter,  with- 
out the  agreement  of  all  interested  parties. 

Mr.  FuRGOLO.  It  could  not  make  an  impartial  investigation  in  ac- 
cordance with  its  charter  without  the  agreement  of  all  the  interested 

JNIr.  Skarzynski.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  And  Russia  and  Germany  were  both  interested  par- 
ties in  the  sense  that  the  circumstances  showed  that  either  one  or  the 
other  was  i-esponsible,  is  that  right? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  Certainly",  to  a  certain  extent. 

Mr.  FuRCOLo.  The  next  step  in  the  situation  is  that  Russia,  by  not 
asking  for  one,  in  effect  prevented  any  such  impartial  investigation? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Exactly. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  That  is  all  I  have. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  told  me  that  you  left  an  investigating  team  of  the 
Polish  Red  Cross  on  the  field  at  Katyn  under  your  orders. 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  Yes. 

Mr.  P'lood.  Did  that  team  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross  ever  make  a  re- 
port back  to  you  ? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  Certainly. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  have  a  copy  of  that  report  ? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  Yes.     It  is  in  there,  too. 

Mr.  Flood.  Will  you  select  from  that  document  and  have  them 
marked  as  an  exhibit,  ^Ir.  Mitchell,  those  pages  of  the  document  which 
constitute  the  report  of  the  field  team  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross  which 
made  the  investiaation  at  Katyn  and  reported  back  to  Mr.  Skarzynski? 
Will  you  show  them  to  Mr.  Machrowicz,  Mr,  Mitchell,  and  see  if  they 
are  what  the  witness  says  they  are,  and  if  Mr.  Machrowicz  says  they 
ai-e,  will  you  have  them  translated  and  inserted  in  the  record? 


(The  pages  referred  to  were  marked  ''Exhibit  No.  8"  and  are  as 

Exhibit  No.  8 

[Translation  from.  Polish] 
C.  Report  of  the  Technical  Commission  on  the  Progress  of  M^orJc  at  Katyn 

The  following  is  the  text  of  this  report : 

"On  April  17,  1!)43,  the  Commission,  provisionally  composed  of  three  persons, 
undertook  the  work,  which  was  divided  in  the  following  way  : 

1)  Mr.  Rojkiewiez  Ludwik — examination  of  documents  at  the  Secretariat  of 
Field  Police ; 

2)  Messrs.  Kolodzie.iski  Stefan  and  Wodzinowski  Jerzy — searching  for  and 
securing  of  documents  found  on  the  bodies  in  Katyu  Forest. 

On  this  day,  however,  the  work  was  interrupted  because  the  delegation  of 
Polish  officers  from  German  prison  camps  arrived.     [They  were :] 

1)  Lieutenant  Colonel  Mossor  Stefan,  cavalry,  Otlag  II  E/K  No.  1449. 

2)  Captain  Cynkowski  Stanislaw,  Ollag  II  E/K  No.  1272. 

3)  Sub-Lieutenant  Gostkowski  Stanislaw,  Oflag  II  D.  No.  776/II/b. 

4)  Captain  Kleban  Eugenjusz,  Oflag  II  D: 

5)  Sub-Lieutenant  Rowinski  Zhigniew,  flier,  Oflag  II  C.  No.  1205/II/B, 

6)  Captain  Adamski  Konstanty,  armored  division,  Oflag  II  C.  No.  902/XI/A. 
The  members  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross  Commission  had  the  to  see  the  pits  and 

documents  jointly  with  the  oflicers  [who  had  arrived  from  German  camps]. 
The  behavior  of  the  Polish  ofKcers  toward  the  Germans  was  full  of  reserve  and 
dignity.  During  a  short  talk  apart,  they  acknowledged  with  aiiparent  satisfac- 
tion that  the  Polish  Red  Cross  had  imder taken  the  technical  functions  of  the 
exhumation,  separating  itself  entirely  from  political  [work]. 

On  April  19,  the  members  of  the  Commission  were  trying  to  get  in  touch  with. 
Lieutenant  Slovenzik  in  order  to  settle  the  details  of  the  operation.  Since  they 
had  no  means  of  transportation,  these  endeavors  were  unsuccessful.  After 
waiting  in  vain  until  14  o'clock  on  April  20,  Mr.  Ludwik  Rojkiewiez  went  on  foot 
to  the  Secretariat  of  the  Field  Police  in  order  to  get  in  touch  with  him.  He  turned 
back,  however,  having  met  a  motorcar  on  the  way,  on  which  the  members  of  the 
Polish  Red  Cross  Commission,  Messrs.  Kassur  Hugon,  Jaworowski  Gracjan,  God- 
zik  Adam,  were  riding.  These  members  [of  the  Polish  Red  Cross]  left  Warsaw  on 
April  39  at  12:15  o'clock,  together  with  representatives  of  the  foreign  press 
composed  of  a  Swede,  a  Finn,  a  Spaniard,  a  Belgian,  a  second  Flemish  Belgian,. 
an  Italian,  and  a  Czech,  besides  one  Russian  emigrant  from  Berlin  and  Professor 
Leon  Kozlowski,  former  Prime  Minister  of  the  Polish  Republic  who  lived  there 
in  Berlin,  and  three  clerks  frcmi  the  Berlin  Division  of  Propaganda. 

Mr.  Kassur  assumed  leadership  of  the  Technical  Commission  of  the  Polish  Red 
Cross.  During  conversations  hnld  on  that  day  with  Lieutenant  Slovenzik,  the 
following  questions  were  raised  : 

1 )  the  quarters  for  the  members  of  the  Technical  Commission ; 

2)  the  spot  of  the  work  ; 

3)  the  means  of  communication  for  the  members  of  the  Commission ; 

4)  the  organization  of  the  work  of  the  Commission ; 

5)  the  preserving  of  documents ; 

(!)   the  choice  of  a  place  for  the  new  graves. 

Because  of  the  distance  from  Katyn  to  Smolensk  (14  km.)  and  to  the  lack  of 
means  of  connnnnication,  the  members  of  the  Commission  were  (luartered  in  a 
separate  barrack  in  the  village  of  Katyn,  on  the  estate  Borek,  which  was  owned 
by  a  Pole,  Mr.  Lodnicki,  before  World  War  I.  This  estate  was  3.5  km.  away 
from  Kozie  Gory.  At  this  time  the  field  hospital  of  Todt's  organization  was 
located  there.  The  members  of  the  Commission  remained  on  this  estate  until 
May  20,  and  from  JNIay  21  to  .lune  7,  1943  were  quartered  in  the  house  attached 
to  a  village  school  near  the  station  of  Katyn.  The  members  of  the  Commission 
were  receiving  food  all  day  on  the  spot  at  the  officers'  mess  of  the  Todt's  organi- 
zation. The  rations  were  of  the  sort  assigned  to  the  nearby  front  detachments. 
It  should  he  noticed  that  this  food  was  sufficient. 

Because  of  the  lack  of  suitai)le  accommodations  in  the  forest,  the  work  of 
taking  out  and  examining  the  documents  had  by  sheer  necessity  to  be  divided 
in  such  a  way  that  the  taking  out  of  the  documents  and  the  reburial  of  the  bodies 
was  i)erformed  on  the  spot,  i.  e.,  in  the  forest  of  Katyn.    A  preliminary  exami- 


nation  of  the  docunients  was  carried  on  at  the  headquarters  of  the  Secretariat 
of  the  Secret  Police  a  few  kilometers  away  from  the  forest  of  Katyn  in  the 
direction  of  Smolensk. 

Lieutenant  Slovenzik  expressed  liis  opinion  that  the  Polish  Red  Cross  should 
hriiiK  its  own  means  of  communication  to  Katyn.  After  the  explanation  that 
all  the  Polish  Red  Cross'  automobiles  were  requisitioned  long  ago,  this  problem 
was  solved  in  the  following  way: 

a)  in  order  to  get  from  the  quartei-s  to  the  forest  of  Katyn  and  back  [the 
members  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross  Commission]  were  allowed  to  stop  the  military 
and  private  cars  on  the  liighway ; 

b)  a  motorcycle  was  delivered  to  furnish  transportation  to  the  office  of  the- 
Secretariat  of  the  Field  Police. 

The  work  was  divided  in  the  following  way : 

a )  one  member  for  tlie  exhumation  of  the  bodies  ; 

b)  two  members  for  searching  the  bodies  and  removing  the  documents; 

c)  one  member  for  examining  the  successive  numbers  of  the  bodies,  which 
were  then  taken  away  to  fraternal  graves ; 

d)  one  member  for  the  burial  of  the  bodies ; 

e)  two  to  three  membei's  for  I'eading  the  documents  ; 

f)  since  April  28,  i.  e.,  from  the  very  moment  of  the  arrival  of  the  rest  of 
the  members  of  the  Commission,  ^Messrs.  Wodzinski  Marian.  Cupryjak  Stefan,, 
Mikolajczyk  Jan,  Ki-ol  Franciszek,  Bnczak  Wladyslaw,  Plonka  Ferdynand,  the 
doctor  of  forensic  medicine  Dr.  Wodzinski  and  his  assistants  from  the  Krakow 
dissecting  laboratory  were  performing  examinations  of  the  bodies  not  identified 
by  means  of  documents. 

The  procedure  of  the  operation  was  as  follows  : 

a)  the  bodies  were  exhumed  and  laid  upon  the  ground ; 

b )  documents  were  removed  ; 

c)  a  doctor  performed  an  examination  of  the  bodies  which  were  not  identified; 

d)  the  bodies  were  buried. 

The  work  used  to  last  from  8  o'clock  to  IS  o'clock  every  day,  with  one  and 
a  half  hour  for  lunch. 

The  Commission  states  that  the  exhumation  of  the  bodies  has  met  with  great 
difficulties.  The  bodies  were  pressed,  [having  been]  chaotically  thrown  into 
the  pits.  Some  bodies  had  their  hands  bound  behind.  The  heads  of  some  bodies 
were  wrapped  in  overcoats,  which  were  bound  about  the  neck  with  a  string. 
The  hands  were  also  bound  at  the  hack,  in  such  a  manner  that  the  string  was 
attached  to  the  string  tightening  the  overcoat  at  the  neck.  The  bodies  bound 
in  this  way  were  found  mainly  in  one  special  pit  which  was  inundated  by 
subterranean  water.  The  victims  were  extracted  from  this  pit  exclusively  by 
members  of  the  Commission.  The  German  military  authorities,  because  of  the 
difficult  working  conditions,  intended  to  refill  this  pit  with  earth. 

In  one  pit  there  were  found  about  60!)  bodies  laid  face  downward  in  layers. 

The  lack  of  sufficient  number  of  rubber  gloves  caused  great  difficulty  [in  the 

The  exhumation  of  the  bodies  was  being  performed  by  the  local  inhabitants, 
who  were  driven  to  work  by  the  German  authorities.  The  bodies  carried  out 
from  the  pits  on  the  stretchers  wei'e  laid  one  beside  another.  Then  the  work 
of  searching  for  documents  began,  in  such  a  way  that  each  body  was  searched 
individually,  in  the  presence  of  one  of  the  members  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross 
Commission.  The  workers  unstitched  all  the  pockets,  pulled  out  their  contents, 
and  handed  over  all  articles  thus  found  to  the  member  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross 
Commission.  The  documents  and  the  articles  were  placed  in  envelopes  marked 
with  a  successive  number.  The  same  number  was  impressed  on  a  small  plate  and 
fixed  to  the  bodies.  Boots  and  even  linen  were  unstitched  in  order  to  search  for 
documents  in  a  more  thorough  manner. 

(Translated   by:   Dr.   Peter    Sieflanowicz.     Supervised   by  Dr.   Vladimir 
Gsovski,  Chief,  Foreign  Law  Section,  Law  Library,  Library  of  Congress, 
May  14, 1952. ) 
If  no  documents  or  soiivenirs  were  found,  monograms  (if  any)  were  cut  from 
the  clothing  or  underwear. 

Members  of  the  Commission  charged  with  the  collection  of  documents  had  no 
right  to  examine  or  separate  them  ;  their  duty  was  limited  to  placing  in  envelopes 
the  following  objects : 

a)  wallets  with  their  contents, 

b)  all  loose  papers, 

c)  [military]  decorations  and  souvenirs. 


d)  religious  medallions  and  crosses, 

e)  one  epaulette  [from  each  body] 

f )  change  purses 

g)  all  valuable  objects. 

They  were  instructed  to  remove  loose  Polish  banknotes,  papers,  coins,  tobacco 
pouches,  cigarette  paper,  wooden  or  tin  cigarette  cases.  These  instructions  were 
issued  by  the  German  authorities  so  as  not  to  overload  the  envelopes.  The 
envelopes  so  prepared  were  tied  with  string  or  wire,  numbered  consecutively, 
and  placed  on  a  special  table.  They  were  handed  over  to  the  German  authorities, 
who  sent  them  twice  daily  by  motorcycle  runner  to  the  Military  Police  Secretariat. 
If  an  envelope  could  not  hold  all  the  documents,  another  with  the  same  number 
was  used. 

At  the  office  of  the  Military  Police  Secretariat  documents  brought  in  by  the 
motorcycle  runner  were  taken  over  by  the  German  authorities.  The  preliminary 
investigations  and  the  ascertaining  of  names  were  done  .jointly  by  three  Germans 
and  representatives  of  the  Technical  Commission  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross.  The 
envelopes  were  opened  in  the  presence  of  Poles  and  Germans.  Documents  found 
on  the  bodies  had  to  be  carefully  separated  with  small  wooden  sticks  from  dirt, 
rotted  matter,  and  fat. 

First,  documents  were  sought  which  would  establish  beyond  doubt  the  identity 
of  the  victim.  Identity  was  established  on  the  basis  of  identity  tags,  identity 
cai'ds,  service  cards,  mobilization  cards,  even  inoculation  certiticates  issued  in 
Kozielsk.  In  the  absence  of  these,  other  documents  were  examined  such  as  cor- 
respondence, visiting  cards,  notebooks,  notes,  etc.  Wallets  and  purses  contain- 
ing Polish  National  Bank  banknotes  and  coins  were  burned,  and  foreign  currency, 
except  Russian,  and  all  gold  coins  and  objects  were  deposited  in  the  envelopes. 
Names  which  had  been  established  and  the  contents  of  the  envelopes  were 
described  by  one  of  the  Germans  on  separate  sheets  of  paper  in  German,  and  the 
original  numeration  was  maintained.  The  Commission  gives  the  following 
explanaticm  why  the  initial  lists  were  only  in  German.  Namely,  the  German 
■authorities  declared  that  they  would  immediately  dispatch  lists  of  the  names 
to  the  Polish  Red  Cross  as  well  as  the  documents  after  they  were  used.  The 
iCommissiou  saw  no  reason  to  prepare  a  second  list,  especially  since  in  the 
initial  stage  the  personnel  of  the  Commission  was  very  small.  If  there  were 
difficulties  in  establishing  personal  data,  the  iiotaticm  '"not  recognized"  was  en- 
tered under  the  corresponding  number,  and  documents  discovered  were  listed. 
Such  documents  were  sent  by  the  Gernian  authorities  to  a  special  chemical  labor- 
atory for  a  detailed  examination.  [Tliere.]  when  a  positive  result  was  achieved, 
the  name  of  the  victim  was  noted  under  the  same  number  but  on  a  separate  list. 
It  must  be  stated,  however,  that  corpses  without  documents  or  souvenirs  were 
present  among  tlie  victims  also.  These  were  also  given  a  number  and  a  notation 
of  "not  recognized"  was  entered. 

After  the  contents  of  an  envelope  were  noted  on  a  sheet  of  paper,  all  documents 
and  objects  \^■ere  put  into  a  new  envelope  under  the  same  number,  (m  which  its 
contents  were  noted.  This  was  the  duty  of  the  German  members.  Envelopes 
examined,  separated,  and  numbered  in  this  way  were  put  into  packing  cases. 
They  were  placed  at  the  exclusive  disposal  of  the  Gei-man  authorities.  Lists, 
typed  in  German,  could  not  be  checked  by  the  Commission  with  the  manuscript 
because  it  was  not  at  the  Commission's  disposal.  This  system  was  followed 
from  number  0421  to  lunnber  0704  in  the  presence  of  Mr.  Ludwig  Rojkiewicz. 
During  the  Identification  of  numbers  from  0705  to  03000  Messrs.  Stefan  Cupryjak, 
(Jracjan  .laworowslvi,  and  Jan  ;\Iil<olajczyk  were  px"e.sent.  The  working  method 
(if  the  above-mentioned  was  almost  i<lentical  with  this  difference,  however, 
that  they  prepared  their  lists  in  Polisli,  which  as  occasion  arose  were  sent  to 
the  Headtpiarters  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross.  From  nundier  OoOOl  to  04248  Mr. 
Jerzy  Wodzinowski  was  present,  and  the  same  procedure  was  maintained. 
Identification  of  bodies  numbered  1  to  112  and  01  to  0420  was  performed  exclu- 
sively by  Germans  before  the  Polish  Red  Cross  Conunission  arrived.  The  Com- 
mission stiit<'s  that  (hu'ing  the  examination  of  documents,  diaries,  army  orders, 
some  correspoudenci".  etc..  were  remov(Ml  by  the  (German  authorities  for  trans- 
lation into  German.  'I'he  Conunission  is  unabl(>  to  state  whether  such  documents 
were  retumed  and  jilaced  in  their  corresponding-  envelopes. 

During  the  woriv  of  the  Technical  Commission  of  the  Polish  Red  in  the 
Katyn  forest,  in  the  period  from  April  IH  to  June  7,  1043,  4,243  bodies  were  ex- 
luiined.  (4f  these,  4.233  were  taken  out  of  7  excavations  placed  clo.sely  together, 
wliich  were  discovered  by  CJerman  Army  authorities  in  March  1043.  The  eighth 
grave  was  found  on  June  2,  1943,  and  only  10  botlies  were  removed  from  it.    Tliey 


were  buried  in  the  No.  6  grave,  wliich  was  still  open  at  that  time.  German 
authorities  stopped  exhumation  work  from  the  summer  until  September,  and  the 
eighth  grave  after  the  exhumation  of  the  ten  bodies  was  covered  up  again. 

Careful  soundings  by  the  Germans  in  the  entire  area  were  made  for  they  were 
anxious  that  there  should  be  little  discrepancy  between  the  announced  figure  of 
10,000  to  12,000  victims  and  the  reality.  It  is  reasonable  to  suppose,  therefore, 
that  no  more  gi'aves  will  be  discovered.  In  grave  No.  8,  judging  by  its  dimensions, 
the  number  of  bodies  should  not  exceed  a  few  hundred.  Soundings  in  the  area 
have  discovered  several  mass  graves  containing  Russian  bodies  in  varying  degrees 
of  decomposition. 

All  4,241  exhumed  bodies  were  reburied  in  six  new  graves  which  were  dug  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  murder  graves.  The  only  exception  was  made  for  the  bodies  of 
two  generals,  who  were  buried  in  two  separate  graves.  The  ground  on  both  sides 
of  the  new  graves  is  low  and  wet  but  the  graves  themselves  are  in  an  elevated 
and  sandy  location.  The  size  and  depth  of  these  gi-aves  are  unequal  owing  to 
local  and  technical  conditions  eneovmtered  during  the  work.  The  bottoms  of  all 
graves  are  dry,  and  each  grave  contains,  depending  on  its  size  and  depth,  several 
groups  of  bodies,  each  group  placed  in  several  layers.  Upper  layers  were  placed 
at  least  one  meter  below  the  surface  so  that  after  the  graves  were  covered  with  a 
mound  one  meter  above  the  ground,  upper  layers  are  covered  with  two  meters 
of  earth.  All  graves  have  a  flat  surface,  sides  covered  with  sod.  On  each  grave 
a  cross  two  and  a  half  meters  high  was  placed,  under  which  some  forest  flowers 
were  planted.  On  the  surface  of  each  grave  a  cross  of  sod  was  placed.  The 
graves  are  numbered  as  they  were  made  in  order  to  maintain  the  order  of  the 
numbered  bodies.  Bodies  were  placed  in  the  graves  with  heads  towards  the  east, 
one  close  to  the  other,  heads  slightly  elevated,  hands  crossed.  Each  layer  of 
bodies  was  covered  with  20  to  30  centimeters  of  earth.  In  graves  No.  I,  II,  III, 
and  IV  the  bodies  were  placed  starting  from  the  right  side  as  they  were  brought 
in  from  the  left  side.  The  list  of  bodies  placed  in  each  grave  is  enclosed  with 
this  report  as  well  as  a  map  of  the  burial  site,  which  covers  an  area  of  60  X  36 
meters,  i.  e.,  2,160  square  meters. 

On  the  day  the  last  members  of  the  Technical  Commission  of  the  Polish  Red 
Cross  left  Katyn,  they  placed  on  the  dominating  cross  of  grave  No.  IV  a  large 
metal  wreath  made  from  sheet  iron  and  barbed  wire  by  one  of  the  members  of 
the  Commission.  This  wreath,  although  made  by  hand  and  under  field  condi- 
tions, is  of  esthetic  form  and  painted  black ;  there  is  a  thorn  crown  of  barbed 
wire  in  the  center  with  an  eagle  badge  of  solid  metal  from  an  officer's  cap  affixed 
to  the  cross.  After  placing  the  wreath,  the  members  of  the  Commission  honored 
the  memory  of  the  victims,  standing  in  silence  and  saying  a  prayer ;  then  took 
leave  of  them  in  the  name  of  the  Nation,  their  families,  and  themselves.  The 
Commission  thanked  Lt.  Slovendzik,  2nd  Lt.  Voss  of  the  German  military  police, 
noncoms,  enlisted  men,  and  Russian  workers  for  two  months  of  very  heavy 
exhumation  work. 

The  Commission  summarized  its  findings  as  follows : 

1.  Bodies  exhumed  from  the  graves  were  in  a  state  of  decomposition,  and  direct 
identification  was  impossible.  Uniforms,  however,  in  particular  all  metal  parts, 
badges  of  rank,  decorations,  eagle  badges,  buttons,  etc.  were  in  a  good  state  of 

2.  Death  was  caused  by  a  shot  in  the  base  of  the  skull. 

3.  From  the  documents  found  on  the  bodies  it  appears  that  the  murders  took 
place  in  the  period  from  the  end  of  March  to  the  beginning  of  May  1940. 

4.  The  work  at  Katyn  was  under  the  constant  supervision  of  the  German 
authorities,  who  always  detailed  a  guard  to  each  group  of  the  Commission  at 

5.  All  work  was  performed  by  the  members  of  the  Technical  Commission  of 
the  Polish  Red  Cross,  the  German  authorities,  and  inhabitants  of  local  villages, 
numbering  20  to  30  persons.  Some  .50  Soviet  prisoners  detailed  daily  were  used 
exclusively  to  dig  and  cover  the  burial  graves  and  in  leveling  the  ground. 

6.  General  working  conditions  were  difficult  and  nerve  racking.  Decomposi- 
tion of  the  bodies  and  the  polluted  air  contributed  to  the  difficulty  of  the  work. 

7.  The  frequent  arrival  of  various  delegations,  the  daily  visits  to  the  area  by 
a  considerable  number  of  military  personnel,  dissection  of  the  bodies  by  German 
doctors  and  the  members  of  the  various  delegations,  made  the  work  still  more 

Dr.  Hugo  Kassur,  the  leader  of  the  Technical  Commission,  was  unable  to  return 
to  Katyn  after  his  departure  on  May  12,  1943,  and  his  duties  till  the  end  of 
the  work  were  taken  over  by  Mr.  Jerzy  Wodzinowski. 

93744— 52— pt.  3 14 


The  Commission  states  finally  that  the  requirements  of  German  propajranda 
were  a  serious  obstacle  in  its  work.  As  nmch  as  two  days  before  the  arrival  of  a 
more  important  delegation  work  was  slowed,  and  only  7  to  10  workers  were 
detailed,  the  official  explanation  being  that  local  inhabitants  had  failed  to  appear 
in  spite  of  orders  issued. 

When  professors  of  medicine  from  Germany  or  other  states  co-operating  with 
the  Axis,  were  scheduled  to  come,  the  botlies  of  higher  officers  or  bodies  which 
in  addition  to  the  bullet  marks  bore  also  marks  of  bayonnetting  or  had  their 
hands  tied  were  reserved  for  them.  Numerous  intercessions  of  the  Commission's 
leader  were  not  respected.  No  attention  was  paid  to  the  task  of  the  Commission, 
and  during  the  burial  of  bodies  in  the  second  grave  gaps  occurred  in  the  numera- 
tion of  bodies.  Dissection  of  bodies  by  foreign  professors  took  place  without 
being  co-ordinated  with  the  work  of  the  Commission,  which  in  some  cases  made 
identification  difficult.  In  order  to  avoid  major  complications  in  its  work,  the 
Commission  was  forced  quite  often  to  disregard  German  instructions  which  re- 
served certain  bodies  for  other  purjKtses. 

German  troops  from  the  central  sector  of  the  front  received  an  order  to  visit 
Katyn.  Hundreds  of  persons  visited  the  site  of  the  crime  daily.  Through  the 
Commission's  intervention  ^^^iting  was  limited  to  a  few  hours  daily,  and  military 
police  were  detailed  to  maij'tain  order. 

A  few  words  of  explanatf      to  this  report : 

I  have  already  mentione<i  the  fact  of  German  supervision.  On  one  occasion 
IMr.  Cupryjak,  a  member  of  the  Commission,  was  ordered  to  show  notes  made 
in  his  notebook  while  examining  the  documents. 

An  incident  which  occurred  between  Mr.  Kassur  and  Lt.  Slovenezik  cannot 
be  omitted.  On  one  occasion  he  came  to  us  and  declared  that  German  authorities 
were  informed  that  some  of  the  Polish  officers  were  of  German  origin  or  "Volks- 
flentschc."  He  demanded  that  they  should  be  buried  .separately  or  at  least  in 
a  dominating  position  in  burial  graves.  He  was  given  the  answer  that  all 
murder  victims  were  Polish  officers,  that  it  was  impossible  to  determine  their 
nationality,  and  that 

(Translated  by  Dr.  K.  Grzybowski,  Supervised  by  Dr.  Y.  Gsovski,  Chief 
Foreign  Law  Section  Law  Library,  Library  of  Congress  May  14,  1953.) 

Chairman  Madden.  Are  there  any  further  questions? 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Just  one  question  to  clear  the  record. 

Witness,  did  you  appear  before  this  committee  voluntarily? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machroavicz.  Will  you  explain  how  you  made  connections  with 
the  committee  to  appear,  and  how  it  happened  that  you  are  here  today? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  I  got  the  first  letter  from  ]Mr.  Eomer,  who  told 
me  that  Mr.  Mitchell  was  investigating  this  matter,  and  that  they 
decided  together,  Mr.  Mitchell  as  the  counsel  for  the  committee  and 
Mr.  Homer  as  a  man  who  knew  the  Poles  who  were  at  Katyn,  to  ask 
from  Canada  these  three  or  four  Poles,  of  which  I  am  one. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  other  words,  what  you  want  to  tell  us  is  that 
you  appear  before  this  committee  through  the  intercession  of  Ambas- 
sador Komer  as  a  voluntary  witness? 

JNIr.  Skarzynski.  And  then  I  got  a  letter  from  Mr.  Mitchell,  in 
the  record  already,  to  which  I  answered,  of  course,  positively. 

Chairman  Madden.  Any  further  questions? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  I  didn't  finish,  sir,  I  am  sorry. 

Chairman  Madden.  Do  you  have  something  further  to  add? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  When  we  came  back  to  AVarsaw,  we  had  to  organ- 
ize the  whole  commission.  We  want  you  to  understand  how  this 
Avork  was  done.  We  sent  nine  more  men  to  Katyn.  We  increased  the 
members  of  the  commission  from  3  to  12.  The  work  Avas  such,  accord- 
ing to  our  instructions,  that  1  man  was  present  at  the  exhumation 
Avhich   was  done  daily  by  20  to  30  Russian  civilians  <2:iven  bv  the 


German  Army.  This  man  gave  an  indication  of  how  to  cut  the 
pockets  and  how  to  extract  the  documents.  They  cut  even  the  under- 
wear and  cut  even  the  boots  to  see  if  tliere  were  any  documents  in 
the  boots.  He  handed  the  documents,  lookino-  at  them  only  just 
quickly,  to  another  member  who  put  them  all  in  an  envelope,  a  wired 
envelope,  and  a  third  member  put  the  same  number  on  the  envelope 
as  on  the  body.  A  fourth  was  supervising  the  burial  in  the  new 
graves.  Three  or  four  members  were  always  present  at  the  police 
station  where  the  documents  were  stored,  and  where  twice  a  day  a 
German  motorcycle  brought  these  envelopes  over.  There  they  were 
received  b}'  Dr.  Buhtz,  our  three  crewmen,  and,  of  course,  some  Ger- 
mans. The  documents  were  there  cleaned  of  fat,  blood,  and  dirt,  by 
small  sticks  of  wood.  Those  which  Avere  legible  were  put  into  new 
envelopes  with  numbers,  and  tlie  name  of  the  officer  put  on  the  official 
list  with  the  numbers  of  all  objects  or  documents'found  on  him.  Those; 
who  were  not  identified  were  sent  to  the  labt^^ratory  of  Dr.  Buhtz. 
who  sometimes  succeeded  in  reading  the  name  ^of  the  man,  thanks  t<» 
special  tools  and  instruments  he  had. 

So,  slowly,  the  first  official  list  of  the  victims  was  built  up.  These 
documents  and  the  documents  which  went  straight  through  up  to  the 
box,  or  which  Avent  through  the  laboratory,  with  the  same  number, 
were  all  placed  in  boxes.  Those  boxes  were  received  at  the  end  of 
the  exhumation  from  the  Germans,  and  on  these  boxes  Ave  started 
the  proper  and  scientific  medical-legal  Avork  on  the  date  of  the  murder. 
This  medical-legal  Avork  Ave  divided  in  tAvo  parts :  First,  the  Avork  of 
identification,  to  increase  the  number  of  identified  officers.  The  second 
part  Avas  to  try  to  knoAv  avIio  Avas  the  murderer. 

In  this  last  part,  the  documents  and  22  diaries  AAdiich  Avere  found  on 
the  bodies,  in  all,  -22  of  them,  of  Avhich  I  read  all  of  them,  Avere  a  big 
help  for  the  identifying  of  a  number  of  them,  the  date  of  their  de- 
parture from  Kozielsk,  and  the  date  of  their  arrivals  in  GniezdoA^o. 

Mr.  Flood.  Your  conclusions  Avere  reached  from  ho  pathological 
examination,  but  from  an  examination  of  documents,  and  so  forth? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  That  is  right.  These  22  diaries  Avere,  of  course, 
very  interesting,  although  tragic  to  read.  One  of  them  had  a  note 
which  Avas  nearest  death.  There  was  another  one  by  a  coroner 
whose  name  I  don't  remember,  avIio  wrote  that  a  party  of  Polish  officers 
left  Smolensk  in  a  railway  car.  "We  left  this  morning,*'  he  said,  "and 
unhap])ily  the  sky  is  cloudy  and  Ave  cannot  see  the  direction,  which  is 
very  important  for  us.  A  moment  later,  Ave  are  stopped  at  a  station 
called  Gniezdovo.  I  suppose  Ave  are  to  be  unloaded  here,  because  there 
are  some  militiary  Russians  on  the  platform." 

Mr.  Flood.  Hoav  far  is  this  Gniezdovo  station  from  Smolensk? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  I  should  say  about  a  mile  and  a  half  or  two  miles. 

Mr.  FuRcoLo.  That  last  diary  from  Avhicli  you  quoted  also  pointed 
out — did  it  not? — that  he  could  see  some  of  the  prisoners  being 

Mr.  Skarzyxskl  No.  That  is  another  one.  That  is  a  man  who  I 
met  in  London  and  Avhom  the  committee  certainly  Avill  hear.  I  won't 
interfere  with  that. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Where  are  these  documents  today;  do  you  know? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  The  story  about  the  documents  is  absolutely  a 
movie  story.    The  prosectorium — that  means  the  anatomical  depart- 


ment  of  the  university — under  the  care  of  a  specialist,  a  Polish  spe- 
cialist like  Dr.  Bulitz,  the  German  specialist,  the  best  specialist,  Dr. 
Albricht,  was  already  then  in  the  camp  of  Dachau,  together  with  all 
the  university  professors  from  the  University  of  Cracow,  who  had 
been  sent  to  the  concentration  camps  by  the  Germans.  There  was  first 
a  lecture,  and  then  from  this  lecture  were  sent  to  a  concentration  camp. 
He  assisted;  a  very  capable  man,  too.  According  to  the  deal  we  made 
with  him,  he  was  to  do  as  quickly  as  possible  the  investigation  work 
as  to  the  authors  of  the  murder,  and  as  slowly  as  possible  the  official 
investigation  in  identification  work,  not  to  force  us  to  give  the  Germans 
the  completed  work,  because  we  thought  they  were  not  the  judges  to 
receive  the  result  of  our  work.     We  succeeded  not  to  give  it  to  them. 

These  documents  and  these  envelopes  were  in  nine  huge  boxes  which 
were — I  remember  one  of  them  which  was  about  1  yard  and  a  half  to  1 
yard  and  three-quarters  in  length,  about  2  feet  wide,  about  3  feet  high. 
There  were  nine  of  them  containing  these  22  diaries.  The  nine  boxes 
were  numbered.  We  were  afraid  that  these  diaries  came  there  by 
mistake,  and  that  the  Germans  wanted  to  keep  them,  because  they  were 
full  of  anti-German  implications.  But  the  Germans  didn't  mind. 
They  gave  it  to  us. 

We  told  the  doctor  to  start  at  once  the  one  part  of  this  work,  the 
statement  of  the  murder,  and  that  he  finished,  and  he  told  us.  We 
didn't  know  then  exactly  what  maybe  the  London  government  knew 
already,  the  exact  number  and  the  exact  names  of  the  officers  in 
Kozielsk;  but  he  told  us  that,  out  of  his  scientific  researches  and  out 
of  at  least  the  identified  officers.  I  know  that  in  Kozielsk  there  must 
be  a  little  less  than  5,000  officers,  and  not  more ;  and  I  suppose  that  the 
unidentified  names  which  we  noted  can  simply  be  replaced  b}'  any 
name  of  an  officer  who  was  in  Kozielsk.     The  whole  of  Kozielsk  is  dead. 

One  very  important  detail  is  that  we  were,  of  course,  interested  in 
digging  in  this  meadow  in  the  forest  of  Katyn  to  find  if  there  are  more 
graves  than  seven,  which  is  the  number  which  the  Germans  incidentally 
discovered  in  just  one  spot,  one  very  near  to  the  other.  But  the 
Germans  were  more  interested  than  we  were,  because  they  put  this 
figure  of  11,000,  and  during  the  2  months  our  crew  was  in  Katyn  the 
Germans  sent  every  day  about  50  Russian  prisoners  of  war  who  did 
nothing  else  but  work  at  the  new  graves  and  dig  all  around  to  look  for 
an  eighth  or  a  ninth  grave,  different  graves. 

Chairman  Madden.  In  other  words,  the  Germans  were  very  inter- 
ested in  making  all  the  excavations  possible  to  see  if  they  could  find 
any  further  graves  or  mass  graves  ? 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  That  is  right. 

On  the  2d  of  June,  at  the  moment  when  the  seven  graves  were  already 
all  empty,  when  one  of  the  six  new  graves  was  still  open  and  a  row 
of  corpses  still  lying  to  be  put  in  the  new  graves — we  had  dirt  between 
all  the  layers  and  between  all  the  rows — the  Germans  found  an  eight 
grave  about  200  yai'ds  away  from  the  first  seven  ones.  They  oj^ened 
this  grave,  and  they  made  some  digging  alougside,  and  we  stated 
witli  tlieni  that  these  graves  may  contain  about  100  to  200  bodies. 

Mr.  Maciirowicz.  In  connection  with  this  eighth  grave,  is  that  the 
grave  which  was  reported  to  have  the  bodies  of' Russians  buried  prior 
to  19;50,  or  do  you  know  of  any  such  graved 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  No.  These  graves  wei'e  discovei-ed  by  the  Ger- 
mans during  their  work,  all  kinds  of  graves. 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  know  of  any  grave  that  was  uncovered 
there  whicli  contained  bodies  which  had  obviously  been  there  longer 
than  a  few  jenvs  ? 

JNIr.  Skarzynski.  The  members  of  ovir  crew  told  me  that,  in  this 
work  of  the  Germans  in  looking  for  Polish  graves,  they  were  all  the 
time  finding  some  Russian  graves  in  an  old  state  of  decomposition, 
skeletons  included. 

Mr.  Machrow^icz.  What  I  want  to  point  out  is  a  fact  which  I  think 
has  not  been  very  frequently  publicized :  namely,  at  this  very  place 
of  Katyn,  there  were  graves  found  which  indicated  that  Katyn  had 
been  used  as  a  burial  place  for  Russians  even  prior  to  1939. 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  According  to  the  reports  given  by  the  press,  that 
is  right  in  this  case ;  exactly. 

Mr.  Sheehax.  Dr.  Miloslavich  reported  that  yesterday. 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  As  our  crew  was  ready  and  busy  at  filling  these 
last  graves,  they  started  at  once  to  take  bodies  from  this  eighth  grave. 
They  took  eight  of  them.  Then  the  Germans  came.  Lieutenant  Slo- 
vencik,  obviously  following  orders,  told  our  men  that  we  had  to  stop 
the  work ;  that  in  June  it  is  too  hot  to  make  any  important  exhumation 
work;  that  it  is  dangerous  for  the  sanitary  conditions  of  the  army, 
and  that  we  had  to  recover  this  eighth  grave  and  go  home  and  start 
work  again  in  the  fall  of  the  year.  So,  it  was  that  we  exhumed  4,233 
bodies  out  of  seven  graves,  plus  10  bodies  out  of  the  eighth  grave, 
and  that  we  left  undiscovered,  unexhumed,  about  290  bodies  in  the 
eighth  grave. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  want  to  protect  the  record  here  with  just  an  incident. 
At  the  time  I  asked  you  if  the  task  force  that  you  left  at  the  field  at 
Katyn  had  made  a  report  to  you,  j^ou  said  "Yes."  There  were  only 
three  men  there  at  the  time  you  left  Katyn? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  Yes,  sir. 

i\Ir.  Flood.  Subsequently,  you  sent  others  back,  as  you  later  told  us. 
The  report  that  I  have  just  placed  in  the  record,  the  report  from  your 
task  force  in  the  field,  the  "crew,''  as  you  called  it,  made  to  the  Polish 
Red  Cross  at  Warsaw,  was  composed  of  those  three  originals  plus 
others  ? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  Plus  others. 

Mr.  Flood.  How  many  others  ? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  Nine  others,  and  three  came  back  in  the  mean- 

Mr.  Flood.  So,  there  were  more  than  the  tliree;  all  right. 

Did  that  task  force,  when  it  reported  to  you  at  Warsaw,  make  any 
conclusions  as  to  the  approximate  date  of  the  burial  ? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  They  reported  that  during  the  whole  work — the 
main  instruction  I  gave  them  and  we  gave  them — during  the  whole 
work  they  never  found  a  document  or  newspaper  with  a  date  anterior 
to  April  1940. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  want  you  to  use  a  different  word  than  "anterior." 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  After — after  April  or  May  1940. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  know  the  report  will  speak  for  itself;  but  to  empha- 
size "it,  you  say  that  that  report  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross  task  force 
so  states  ? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  So  states.  They  gave  me  this  report  when  they 
came  back.  The  last  men  left  on  the*^  11th  and  12th  and  came  to  War- 
saw and  then  made  the  report. 


Mr.  Flood.  Do  I  iiiul(M-staiul  that  your  Polisli  Red  Cross  task  force 
liad  the  full  and  complete  cooperation  of  the  (lernums  at  all  times? 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  There  was  st)me  friction,  of  course. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  mean  outside  of  that. 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  They  had  the  full  cooperation. 

Mr.  Flood.  AVere  there  any  fears  or  threats,  or  intimidation  of  any 
kind,  made  that  would  in  any  way  intimidate  them  ( 

Mr.  Skarzyxskt.  No.  The  characteristic  thin<z  was  that  I  expected 
that  these  men  near  the  front  line  would  be  guarded  by  armed  guards 
and  followed  by  the  guards  everywhere,  but  these  men  were  working  in 
a  village  about  li/^  miles  from  the  graves.  They  had  the  right  to  stop 
any  German  motorcar  on  the  highway,  and  that  is  the  way  that  they 
came  to  the  work,  and  that  is  the  way  they  went  back,  without  any 
escort.  On  Sundays  they  were  free,  and  they  were  talking  to  the 
peasants,  certainly  without  any  pi-esence  of  Germans.  This  talk 
Avith  the  peasants  confirmed  it. 

Mr.  Flood.  Has  any  meuiber  of  the  Polish  Red  Cross  at  that  time, 
or  any  member  of  the  task  force  which  filed  that  rep(n't,  repudiated 
that  report  or  its  contents  in  any  way  since,  that  you  know  of? 

Mr.  Skarzyxskt.  Not  up  to  now. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  I  don't  believe  you  answered  my  question  as  to 
where  thase  documents  in  those  nine  cases  are  today. 

Mr.  Skarzyxski.  I  was  interrupted.  Those  documents  were  in 
these  huge  boxes,  as  I  told  you ;  and  when  the  Russian  Army  ap- 
])roached  Poland  Ave,  who  maybe  up  to  now  believed  that  the  Allies 
would  stop  the  war  before  Russia  had  the  heart  of  Euro])e — when  we 
saw  them  approaching,  we  thought  that  the  fate  of  the  documents 
was  in  danger,  and  we — not  'Sve,"  but  our  man — there  was  no  con- 
nection then  betw'een  Warsaw  and  Krakow — our  chief  officer  of  the 
Red  Cross  in  Krakow,  who  was  a  man  of  the  Intelligence  Service  and 
a  very  capable  man,  decided  to  hide  these  documents  in  a  lake.  He 
succeeded  in  bringing  copies  of  these  boxes,  boxes  of  the  same  dimen- 
sions, into  the  department  where  the  original  boxes  were,  but  these 
boxes  were  filled  with  tin  inside,  with  tin  lids,  and  he  had  the  intention 
to  transport  these  documents  from  the  original  boxes  into  new  ones, 
to  seal  hei-nietically  the  lid,  to  put  some  stones  inside,  and  either  by 
I'use  or  by  force,  wdiich  was  very  often  done  with  the  underground 
forces,  enter  this  laboratory,  which  was  surrounded  by  the  SS  bar- 
racks, and  to  bring  these  boxes  to  a  lake.  He  was  partly  successful, 
because  he  had  these  ucav  boxes  in  and  he  started  to  put  the  papers  into 
the  neAv  boxes;  and  then,  through  the  indisci-etion  of  a  physical  worker, 
absolutely  incidental,  of  this  department,  the  (leruians  had  knowledge 
of  it.  It  was  ali-eady  near  the  end  of  the  Geinian  domination  of 
Poland.  They  sent  a  special  detachment  of  SS  soldiers,  and  made  no 
punishuient,  no  repression  then.  It  was  too  late  already  for  them. 
They  just  hurriedly  took  these  boxes  into  a  truck  and,  together  with  a 
doctor  who  was  the  chief  of  the  medical-legal  department  from  the 
German  side,  these  two  cars  went  Avest.  This  doctor  broke  his  leg  and 
came  back  to  KrakoAV  to  a  hospital.  We  only  kneAV  the  detachment 
Avent  Avest,  but  our  officer  knew  that  they  Avere  going  ahead  to  Bres- 
lau.     Of  course,  he  couldn't  move  then. 


When  the  Russian  Army  took  BresLiu  and  when  the  Eiissian  Armies 
already  had  the  whole  of  the  Russian  occupation  zone  in  Germany, 
our  man  followed  to  Breslau  and  he  found  out  that  these  German 
trucks  came  to  Breslau,  and  the  boxes  were  unloaded  on  the  first  floor 
of  the  Breslau  University.  The  smell  of  the  boxes  was  such  that  the 
whole  floor  was  filled  with  the  smell,  and  they  were  there  until  the 
moment  when  the  Russians  had  already  surrounded  Breslau  from 
three  sides.  The  sick  doctor  was  already  there  in  Breslau,  too,  after 
the  recovery  of  his  leg. 

Then,  at  the  last  moment,  a  detachment  of  SS  came  from  the  west, 
loaded  these  boxes,  and  disappeared  westward  with  the  doctor. 

Our  man  made  an  inquiry  throug'h  the  union  of  doctors  in  Russian- 
occupied  Germany  whether  this  doctor  was  there,  and  he  received 
the  answer  that  the  doctor  was  not  to  be  found  in  the  Russian-occupied 
zone,  which  can  lead  us  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Germans  taking 
these  documents  westward  didn't  stop  on  the  Elbe  near  the  center 
of  Germany,  but  probably  hied  it  west  into  safety.  These  documents 
must  be  somewhere,  if  they  are  not  destroyed,  in  the  German  occupa- 
tion zone. 

Chairman  Madden.  But  nobody  knows  where  the  boxes  are  now  ^ 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  We  don't  know  where  the  boxes  are  now.  There 
are  three  possibilities :  They  could  have  been  dumped  on  the  way ; 
they  could  be  found  by  the  Allies ;  they  could  be  in  the  hands  of  the 

Chairman  Madden.  Are  there  any  further  questions? 

Mr.  Skarzynski,  I  want  to  say  that  this  committee  has  heard  a  great 
number  of  witnesses,  and  your  testimony  has  been  highly  valuable. 
I  speak  in  behalf  of  the  committee  when  I  say  that  the  work  and  the 
sacriflce  and  the  time  that  3'ou  spent  in  this  Red  Cross  work  and  in 
your  investigations  have  been  a  contribution  that  I  know  the  future 
will  treasure  very  highly. 

In  coming  down  here  to  spend  this  time  before  this  committee  you 
have  made  a  major  contribution  to  the  cause  of  liberty.  On  behalf 
of  the  committee  and  on  behalf  of  the  United  States  Congress,  I  want 
to  thank  you. 

Mr.  Skarzynski.  Thank  you  very  much,  gentlemen.  I  considered 
it  simply  my  duty. 

Chairman  Madden.  We  will  have  a  o-minute  recess. 

(Short  recess.) 

Chairman  Madden.  Let  me  make  this  announcement :  The  colonel 
has  graciously  consented  to  have  the  cameras,  and  before  the  hearings 
start  the  photographers  can  take  their  photographs.  So,  if  there  are 
any  photographers  here  who  desire  to  have  photographs,  they  can 
take  them  now  before  the  hearing  starts. 

(Off  the  record.) 

Chairman  Madden.  The  next  witness  is  Colonel  Szymanski.  If  you 
will  stand  up  and  be  sworn,  please.  Do  you  solemnly  swear  that  the 
testimony  you  will  give  in  the  hearing  now  about  to  be  held  will  be 
the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God  ? 

Colonel  Szymanski.  I  do. 

Chairman  Madden.  Colonel,  you  can  either  sit  down  or  stand  up, 
whichever  way  is  most  convenient  for  you. 



Mr.  Mitchell.  Colonel,  where  were  you  born  ? 

Mr,  ]\Iachrowicz.  I  think  you  should  identify  Counselor  Fred 
Korth,  of  the  Army  Department. 

Mr.  KoRTH.  It  is  on  the  record,  sir. 

Mr.  INIachrowicz.  Mr.  Fred  Korth  is  here  representing  the  Depart- 
ment of  the  Army. 

Mr.  KoRTH.  Right,  sir. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Will  you  state  your  full  name,  please.  Colonel? 

Chairman  Madden.  I  might  make  this  statement:  that  Colonel 
Szymanski  is  now  in  the  military  service,  and  Fred  Korth  is  here 
representing  the  Department  of  the  Army  in  company  with  the  colonel. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Will  you  state  your  full  name.  Colonel? 

Colonel  Szymanski.  Henry  Szymanski,  colonel.  Infantry,  United 
States  Army. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  What  is  the  date  of  your  birth  ? 

Colonel  Szymanski.  July  4,  1898. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Where  were  you  born  ? 

Colonel  Szymanski.  Chicago,  111. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Where  did  ^'ou  go  to  grammar  school? 

Colonel  Szymanski.  Chicago. 

]\fr.  Mitchell.  Did  you  attend  the  Military  Academj^  at  West 

Colonel  Szymanski.  I  am  a  graduate,  class  of  1919. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  How  were  you  appointed  to  the  Academy? 

Colonel  Szymanski.  By  Congressman  Gallagher  of  the  Eighth 
District  of  Chicago. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Where  were  you  immediately  assigned  before  the 
United  States  entered  World  War  II? 

Colonel  Szymanski.  Thirty-third  Infantry  Division,  Camp  Forrest, 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Colonel,  do  you  prefer  to  tell  the  committee  your 
experiences  during  World  War  II  straight  through  and  then  have 
cross-examination  at  a  later  moment,  or  how  do  you  prefer  to  have  it 

Chairman  Madden.  I  might  say.  Colonel,  that  it  is  the  practice  of 
the  committee  to  allow  the  witness  to  pursue  the  method  which  he 
thiuks  best  to  present  his  testimony.  If  you  desire  to  make  a  general 
summary  of  your  testimony,  you  may  do  so.  If  you  desire  to  have 
tlie  members  of  the  committee  interrupt  you  occasionally,  we  will 
follow  that  procedure. 

Colonel  Szymanski.  I  will  give  a  narrative  summary. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Will  you  proceed,  Colonel  ? 

Colonel  Szymanski.  In  Jaiiuary  1942  I  received  orders  to  report  to 
Washington  for  orientation  as  an  intelligence  officer.  I  spent  approxi- 
mately a  month  and  a  half  in  Washington  and  left  with  orders  as  a 
milit^ary  intelligence  officer  with  assigiunant  as  assistant  military  at- 
tache, Cairo,  Egypt,  specilically  as  the  liaison  officer  to  the  Polish 
and  Czechoslovakian  forces  in  the  Middle  East.  My  verbal  instruc- 
tions were  to  join  the  Polish  Army  then  being  organized  in  Russia. 


1  Avas  informed  that  I  would  get  my  visa  when  I  got  to  Tehran.  I 
arriA^ed  in  Cairo  about  mid-April,  reported  to  the  military  attache,  and 
proceeded  immediately  to  make  contact  with  the  Poles. 

I  arrived  there  shortly  after  the  first  evacuation  of  the  Poles  out  of 
Russia,  so  made  my  contact  with  the  Poles,  and  joined  whatever  rem- 
nants there  were  of  the  Poles  in  Palestine,  with  headquarters  in  Re- 
hovot.  From  then  on  I  traveled  considerably  between  Cairo,  Pales- 
tine, and  Iran,  awaiting,  shall  we  say,  the  second  evacuation  of  the 
Poles  which  was  anticipated  daily,  a  large  number  at  that. 

In  May  1942  I  met  General  Anders,  who  then  had  just  arrived 
from  Russia,  and  received  perhaps  the  first  information  on  the  Polish 
troops  in  Russia.  It  was  then  that  I  heard  for  the  first  time,  among 
other  things,  about  the  size  of  the  Polish  Army,  the  hopes  and  also  the 
disappearance  of  a  large  number  of  the  armed  forces,  particularly 
officers  and  noncommissioned  officers.  I  stayed  in  Iran  a  considerable 
length  of  time  because  the  second  evacuation  was  expected  momen- 
tarily. During  my  stay  there  I  acted  in  whatever  capacity  I  could 
to  extend  American  help  to  the  Poles.  I  also  performed  such  func- 
tions as  interpreter  for  Americans  who  had  arrived  there.  Among 
them  was  Mr.  Willkie,  who  was  on  his  way  to  Russia. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  mean  Wendell  Willkie? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  Yes,  sir. 

General  Scott  of  the  American  Army,  several  correspondents  who 
came  out  of  Moscow  for  a  breather  in  Tehran.  Then  finally,  I  ar- 
rived at  Pahlevi,  which  is  on  the  Caspian  Sea,  where  the  Poles  began 
arriving  in  large  numbers  from  Krasnovodsk,  which  is  slightly  north- 
east from  Pahlevi.  It  was  then  that  I  saw  for  the  first  time  the 
miserable  condition  of  the  Poles  arriving  out  of  Russia.  I  stayed 
throughout  the  evacuation  when  some  80,000  arrived.  Among  them 
were  quite  a  number  of  civilians,  including  children. 

Then  sometime  in  September  I  was  called  to  Washington  to  make 
a  report  on  my  observations  and  was  directed  to  proceed  by  way  of 
London  to  tie  in  wdiatever  information  I  could  get.  In  London  I 
talked  with  the  British  War  Office,  with  General  Eisenhower's  head- 
quarters, which  was  then  formed,  Avith  officials  of  the  Polish  Gov- 
ernment, that  is.  President  Raczkiewicz,  General  Sikorski,  then  Pre- 
mier of  Poland,  almost  all  the  members  of  the  general  staff,  also 
with  President  Benes  and  his  staff.  I  wish  to  remind  you  again  that 
I  was  liaison  officer  with  the  Czechoslovakian  Army  as  well  as  with 
the  Polish  Army. 

I  might  say  now  that  I  never  did  get  to  Russia  because  I  could  not 
get  a  visa.  Meanwhile  I  waited  in  Iran,  and  the  Poles  came  to  me 
instead  of  my  going  to  the  Poles.  When  I  tied  in  all  the  information, 
I  finally  arrived  in  Washington  sometime  in  the  early  part  of  No- 
vember 1942,  and  made  several  reports  to  G-2.  I  spent  the  entire 
month  of  November  because  I  had  a  good-sized  field  to  cover. 

"WHien  I  finished  I  turned  all  the  reports  over  to  G-2,  then  left  for 
the  Middle  East  by  way  of  England  to  again  tie  in  the  work  I  was 
doing  and  continued  with  my  activities  with  the  Poles  in  the  Middle 
East,  traveling  considerably  until  we  got  to  a  point  where  the  Poles 
were  getting  ready  to  be  prepared  for  action. 

They  were  then  stationed  in  Iraq,  not  far  from  Mosul  and  Khana- 
qin.     On  one  of  my  trips  to  Cairo,  which  was  April  1943,  I  was  called 


in  by  General  Brereton,  who  was  then  commandino;  general  of  the 
Middle  East,  and  was  shown  a  directive  which  came  from  Washington 
directing  that  I  make  an  investigation  of  the  Katyn  atfair. 

I  proceeded  first  to  Palestine  and  then  Iraq,  and  General  Anders, 
commanding  general  of  the  Polish  forces,  made  everything  available 
to  me  of  the  documents  and  whatever  personnel  he  had  who  had  any 
information  concei-ning  the  disappearance  of  the  Polish  officers  and 
noncommissioned  officers  in  Kussia.  Captain  Czapski  and  Captain 
Mlynarski  were  of  considerable  help  to  me  in  getting  together  docu- 
ments, testimony,  and  things  of  that  nature.  True  copies  were  made 
of  conversations  held  between  high  Government  Polish  officials  and 
high  Russian  officials  in  Moscow  concerning  the  disappearance  of 
some  15.000  officers  and  nonconmiissioned  officers.  I  submitted  the 
rei:)ort  in  May  1942  to  G-2  in  Washington. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  Would  it  be  possible  to  insert  that  report  in  the 
record  at  this  time  ? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Wait  until  we  hear  the  whole  story.  We  will  come 
back  to  it. 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  The  troops  were  getting  ready,  and  in  January 
1944  I  joined  the  Poles  in  Italy  in  the  combat  theater.  My  intelli- 
gence activities  of  course  ceased  at  that  time. 

Mr.  MiTCHEUL.  When? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  In  January  1944. 

In  my  last  year  overseas,  1945,  I  was  with  SHAEF  as  a  sort  of 
trouble-shooter  on  Eastern  European  problems,  particularly,  as  it 
concerned  the  POW's  and  the  refugees. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Anything  else? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  I  came  home  in  December  1945. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  am  sure  that  all  of  the  members  of  the  committee 
have  a  number  of  questions  they  want  to  ask  this  very  important 
witness,  and  I  will  yield  to  them.     I  want  to  ask  just  one  or  two. 

Who  was  USA  G-2  during  this  period  of  time  ? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  General  Strong,  Major  General  Strong. 

Mr.  Flood.  Major  General  what  Strong?  Do  you  know  his  first 

Mr.  KoRTH.  We  don't  have  it,  sir. 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi,  We  remember  people  by  their  last  names  in  the 

Mr.  Sheehan,  George  V.  Strong. 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Flood.  You  told  us  that  General  Brereton,  Avho  Avas  USA  C.  O. 
in  the  Middle  Elast,  called  you  in  and  told  you  or  showed  you 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  Showed  me. 

Mr.  Flood.  A  written  order? 

Colonel  SziTviANSKi,  A  cable. 

Mr.  Flood.  Do  you  remember  who  signed  the  cable  ? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  It  was  signed  bv  Mai*shall. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  Marshall? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  General  Marshall.  George  Marshall. 

Mr.  Flood.  What  was  his  capacity  at  that  time? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  He  was  Chief  of  Staff. 

Mr.  Flood.  USA. 

Colonel  SzYMANSKT.  Of  the  United  States  Armv. 


Mr.  O'KoxsKi.  George  C.  Marshall. 

Mr.  Flood.  So  your  order  to  make  an  investigation  and  report  on 
the  Katyn  incident  was  given  to  yon  by  General  Marshall,  is'  that  right, 
as  far  as  3'on  know  ? 

Colonel  SzTMAXSKi.  It  Avas  signed  bj'  him. 

Mr.  Flood.  That  is  all  for  the  time  being. 

JNIr.  Machrowicz.  jNIr.  Chairman,  I  think  before  any  further  ques- 
tions are  had,  in  order  that  we  can  all  question  the  witness  intelli- 
gently, I  would  suggest  that  probably  the  counsel  should  introduce 
the  reports  in  evidence  so  that  whatever  further  questions  are  asked 
we  may  have  proper  reference  to  them.  I  know  Congressman  O'Kon- 
ski  had  that  in  mind,  but  I  thought  Me  would  wait  until  he  completed 
his  statement. 

(Discussion  off  the  record.) 

Mr.  Sheehax.  In  order  to  clarify  wiiere  we  stand  on  this  report, 
I  will  read  this : 

If  it  is  desired  to  publish  these  documents  on  an  unclassified  basis,  a  coverhig 
memorandum,  enclosure  No.  1.  has  been  prepared  detailing  the  deletions  which 
will  be  necessary  to  protect  individuals  who  are  mentioned  in  this  report.  We 
would  appreciate  hearing  fron*  you  if  you  decide  to  release  the  documents  on 
this  basis. 

I  also  would  like  to  put  this  letter  in  the  record  and  read  from  it 
])aragraph  2,  a  letter  of  ]March  10  from  the  Department  of  the  Army. 
Tlie  second  paragraph  states : 

The  only  criterion  in  the  classification  of  any  part  of  these  documents  is  the 
protection  of  the  life  and  safety  of  individuals  behind  the  iron  curtain  subject 
to  reprisals.  Tlie  names  of  those  individuals  who  have  already  testified  or  who 
are  alive  in  the  United  States  or  the  United  Kingdom  are  now  declassified.  The 
names  of  individuals  possibly  subject  to  reprisals  have  been  excised  on  tlie  copies 
of  the  attached  reports. 

Mr.  Flood.  There  is  no  reason  we  can't  put  it  in. 

Mr.  Sheehax.  The  onh'  thing  secret  about  the  report  is  the  names 
they  have  not  declassified. 

Mr.  KoRTH.  There  is  one  further  thing.  There  is  a  top-secret 

Mr.  Flood.  We  have  all  agreed  that  those  two  communications 
should  go  in  at  this  point. 

Mv.  KoRTii.  No  objection  to  that,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  In  view  of  those  communications,  why  can't  the  whole 
report  go  in? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  I  believe  I  can  explain  that.  The  chairman  and 
other  members  of  the  committee  on  the  7th  of  March  had  a  meeting 
with  the  Department  counselor  and  the  assistant  G-2  of  the  Army 
for  the  purj^ose  of  trying  to  ascertain  what  names  would  be. permitted 
to  remain  in  the  report.  At  that  time  we  made  photostatic  copies  of 
these  reports.  On  the  two  copies  up  there  on  the  bench  the  names  have 
been  taken  out  and  that  is  what  I  would  like  to  put  in  the  record.  I 
have  the  original  reports  here. 

Mr.  Flood.  Let  me  say  this  for  the  record.  This  committee  doesn't 
need  any  advice  from  the  Army  as  to  how  to  protect  the  best  interests 
of  people  behind  the  iron  curtain.  "We  have  done  that  long  before 
the  Army  thought  about  it.  That  is  not  going  to  help  us  a  bit.  What 
we  want  to  know  at  this  point  is.  Can  we  put  that  report  in  now  with 
the  names  stricken  out. 


Mr.  Mitchell.  You  can. 

Mr.  8ii?:eiian.  And  evervthin<>;  in  the  report. 

Mr.  Flood.  All  right ;  then  put  it  in. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  Get  it  in  from  the  colonel. 

Mr.  Maciirowicz.  I  might  say  for  clarification  we  had  tlie  meeting 
Avitli  Colonel  Schmelzer.  There  were  a  number  of  names  referred  to 
in  the  report  and  we  came  to  a  satisfactory  conclusion,  I  thought — 
am  I  correct? 

Mr.  KoRTH.  I  am  sure  that  is  correct. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  With  Colonel  Schmelzer  as  to  what  names  would 
remain  in  the  report  and  wliat  would  be  eliminated.  I  wanted  to  ask 
you  now,  has  that  been  followed  and  does  the  report  now  contain  the 
deletion  of  only  those  names  which  we  agreed  on  ? 

Mr.  KoRiTi.  That  is  my  understanding.  Is  that  right?  [To  Mr. 
Mitchell :]     You  were  at  the  meeting. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  That  is  correct. 

Chairman  Madden.  I  might  say  that  it  is  the  consensus  of  the  com- 
mittee where  those  deletions  were  made  that  the  people  who  were 
deleted  should  be  protected. 

Mr.  Korth.  Right,  sir. 

Chairman  Madden.  Without  any  further  remarks,  I  don't  see  any 
objection  to  putting  the  report  in  the  record. 

^Ir.  Mitchell.  I  would  like  to  clarify  this  whole  matter,  Mr. 

At  the  time  we  had  this  declassification  meeting  it  i-eferred  to  reports 
that  had  been  sent  to  the  committee,  and  it  itemized  appendixes  and 
attachments  to  a  letter  which  I  would  now  like  to  put  in  the  record. 
I  would  like  to  read  this  for  the  record  so  there  will  be  no  confusion 
about  it. 

Chairman  Madden.  Proceed. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Let  nie  have  that  ])hotostatic  copy. 

I  would  like  the  record  to  show,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  original  of 
Colonel  Szymanski's  reports  has  been  turned  over  to  the  committee. 

Chairman  Madden.  The  record  shows  it. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  This  is  a  letter  dated  ^May  "20,  1043.  The  heading  is 
"Legation  of  the  United  States  of  America,  office  of  the  military 
attache,  Cairo,  Egypt."' 

In  the  right-hand  corner  are  the  initials  "'HIS/esj."  The  letter  is 
directed  to  "Maj.  Gen.  George  V.  Strong.  A.  C.  of  S."— that  is.  Assist- 
ant Chief  of  Staff— "G-2.  Military  Intelligence  Service,  War  Depart- 
ment, Washington,  D.  C." 

Dkau  Gkneral  Strong:  Enclosed  in  this  envelope  is  the  material  dealing  with 
the  "Katyn  Affair."  All  of  it  was  tnrned  over  to  me  by  General  Anders  of  the 
Pdlisli  Army.     It  inclndes  t  lie  following  : 


1.  Account  (if  Caittain  ("zapski  ("original  and  translation "i . 

2.  IleiMirt  by  Caiitain  Czajiski  of  sniiiiiiscd  sialcmeiit  of  Reria  of  the  famous 
N.  W.  K.  D.  and  list  of  depositions  (original  and  translation). 

.">.  Summary  of  facts  (original  sent  to  General  Strong). 

4.  Excerpts  of  conversations  between  General  Sikorski,  General  Anders,  and 
.Toe  Stalin  and  Molotov. 

r>.  Exliibils  A,  I?,  (\  D,  and  E,  containing  photostatic  copies  of  original  type- 
written copy  of  the  original  and  translation  of  original  depositions  ma(U>  by 
parties  having  knowledge  of  the  officers  in  three  prison  camps. 


6.  Report  oa  Polish  prisoners  of  war  in  Russia. 

7.  Report  on  prison  camps  in  Russia. 

8.  Report  on  conscription  for  Bolslievili  army  of  Poles  living  iu  the  occupied 
section  of  Poland. 

9.  Bulletin  No.  3  in  French  put  out  by  Communists  and  freely  distributed  in 

Second  page,  continuing : 

No  conclusion  and  no  opinion  i.?  expressed  by  me. 

The  duplicate  copy  of  this,  less  the  photostatic  and  original  copies,  was  put 
in  tlie  form  of  a  report  and  sent  through  channels. 

Delay  in  forwarding  this  material  was  due  to,  first,  sand-fly  fever,  which  caught 
me  en  route  and.  second,  the  translation  for  which  extra  help  had  to  be  gotten. 

Henry  I.  Szymanski, 
Lieutenant  Colonel,  GSC,  Assistant  Military  Attach^. 

"Nine  enclosures,"  in  the  left-hand  corner. 

Mr.  Flood.  Was  that  letter  in  our  possession  at  the  time  we  had 
our  meeting  with  Colonel  Schmelzer  ? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Yes^;  this  letter  was. 

Mr.  Machroavicz.  And  we  made  all  the  deletions  that  were  agreed 
to  at  that  time  ? 

iNIr.  MrrcHFXL.  Yes. 

j\Ir.  Maciirowicz.  Tlien  is  there  any  objection  to  whatever  is  in 
that  file  being  made  a  part  of  the  record  today  with  the  deletions 
agreed  upon  at  our  meeting  with  Colonel  Schmelzer? 

Mr.  MrrciiELL.  Xo,  sir. 

Mr.  Maciirowicz.  Let  me  get  that  straight.  There  is  no  objection 
to  that  entire  report  as  it  stands,  with  the  deletions  made,  being 
otfered  in  evidence.    Am  I  correct? 

Mr.  KoRTii.  You  have  a  letter  of  authority  right  here,  sir. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  I  would  like  to  read  the  full  letter  of  authority. 

Chairman  ISIadde^j".  Proceed. 

Mr.  INIiTCHELL.  In  fact.  I  would  like  to  read  both  letters  we  have 
received  in  connection  with  this  referred  to  by  Mr.  Sheehan.  Will 
you  mark  this  exhibit  9  ? 

(The  letter  referred  to  was  marked  "Exhibit  No.  9"  and  filed  for 
the  record.) 

Mr.  Mitchell.  This  is  a  letter  from  the  "Department  of  the  Army, 
Wasliington,  December  17.  19.">1.  Office  of  the  Department  counselor." 
The  letter  is  addressed  to  "Mr.  John  Mitchell,  counsel,  Select  Com- 
mittee To  Investigate  the  Katyn  Massacre,  House  Office  Building." 

Dear  Mr.  Mitchell  :  I  am  enclosing  herewith  five  documents  which  are 
copies  of  appendixes  of  a  report  made  in  May  1943  by  Col.  Henry  I.  Szymanski 
when  he  was  assistant  military  attache  in  Cairo,  Egypt. 

You  will  note  that  these  documents  contain  security  information  and  are 
classified  secret.  They  are  released  to  the  committee  on  this  basis,  and  regu- 
lations require  me  to  state  that  these  documents  contain  information  affecting 
the  national  defense  of  the  United  States  within  the  meaning  of  the  espionage 
laws.  Transmission  or  revelation  of  their  contents  in  any  manner  to  an  un- 
authorized person  is  prohibited  by  law. 

If  it  is  desired  to  publish  these  documents  on  an  unclassified  basis,  a  covering 
memorandum  (enclcsure  No.  1)  has  been  prepared  detailing  the  deletions  which 
will  be  necessary  to  protect  individuals  who  are  mentioned  in  these  reports. 
We  would  appreciate  hearing  from  you  if  you  desire  to  release  the  documents 
on  this  basis. 

If  we  may  be  of  further  assistance,  please  call  on  us. 
Sincerely  yours, 

F.  Shackleford. 


Exhibit  9 

Department  of  the  Akmy, 
Washinf/ton,  December  17,  1951. 
Mr.  John  Mitchell, 

Counsel,  Select  Conimittee  to  Investigate  the  Katyn  Massacre, 
House  Office  Building. 
Deak  Mk.  Mitchell:  I  am  fnclosing  herewith  five  documents  which  are  copies 
of  appendixes  of  a  report  made  in  May  1943  by  Col.  Heury  I.  Szyman^^ki,  when 
he  was  assistant  military  attache  in  Cairo,  Egypt. 

You  will  note  that  these  documents  contain  security  information  and  are 
classified  secret.  They  are  released  to  the  committee  on  this  basis,  and  regula- 
tions requii-e  me  to  state  that  these  documents  contain  information  affecting  the 
national  defense  of  the  United  States  within  the  meaning  of  the  e.spionage  laws. 
Transmission  or  revelation  of  their  contents  in  any  manner  to  an  unauthorized 
person  is  prohibited  by  law. 

If  it  is  desired  to  publish  these  documents  on  an  unclassified  basis,  a  covering 
memorandum  (enclosure  No.  1)  has  been  prepared  detailing  the  deletions  which 
will  be  necessary  to  protect  individuals  who  are  mentioned  in  these  reports. 
We  would  appreciate  hearing  from  you  if  you  decide  to  release  the  documents 
on  this  basis. 

If  we  may  be  of  further  assistance,  please  call  on  us. 
Sincerely  yours, 

F.  Shackelford, 
Department  Counselor. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  is  the  letter  we  had  prior  to  our  meeting. 
Mr.  Mitchell  (reading)  : 

Six  enclosures,  one  covering  memorandum,  2  to  6  appendixes  to  Colonel 
Szymanski's  report. 

Wliile  the  Congress  was  in  recess  I  received  this  information  which 
contained  four  appendixes.     There  were  nine  total  appendixes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Is  Colonel  Schmelzer's  appendix  in  there?  Is 
it  in  that  list? 

Mr.  MiTcireLL.  No.  For  the  record  I  am  trying  to  make  a  chrono- 
logical transaction  out  of  this. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  "N^Hiat  is  the  significance  ?  "VVe  have  already  com- 
pYied  with  that.  We  have  notified  them  we  want  this  declassified. 
We  met  with  them.     We  made  the  deletions. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  That  is  the  next  step  which  I  want  to  put  in  the 

The  next  step  is  that  the  chairman  of  the  committee  instructed  me 
to  contact  the  War  Department  and  to  arrange  a  meeting  with  the 
officials  in  keeping  with  tlieir  suggestion  in  the  letter  I  have  just  read. 
We  had  that  meeting  and  the  members  of  the  committee  were  present 
and  the  connnittee  was  sent  all  the  appendixes,  and  reviewed  it,  and 
this  letter  I  would  now  like  to  put  on  tlie  record. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  was  subsequent  to  our  meeting? 

Mr.  MrrcHELL.  Subsequent  to  our  meeting.  The  letter  is  dated 
March  10.     (Reading:) 

March  10, 1052,  Department  of  the  Army,  Washington.  Office  of  the  Department 

The  letter  is  addressed  to — 

The  II()n(irabl(>  Ray  .1.  IMaddkn,  Chairman.  House  Slclrct  Conimitfer  To  hirrxti- 

gate  the  Katyn  Massacre,  House  of  Kepresentatires. 

DiAK  Ml!.  .Mai)I>i:.\  :   In  afcordaiice  with  th(>  vcrlial  uiuhn-standing  bi'tween  the 

House  St'Icct  Coiiimittt'c  to  Investigate  the  Katyn  Massacre  and  Colonel  Schmel- 

zer.  Office  of  the  Assistant  Cluef  of  Staff,  (J-J.  on  tho  afttMiioon  of  March  7.  11»42, 


Col.  Henry  I.  Szynianski's  report  and  appendixes  have  been  reviewed  in  con- 
junction witli  Colonel  Szymanski  with  the  object  of  completely  declassifying 
the  documents  for  release  to  the  newspapers. 

The  only  criterion  in  the  classification  of  any  part  of  these  documents  is  the 
protection  of  the  life  and  safety  of  individuals  behind  the  iron  curtain  subject 
to  reprisals.  The  names  of  those  individuals  who  have  already  testified  or  who 
are  alive  in  the  United  States  or  the  United  Kingdom  are  now  declassified.  The 
names  of  individuals  possibly  subject  to  reprisals  have  been  excised  on  the 
copies  of  the  attached  documents.  The  two  copies  of  the  report  and  all  appen- 
dixes are  transmitted  herewith  in  a  declassified  form  ready  for  transmittal  to 
the  newspapers. 

Sincerely  yours, 

F.  Shackelford, 
Department  Counselor. 

One  enclosure,  two  copies  of  report  and  appendixes. 

Mr.  Mactirowicz.  I  still  do  not  know  what  the  exception  is.  Now 
they  are  available  for  the  record,  are  they  not? 

Mr.  KoRTH.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  is  all  this  about  ? 

Mr.  KoRTH.  All  appendixes  are  now  available. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  Let  me  ask  you  this  question :  As  I  understand  it, 
Mr.  Mitchell,  whatever  you  are  introducing  there  is  no  objection  to 
from  anybody.     Is  that  right,  Mr.  Korth  ? 

Mr.  KoRTiT.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  FuRCOLo.  And  you  represent  the  Department? 

Mr.  KoRTH.  That  is  right. 

Chairman  Maddex.  I  think  Mr.  Mitchell  was  just  trying  to  form 
the  record  on  this. 

Mr.  Machrow^icz.  Is  that  a  compilation  of  all  the  reports  we  have? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  No,  sir. 

Mr,  Machrowicz.  There  is  no  objection  to  these  two.  Let's  get 
them  in  the  record. 

Mr.  KoRTH.  There  is  no  objection. 

Chairman  Maddex.  Are  they  identified? 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  I  wonder  how  the  deletion  of  this  top  identification 
of  where  the  letter  comes  from  has  anything  to  do  with  protecting 
somebody  l^ehind  the  iron  curtain. 

Mr.  KoRTH.  It  probably  stated  "secret"  up  there.  That  was  the 
classification.     It  was  cut  out.     Therefore,  it  is  not  classified. 

Mr.  O'KoxsKi.  I  accept  your  explanation. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Here  it  is. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Can  we  get  those  in  evidence? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  They  will  be  in  evidence  as  ehxibit  10. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  said  you  had  some  more. 

Mr.  SiiEEiiAx.  Mr.  Counsel,  are  there  any  more  to  go  in  evidence? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  I  believe  you  should  have  a  statement  from  the  rep- 
resentative of  the  War  Department  Counsel's  office. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Before  we  have  that  statement  let's  proceed  or- 
derly now.     Is  there  any  objection  to  these  being  offered  in  evidence? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Let's  get  them  identified  and  put  in  the  record. 
There  are  two  reports,  are  there  not  ? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Two  photostatic  copies. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Are  they  both  photostatic  copies  of  the  same 
report  ? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Yes,  plus  the  original. 


Mr.  Flood.  Let  me  see  them  a  minute.  What  is  the  next  number  of 
your  exhibits  ?     Mark  that  as  "Exhibit  No.  10."^ 

(Documents  referred  to  were  marked  "Exhibit  No.  10"  and  filed  for 
tlie  record.) 

Mr.  Flood,  I  have  been  handed  by  counsel  for  the  committee  what 
is  marked  as  "Exhibit  10."  I  now  show  this  to  the  witness,  Colonel 
Szjananski,  and  ask  him  if  this  is  a  proper  photostatic  copy  of  the 
reports  we  have  been  discussing,  just  "yes"  or  "no."  Take  a  look  at 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  Now  they  are  offered  in  evidence. 

(The  documents  referred  to  were  marked  "Exhibit  No.  10"  and 
later  changed  to  "Exhibit  lOA"  and  will  be  found  on  p.  426.) 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Colonel,  my  question  is  going  to  be  along  the  line 
of  some  of  the  things  in  the  reports  and  you  may  keep  them  in  front  of 
you  and  refer  to  them  as  the  questioning  goes  along. 

No.  1,  is  your  letter  of  April  30,  1943,  to  Major  General  Strong. 
Would  you  be  kind  enought  to  read  that  for  the  committee  here. 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  April  30? 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Your  covering  letter. 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  That  is  May  29. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  You  wrote  a  letter  on  April  30,  1943,  from  Cairo, 
Egypt.  May  I  read  the  letter  and  you  try  to  identify  it.  It  was  the 
covering  letter  for  appendix  III  which  is  included  in  this  group  of 
reports : 

"The  enclosed  memorandum  contains  too  much  dynamite  to  be  forwarded 
through  regular  channels,  so  it  is  being  sent  directly  to  you." 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  I  remember  it,  sir. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  I  assume  it  is  part  of  those  records  there  some 

Mr.  Mitchell.  I  will  see  if  it  is  in  there. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  The  Army  sent  a  flock  of  other  records. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  is  why  I  suggested  you  get  them  all  in  the 
record  so  when  any  questions  are  asked  we  know  what  we  are  referring 

Mr.  Sheehan.  I  assume  the  general  statement,  Mr.  Chairman,  in- 
cluded everything  that  the  Army  had  sent. 

Mr.  KoRTH.  It  has  not. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  That  is  why  I  wanted  to  clear  it  up. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  is  what  I  wanted  clear  and  we  have  just  a 
part  of  the  record  in  evidence.  Let's  understand  why  a  certain  portion 
is  not  in  evidence,  so  then  we  will  know  where  we  are. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  I  will  correct  the  record,  please.  It  is  appendix 
No.  3. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  May  I  give  you  exliibit  No.  10.  As  I  understand  it, 
that  is  introduced  in  evidence,  and  I  assume  if  any  questions  are  going 
to  hv  asked  at  this  i)oint  they  are  going  to  be  about  exliibit  No.  10. 

Ml'.  KoRTii.  Tluit  is  correct,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  wouhl  imagine  so.  We  will  get  to  something  else  Avhen 
we  got  to  it. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  This  letter  is  not  in  there. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Yes,  it  is  in  appendix  No.  3. 


Chairman  Madden.  Is  that  included  in  the  exliibit  ? 

Mr.  KoRTH.  That  is  my  understanding,  sir.  It  is  here  in  the 

Mr.  Sheehax,  He  has  it  in  the  original  there.  I  have  read  that  into 
the  record,  Colonel,  for  the  purpose  of  making  it  plain  that  you  your- 
self recognized  the  minute  you  were  investigating  the  Katyn  affair 
that  it  had  quite  a  great  bit  of  dynamite  in  it,  as  you  so  aptly  ex- 
pressed it. 

Colonel  SzYMAXSKi.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Sheeiian.  For  the  record,  from  your  letter,  under  date  of  May 
29,  your  letter  to  General  Strong,  would  you  be  kind  enough  to  read 
the  last  paragraph,  starting  off  with  "A  duplicate  copy  of  this"? 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  would  like  to  have  counsel  show  me  where  in 
these  exhibits  these  letters  api^ear.  I  have  been  trying  to  point  out 
patiently  that  we  have  not  yet  all  the  records. 

Mr.  Sheehax.  It  is  in  there. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  would  like  to  have  it  in  the  record  that  it  has 
been  introduced. 

jNIr.  Mitchell.  It  is  marked  "Appendix  No.  3." 

Mr.  Machrowicz.   You  liave  introduced  something  entirely  different. 

]\Ir.  FuRCOLO.  You  have  over  there  what  has  been  introduced. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Let  me  have  it  again,  Mr.  O'Konski.  In  these 
exhibits  you  have  offered  in  evidence 

Mr.  KoRTH.  It  is  not  in  there. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Certainly. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  That  one  particular  letter  is  not  in  there. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Then  it  is  not.    You  said  it  was. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  It  is  referred  to  here,  summary  of  facts. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Let  us  get  it  in  the  record. 

Mr.  Flood.  Let's  do  it  this  way. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  It  has  been  put  in. 

Mr.  Flood.  We  understand  it.  Let  me  have  exhibit  10.  Is  this  it? 
Exhibit  10  has  been  offered  in  the  record.  I  am  advised  that  exhibit  10 
does  not  contain  a  letter  that  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  wishes  to 
question  about;  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  Korth.  That  is  right,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  Let's  get  the  letter  that  the  gentleman  from  Illinois 
wishes  to  refer  to  and  we  will  attach  it  as  part  (A)  to  exhibit  10.  Is 
there  any  objection  to  that  from  anybody? 

Mr.  KoRTH.  The  only  thing  I  can  say  is  that  it  was  not  approved 
at  that  conference,  apparently. 

Mr.  Flood.  Is  there  an}^  reason  why  it  cannot  be  approved  at  this 
conference  ? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  That  letter  was  present  at  the  conference. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Counsel,  I  think  Congressman  Dondero,  Con- 
gressman Madden,  and  myself,  and  you  were  there,  and  I  want  to 
say  the  letter  was  there. 

Mr.  Flood.  All  right. 

Mr.  Korth.  I  mean  there  was  no  objection  to  it,  I  understand,  at 
that  time. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  No  objection  as  far  as  I  know. 

Mr.  Flood.  There  is  no  objection.  Now  will  you  take  that  letter, 
mark  it  as  "Exhibit  10  (A) ,"  either  that  letter  or  copy  of  it. 

93744— 52— pt.  3 15 


Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  To  get  it  chronologically  it  should  precede  the 

Mr.  Flood.  This  is  ready  for  introduction.  I  want  this  letter 
marked  as  "Exhibit  10,"  and  I  want  the  documents  submitted  hereto- 
fore marked  as  "Exhibit  10  (a)"  for  chronological  reasons  to  comply 
with  the  request  of  the  gentleman  from  Illinois. 

(The  letter  of  April  30, 1943,  was  marked  "Exhibit  No.  10,"  and  the 
reports,  previously  marked  and  received  in  evidence  as  Exhibit  No. 
10  were  re-marked  "Exhibit  10  (a).") 

Exhibit  10 

Legation  of  the  United  States  of  America, 

Office  of  the  Military  Attache, 

Cairo,  Kyypi,  April  30,  1943. 
Maj.  Gen.  George  V.  Strong, 

G-2,  War  Department,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Dear  General  Strong  :  The  enclosed  memorandum  contains  too  much  dynamite 
to  be  forwarded  through  I'egular  channels,  so  it  is  being  sent  directly  to  you. 
This  will  be  followed  by  a  detailed  statement  including  conversations  on  this 
subject  with  Stalin,  Berea,  and  Vyszynski.  It  is  being  prepared  for  me  and 
will  be  sent  you  directly  within  two  weeks. 

Henry  I.  Szy'manski, 

Lt.  Colonel,  GSC, 
Assistant  Military  Attache. 

Exiiibit  IOA 


May  29,  1943. 
Major  General  George  V.  Strong, 
A.  C.  of  H.,  0-2, 

Military  Intelligence  Service,  War  Department,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Dear  General  Strong  :  Inclosed  in  this  envelope  is  the  material  dealing  with 
the  "Katyn  Affair".     All  of  it  was  turned  over  to  me  by  General  Anders  of  the 
Polish  Army.     It  includes  the  following : 


1.  Account  of  Captain  Czapski  (original  and  translation). 

2.  Report  by  Captain  Czapski  of  supposed  statement  of  Beria  of  the  famous 
N.  K.  W.  I),  and  list  of  depositions  (original  and  translation). 

3.  "Summary  of  Facts" — original  sent  to  Gen.  Strong. 

4.  Excerpts  of  conversations  between  General  Sikorski,  General  Anders,  and 
Joe  Stalin  and  Molotov. 

5.  Exhibits  A,  B,  C,  D  and  E  containing  photostatic  copies  of  original,  type- 
written copy  of  original  and  translation  of  original  deiwsitions  made  by  parties 
having  knowledge  of  the  otficers  in  the  three  prison  camps. 

6.  Report  on  Polish  prisoners  of  war  in  Russia. 

7.  Report  on  prison  camps  in  lUissia. 

8.  lieport  on  conscription  for  Bolshevik  Army  of  Poles  living  in  the  occupied 
section  of  Poland. 

9.  Bulletin  No.  3  in  French  put  out  by  Communists  and  freely  distributed  in 

No  conclusion  and  no  opinion  is  expressed  by  me. 

The  dni»licate  copy  of  tliis  less  the  photostatic  and  original  copies  was  put  in 
form  of  a  report  and  sent  through  ciianiiels. 

Delay  in  forwarding  this  nuiterial  was  due  to,  first,  sand  fly  fever  which 
caught  me  en  route  and,  second,  the  translation  for  which  extra  help  had  to  be 


Henry  I.  Szymanski, 

Lt.  Colonel,  G.  S.  C, 
Ass't.  Military  Attach^. 


Appendix  I 
Katin  Affair 

Captain  Joseph  Czapski  of  the  Polish  Army  was  detailed  by  General  Anders 
immediately  after  the  signing  of  the  Polish-Russian  Agreement  to  conduct  a 
search  for  hundreds  of  Polish  officers  known  to  have  been  in  the  three  prison 
camps  mentioned  in  attached  report  and  from  one  of  which  he  personally  was 
released.  His  account  of  the  search  is  substantially  as  related  to  me  by  other 
officers  who  from  time  to  time  aided  in  the  search. 

Captain  Czapski 

I  am  oue  of  the  group  numbering  from  70  to  80  people  who  were  in  the  Staro- 
bielsk  camp  and  have  been  found.  Since  October  1940  till  April  1941  I  have 
continually  been  searching  for  my  missing  colleagues.  I  know  this  matter 
thoroughly  and  I  could  say  about  it  all  that  we  are  aware  of,  I  must  state  though 
that  the  question  is  still  obscure. 

Said  problem  has  been  given  publicity  to  by  the  German  wireless  and  then 
by  Reuters.  These  informations  concern  the  murdering  of  Polish  officers  in  the 
Smolensk  area.  Three  camps  come  into  question  and  namely :  Starobielsk, 
Kozielsk  and  O.staszkowo.  We  on  our  part  have  no  precise  informations,  we  base 
ourselves  on  particulars  gathered  by  us. 

When  in  September  and  Octolier  1939  a  part  of  the  Polish  troops  fell  into 
Soviet  captivity,  Officers  and  a  certain  numlier  of  Privates,  but  Officers  in  the 
main  had  been  placed  in  three  camps:  at  Starobielsk,  at  Kozielsk  and  at  Ostasz- 
kowo  as  well  as  in  a  number  of  camps  located  throughout  the  entire  territory  of 
RuvSsia.  The  total  number  of  those  placed  in  the  three  above  quoted  camps 
amounted  to  1.5-16  thousand— in  this  8,600-8,900  Officers.  Out  of  this  group  only 
400  persons  in  all  have  been  found,  of  the  remaining  prisoners  every  trace  had 
vanished  since  May  1940.  I  want  to  observe  here  that,  when  speaking  of  the 
Starobielsk,  Kozielsk  and  Ostaszkowo  camps  and  of  my  colleagues  placed  there, 
I  intend  those  prisoners  who  had  been  sojourning  there  until  May  1940.  At  that 
time  these  camps  underwent  a  complete  reorganization  and  Starobielsk  was 
changed  into  a  prison  where  Polish  political  prisoners  were  detained  and  to 
Kozielsk  had  been  brought  the  officers  interned  up  to  then  in  Lithuania.  From 
the  latter  group  almost  all  have  been  found  and  are  now  in  the  ranks  of  the 
Polish  Army.  Those  of  the  interned  in  the  above  three  camps  until  May  1940, 
and  who  have  been  found,  belong  to  the  group  of  officers  and  soldiers  arrested 
during  their  sojourn  in  the  camp  at  the  aim  of  bringing  an  action  against  them, 
as  well  as  to  the  small  group  transferred  to  the  Gryszowiec  camp  on  the  Vologda 

Who  was  in  those  camps? 

We  tried  to  obtain  the  full  list  of  the  names  on  the  base  of  our  own  notes  and 
remembrances.  We  have  compiled  lists  out  of  memory  and  possess  files  con- 
taining over  10.000  names.  We  had  12  generals.  Out  of  this  number  only  two 
came  back.  300  colonels  and  Lt.  Colonels,  5  thousand  lieutenants  and  2nd  lieut. 
2,500  captains  are  missing.  In  the  Starobielsk  camp  alone  there  was  a  group 
of  600  pilots  and  in  all  the  three  above  mentioned  camps  there  was  a  total  of 
800  iihysicians  of  which  3  jiercent  Jew  s.  Kalf  of  the  Officers  were  professionals, 
the  remaining  were  Reserve  Officers.  I  can  affirm  here  in  all  certitude  that  it 
was  the  flower  of  the  Polish  •■Intelligentzia."  There  was  there  a  group  of 
about  ninety  University  Pi'ofessors.  I  may  quote  here  for  instance  that  80% 
of  the  members  of  the  Armament  Institute  have  disappeared,  as  well  as  80% 
of  the  graduated  of  the  Warsaw  Polytechnic  High  School,  working  in  the  arma- 
ment branch.  The  whole  staff  of  the  Gas  Institute  with  at  their  head  Major 
Brzozowski  are  missing.  Among  the  missing  are  among  others  such  eminent 
scientists  as :  Prof.  Pienkowski,  Dr.  Stefanowski,  Prof.  Zielinski,  Nelken, 
Wroczynski  (formerly  Minister),  Prof.  Godlewski  a  distinguished  scientist, 
investigator  of  the  brain,  successor  of  I'rof.  Rose.  Neitlier  have  made  return 
many  famous  specialists  of  the  technical  area,  among  these:  engineer  Antoni 
Eiger  who  was  also  vice-chaii-nian  of  the  Antihitlerite  Association  in  Poland, 
Lecturer  Prof.  Tucholski,  in  the  camps  also  there  were  two  editors  of  "Nasz 
Przeglad"  (Jewish  paper  in  Polish  language)  who  made  an  application  request-- 
ing  the  right  of  "asylum"  and  they  never  reappeared.  In  Starobielsk  there 
were  among  others  the  chief  Rabbi  of  the  Polish  Army — Mjr.  Stajnberg,  the 
Reverend  Aleksandrowicz  and  a  great  number  of  eminent  physicians.     Among 


others  did  not  make  return  Dr.  Dadej  head  manager  of  the  sanatorium  for  the 
poorest  cliildren  at  Zakoi)ane,  the  distiniiiiished  scientist  Dr.  Nitera,  laureate 
of  Rockefeller's  fund,  Dr.  Skwarczynski,  Prof.  Pitrowski  trom  the  Academy 
of  Science,  I'rof.  Ralski,  Piwowar — poet  from  Cracow  and  many  others. 

When  after  the  catastrophe  we  found  ourselves  wrecked  in  the  camps,  I  intend 
speaking  chiefly  of  the  states  of  mind  at  Starobielsk,  when  thousands  of  us  were 
crushed  within  the  narrow  limits  of  the  camp,  a  great  deal  of  strength  of  char- 
acter and  of  courage  was  needed  not  to  succumb,  not  to  break  down,  not  to  lose 
faith.  And  it  was  just  owing  to  the  above-mentioned  men  who  had  shown  &o 
great  a  strength  of  character  and  of  courage  that  the  camp  did  not  lose  its  moral 
aspect.  They  were  continually  working  at  the  maintaining  of  all  the  moral 
values.  I  was  looking  at  them  with  genuine  admiration.  They  were  among 
the  most  nol)le — the  noblest.  They  represented  all  what  is  most  beautifu.1  and 
sublime  in  the  Polish  Nation.  And  just  no  one  from  these  people — our  educators 
and  intercessors  has  returned.  I  should  mention  here  Major  Soltan,  head  of 
General  Anders'  Staff  in  September  1939,  who  had  a  splendid  heroic  record 
during  the  fight.  Lieutenant  Checinski,  a  fanatic  Federalist  who  was  dreaming 
about  a  new  and  beavitiful  Poland,  Rabbi  Sternberg,  Reverend  Aleksandrowicz 
who  were  giving  a  fine  example  of  religious  tolerance  and  moral  assistance  to  all 
the  internees.  These  together  with  Pastor  Potocki  had  been  deported  for  the 
first  and  according  to  rumors  that  had  reached  us  they  were  kept  apart  in  a 
tower  at  Kozielsk. 

On  the  5th  and  6th  April  1940  sinuiltaneously  in  all  the  camps  one  was  pro- 
ceeding with  our  deportation.  We  were  taken  away  in  small  groiips.  The  Soviet 
authorities  were  purposely  spreading  false  Informations  to  lead  us  into  error 
and  keep  us  in  a  complete  ignorance  as  to  our  future  fate.  And  so  we  were  told 
to  have  been  ceded  to  France  where  we  would  be  sent  through  Roumania  and 
Greece.  Half  of  us  believed  these  informations.  From  many  members  of  the 
NKWD  it  was  heard  that  we  were  going  to  Poland.  The  inducing  us  into  error 
was  of  such  consequence  to  the  Soviet  authorities  that  we  were  finding  when 
walking  about  leaflets  with  a  would  be  course  of  journey  written  on  them.  We 
Avere  waked  at  night  and  examined  about  our  knowledge  of  the  Hungarian  or 
Roumanian  language.  We  were  explaining  to  ourselves  all  these  moves  as  facts 
indicating  that  we  would  be  really  transferred  abroad  and  that  the  Soviet 
authorities  were  in  need  of  interpreters. 

I  was  one  of  the  last  deported  from  Starobielsk.  When  speaking  of  brutality 
one  can  state  that  the  treatment  experienced  by  us  during  the  transporting  action 
was  the  most  monstrous  and  most  abject.  We  were,  of  course,  driven  in  prison 
cars.  We  were  landed  in  the  same  brutal  way  somewhere  near  Smolensk.  In 
those  environs  were  brought  all  from  the  above-mentioned  camps.  Several  weeks 
after  400  persons  were  deported  among  these  200  officers  to  Griszowiec  by 
Wologda.  During  our  journey  we  found  on  the  ceilings  of  the  railway  carriages 
inscriptions  made  by  our  colleagues  previously  deported :  "We  have  been  landed 
near  Smolensk,  three  stations  to  the  west  of  the  town." 

Out  of  15,000  people,  only  those  taken  to  Griszowiec  and  some  other  ninety 
persons  have  remained  in  life,  the  latter  had  been  detained  in  prison  in  isolated 
cells  and  had  been  submitted  to  investigation.  Those  of  us  who  found  them- 
selves at  Griszowiec  were  convinced  that  our  colleagues  were  placed  in  similar 
small  camps  in  different  parts  of  Russia.  We  had  the  right  once  a  month  to 
correspond  with  our  families.  We  were  getting  news  from  Poland  and  were 
surprised  that  every  one  of  us  was  receiving  at  least  10  questions  about  what 
had  happened  with  our  colleagues  with  whom  we  had  previously  been  in  the 
three  above-mentioned  camps. 

The  Polish-Soviet  agreement  was  signed  in  July  ami  at  the  end  of  August  the 
formation  of  a  Polish  Army  was  already  in  course.  We  were  sent  to  the  there- 
abouts of  Kujhyshev,  Tock,  and  other  centres  and  since  the  first  moment  we 
began  to  investigate  about  the  fate  of  our  comrades. 

General  Anders,  immediately  on  his  release  from  prison,  started  i-esearchers 
of  his  coUaborators  and,  above  all,  of  Mjr.  Soltan.  We  thought  that  the  fact 
that  our  colleagues  were  still  missing  was  caused  by  their  dei)ortation  into  some 
remote  place.  We  were  thinking  of  them  with  the  utmost  optimism  and  were 
expecting  their  return  from  day  to  day. 

At  that  time,  by  order  of  General  Anders,  I  was  investigating  in  the  matter 
of  our  missing  colleagues.  All  the  privates  and  officers  arriving  to  the  camp 
were  very  scrupulously  examined  by  me  about  the  names  of  our  men  who  still 
remained  in  the  camps  or  prisons.  Every  one  of  the  newcomers  was  quoting 
at  least  10  names  requesting  they  would  be  reclaimed.    I  had  myself  examined 


jieveral  thousand  ]>erson.s  and  I  received  no  concrete  news  about  the  missing 
•comrades,  all  these  pieces  of  news  were  unclear  informations,  got  from  second- 
or  even  third-hand.  Thus  we  were  told  that  a  group  of  prisoners  was  deported 
to  mine  works  on  Francis  Joseph  Laud,  that  630  persons  had  been  sent  to  Kalym, 
others  to  the  Far  North  by  Norymsk  at  the  outlet  of  the  river  Jenisej. 

Our  scanty  informations  and  a  number  of  particulars  gathered  in  the  army 
Avere  sent  by  us  to  the  Polish  Enibass'y  in  Kujbyshev. 

In  October  and  November  1941  Ambassador  Kot  had  interfered  in  this  mat- 
ter directly  by  Stalin.  He  had  with  him  the  material  gathered  by  us  and  asked 
Stalin  what  was  happening  with  these  people. 

Stalin  was  indignant  or  pretended  to  be  so  and  in  Mr.  Kot's  presence  rang  up 
the  NKWD,  declaring  that  the  "Amnesty"  was  concerning  everybody  and  that 
all  or  these  i)eople  should  be  sent  to  the  Polish  Army.  In  December  1941  ar- 
rived the  C.  in  C.  General  Sikorski  to  whom  we  handed  the  lists  containing 
5  thousand  names.  Said  material  was  taken  by  General  Anders  who  accom- 
panied Gen.  in  his  travel  to  Moscow.  Both  Generals  interfered  with 
Stalin  in  the  matter  of  the  missing  officers.  General  Anders  laid  down  on  the 
table  liefore  Stalin  a  liundle  of  documents  and  materials.  Stalin's  attitude 
was  different  than  the  one  adopted  before  Ambassador  Kot.  He  answered: 
"What  can  I  know  what  became  of  .j  thousand  men?  Maj'be  they  ran  away 
to  Manchuria." 

To  this  General  Anders  replied  that  he  w\as  too  well  acquainted  with  the 
methods  of  working  of  the  NKWD  to  be  able  to  suppose  that  such  a  consider- 
able number  of  people  could  have  disappeared  somewhere  without  they  know- 
ing it. 

Stalin  smiled  at  this. 

The  Polish  Generals  declared  further  that  they  could  suppose  that  those 
people  were  doing  some  pressing  work  in  the  Far  North  and  that  the  chiefs  of 
the  camps  did  not  want  to  release  them  and  were  detaining  them  on  their  own 
responsibility.  Stalin  then  declared  that  such  a  thing  is  inadmissible  saying 
textually  that  "such  chiefs  would  be  broken  down  by  us"  ("takich  naczelnikow 
njy  budiem  ich  lamat"). 

General  Anders  returned  to  the  army  in  an  optimistic  state  of  mind.  Decem- 
ber 1941  was  over  and  no  one  of  the  missing  had  been  found.  I  learned  that 
the  central  board  of  the  camps,  the  so-called  "Ludag"  was  in  Oakalowo.  Such 
being  the  case  I  went  there.  It  was  in  the  period,  let  me  use  the  expression — • 
of  the  "honey-moon"  of  the  Polish  Soviet  pact.  I  had  with  me  very  energetic 
letters  referring  to  Stalin's  declaration  and  I  addressed  myself  to  General 
Masietnik,  Chief  of  the  "Ludag,"'  reque.sting  him  to  let  me  look  through  the 
lists  of  the  persons  sojourning  in  the  camps.  But  the  only  result  of  my  visit 
•was  the  looking  at  a  big  map  in  Nasietkin's  studio  with  the  camps  marked 
on  it  and  disseminated  throughout  the  entire  territory  of  Russia.  The  camps 
were  gi-ouped  in  the  main  on  the  Kola  Peninsula  in  Kalym  and  in  the  Wier- 
•choiansk  district. 

On  my  return  from  Czkalowo  one  of  the  Soviet  Liaison  Officers,  a  Colonel, 
addressed  General  Anders  witli  the  observation  that  we  could  not  communicate 
•ourselves  with  the  single  Soviet  Authorities  but  that  this  should  be  done  only 
through  the  intermediary  of  the  central  office.  General  Anders  answered  that  he 
•quite  agreed  with  him  and  that  he  was  sending  me  to  Moscow  to  the  Central 

I  was  given  letters  written  in  a  very  categoric  tone  and  wfis  hoping  to  succeed 
in  getting  in  touch  with  lieria  and  other  high  representatives  of  the  NKWD  as 
Kierkulov  and  Fiedotov.  I  think  that  had  I  arrived  with  such  letters  to  London 
I  would  have  been  received  b.v  the  Prime  Minister  Churchill  himself.  In  Moscow 
I  had  waited  for  ten  days  and  was  at  last  called  in  the  middle  of  the  night 
to  General  Rajchman  occupying  the  fourth  place  in  the  NKWB'  hierarchy.  I 
presented  to  him  the  description  of  the  whole  course  of  the  events  and  with  the 
detailed  lists.  Rajchman  read  carefully  the  text  presented  by  me,  passing 
through  every  page  with  a  pencil  in  his  hand. 

In  completion  of  the  memorial  I  quoted  also  a  number  of  unconfirmed  reports 
about  the  fate  of  our  colleagues  and  concluding  I  declared  that  we  had  been 
thoroughly  examined,  every  one  of  us  had  his  own  file  containing  all  the 
materials  and  photographs.  In  such  a  state  of  things  nobody  could  suppose 
that  the  place  of  residence  of  15.000  prisoners  of  war,  in  this  number  8,000 
officers,  could  not  be  known  to  the  Soviet  authorities. 


I  then  added  that  Stalin's  promises  and  then  his  categorical  oriler  to  release 
all  our  comrades  wherever  they  were  and  for  the  case  they  would  liave  disappear- 
ed to  report  in  what  conditions  and  where,  sht)uld  be  cairied  into  execution. 

In  face  of  these  activities  of  ours,  of  tlie  conversations  of  Ambassador  Kot  and 
General  Anders,  of  various  memprials,  the  assertion  contained  in  the  Soviet 
declaration  that  the  Polish  Government  did  not  deem  it  proper  to  address 
directly  the  Soviet  Government — must  seem  ;it   least  surprising. 

And  what  then  were  we  doing  tlie  whole  time :  we  Poles  in  Russia  and  in 
London?  Uninterruptedly  by  all  possible  means  we  endeavoured  to  get  any 
sort  of  informations.  Minister  Kaczynski  had  addressed  a  number  of  notes,  he 
called  twice  on  the  Soviet  Ambassador  in  London — the  answer  was  either  silence 
or  very  unclear  promises  never  followed  by  any  sort  of  action. 

General  Rajchmann's  attitude  during  my  conversation  with  him  was  very 
characteristic.  He  had  taken  an  active  part  in  all  the  more  important  investi- 
gations. He  was  entrusted  by  the  XKWD  with  the  tiles  of  the  Polish  officers 
and  whilst  speaking  with  me  he  declared  that  he  was  not  at  all  acquainted  with 
the  matter,  that  it  was  not  his  branch  but — at  the  aim  of  obliging  General  Anders 
he  would  try  to  give  me  some  explanations.  He  promised  to  receive  me  the  next 
day  in  order  to  settle  the  matter.  Ten  days  passed  on.  I  was  waked  at  1 
o'clock  of  the  night  and  General  Kajchman  told  me  by  phone  that  he  was  very 
sorry  not  to  be  able  to  receive  me  as  he  was  bound  t(j  leave  the  town  on  the  next 
day  and  all  the  materials  in  this  business  have  been  sent  to  Comrade  Wyszynski 
to  Kujbyshev  from  whom  I  could  get  all  the  details  I  wanted.  1  answered  to 
General  Rajchmau  that  I  would  get  no  news  from  Wyszynski  as  1  was  aware 
of  the  fact  that  Ambassador  Kot  had  interfered  eight  times  by  the  latter  and 
had  got  no  information  whatever.  After  this  conversation  with  Rajchman 
we  had  absolutely  no  other  news.  Our  further  researches  were  simply  gestures 
of  despair.  Ambassador  Kot  and  our  conversations  with  different  people  and 
among  others  with  .some  personalities  of  the  NKWI>  to  whom  we  addressed  our- 
selves inquiring  about  the  fate  of  the  missing  officers  stating  that  they  were  onr 
friends,  or  relations  gave  no  I'esult  whatever.  Piivately  we  were  told — keep 
quiet  now.  July  and  August  will  come  and  they  will  make  their  apiiearance. 
It  kept  alive  our  hopes  that  they  were  sojourning  somewhere  on  islands  of  the 
Far  North.  I  want  to  state  here  that  we  had  two  informations  which  cau.sed 
our  anxiety.  Still  before  the  outbreak  of  the  Soviet-German  war  Merkalov 
had  had  a  conversation  with  a  group  of  senior  Polish  Officers,  to  whom  he  pro- 
posed the  organisation  of  a  Polish  Army  in  Russia.  One  of  tlie  Polish  Officers 
asked  Beria  wliether  all  the  Polish  Officers  would  be  able  to  enter  tliis  army. 
Reria  declared  to  this  that  of  course  yes  aiid  that  no  political  differences  would 
j»lay  a  part  in  it.  The  Polish  Officer  said  then  that  in  that  case  everything 
was  in  order  as  we  would  have  splendid  cadi-es  with  the  enlistment  of  the  officers 
from  Starobielsk,  Kozielsk,  and  Ostaszkowo.  To  this  Merkalov  observed  :  "Oh. 
those  no,  we  have  made  a  great  blunder  with  them"  (my  z  niemi  zdielali  bolshaju 

The  second  information  is  the  report  of  a  woman  who  in  June  l!)4(t  had  been 
deported  to  Komi  (URSS)  when  sitting  on  the  deck  of  the  barge  hauled  by  a 
ship  she  burst  into  tears.  A  young  man  from  the  barge  staff'  asked  her  the 
i-eason  of  her  t(>ars.  She  replied  that  she  was  crying  over  her  fate  and  the  fate 
of  her  husband,  a  captain  of  whom  she  had  no  news  at  all.  To  this  the  marine 
said  that  she  would  never  see  her  husitand  any  more  as  just  in  that  six)t  7 
thousand  Polish  officers  transported  on  two  large  barges  had  been  drowned.  At 
a  certain  moment  the  hauling  ships  detached  the  barges,  which  were  pierced,  the 
Soviet  staff  jiassed  on  bo;ird  of  the  ships,  and  the  barges  were  sunk.  To  the 
(lueslion  of  the  Polish  woman  whether  anybody  had  l»een  saved  she  was  answered 
that  nobody  at  all.  An  elderly  man  also  from  the  staff  of  the  barge  confirmed 
the  narrative  of  his  younger  comrade  and  he  cried  together  with  the  woman. 

This  had  been  during  all  these  years  a  bleeding  wound  for  us.  If  the  Germans 
liave  now  given  publicity  to  this  matter  T  want  to  underline  that  they  are  the 
last  nation  who  has  the  right  of  talking  about  the  matter  using  it  foi-  propa- 
ganda aims.  The  Germans  have  slaughtered  thousands  and  thousands  of  the 
Polish  Intelligentzia,  they  have  imprisoned  Jews  in  ghettos  where  they  system- 
atically murder  them— they  have  no  right  to  use  the  above  facts  to  their  own 
advaiil.'ige  and  pretend  to  be  affected  by  them. 

P.ul  the  Polish  .Nation  has  shown  the  maximum  of  cold  blood  when  during  two 
ye.Ms  it  observed  silence  and  did  not  speak  of  the  matter  outsid<>.  We  were  doing 
this  in  the  name  of  the  allied  interests,  in  the  name  of  solidarity  and  of  th«^ 


common  struggle  against  Germany.  But  once  these  facts  have  been  given  world 
publicity  I  should  like  that  the  press  would  he  informed  not  of  legends,  but  of 
tigures.  of  people  who  were  in  those  camps,  of  facts  based  on  datas  collected  by 
their  comrades  of  misery  and  who  even  had  been  in  the  administration  of  said 

I  believe  that  the  discovery  of  the  graves  by  Smolensk,  the  identification  of 
the  remains  of  Generals  Smorawinski  and  Bohaterowicz,  of  Engineer  Eiger  and 
of  a  number  of  others  is  but  a  fragment  of  this  tragedy. 

Whether  the  15  thousand  officers  and  soldiers  have  been  murdered  really— 
1  cannot  answer  to  it  now. 

The  fact  is,  that  the  flower  of  the  Polish  Intelligentzia,  of  young  people,  of 
scientists,  were  sojourning  in  these  camps.  And  since  two  years  we  not  only 
get  no  news  about  them  but  even  not  once  their  appeal  for  help  has  reached  us. 

The  figure  of  lil.OOO  includes  only  three  camps.  According  to  the  "Red  Star" 
from  October  1940  over  180,000  people  were  imprisoned.  We  do  not  know  how 
many  are  there  the  graves  by  Smolensk.  The  version  of  the  drowning  of  oflicers 
and  soldiers  in  the  White  Sea  does  not  contest  in  the  least  the  news  of  the 
slaughter  by  Smolensk,  it  only  confirms  that  decision  to  liquidate  the  most 
resistant  element  the  most  difiicult  to  subordinate.  The  decision  was  taken  in  a 
period  when  the  Soviet  similarly  to  Germany  were  certain  that  Poland  would 
never  rise  again.  The  decision  of  murder  had  been  taken  in  cold  reflection,  by 
the  desk  and  is  not  the  i-esult  of  a  revolutionary  movement  of  indignation  of 
the  masses  as  it  had  been  in  Russia  in  1917. 

Appendix  II 

Report  by  Captain  Czapskt  of  supposed  statement  made  by  Beria  of  the 
N.  K.  W.  D.  concerning  the  fate  of  the  officers  in  the  "Katin  Affair." 


The  informations  possessed  up  to  now  about  the  fate  of  Polish  Oflicers  from 
the  War  Prisoners'  Camps  at  Kozielsk,  Starobielsk,  and  Ostaszkowo ;  are  very 
scarce  and  fragmentary,  they  are  based  on  the  narratives  heard  from  Russian 

Said  informations  can  be  divided  into  several  groups — fragments.  To  those 
most  positive,  on  account  of  the  circumstances  in  which  it  was  given  and  the 
source  from  which  it  came,  belongs  the  enunciation  of  the  National  Commissary 
for  Home  Affairs  ( N.  K.  W^  I). )  Beria,  expressed  in  October  1940  at  the 
Lubianka  prison  in  Moscow  in  the  presence  of  the  following  Polish  Officers : 
Colonel  Eu.'Jtachy  Gorczynski,  ex  Lt.  Col.  Leon  Bukojemski  and  ex  Lt.  Col. 
Zygmunt  Berling. 

According  to  the  written  declarations,  in  our  possession,  of  Col.  Gorczynski 
and  ex  Lt.  Col.  Buko.temski — Beria,  when  asked  about  the  fate  of  the  Polish 
Officers  prisoners  of  war  expressed  himself  as  follows :  "My  zdielali  balshuiu 
Oshibku" — we  made  a  great  blunder.  This  opinion  Beria's  had  been  corrobo- 
rated by  the  National  Commissary  of  Public  Security  (Gosudarstwiennoj  Biezo- 
pasnost)  Merkulow.  Out  of  Beria's  further  words  stating  that  the  above  offi- 
cers "were  no  more  there"  ^  it  resulted  that  something  had  happened  with  the 
Officers  interned  in  Kozielsk,  Ostaszkowo,  and  Starobielsk — even  before  October 

Further  informations  confirm  the  initial  supposition  based  on  the  words  of 
Beria  and  Merkulow — viz,  that  something  tragical  must  have  happened  with  the 
Polish  Officers. 

In  September  1941  on  the  arrival  to  the  Polish  Army  of  a  group  of  Polish 
internees  fx'om  the  Kola  peninsula,  who  had  been  handed  down  to  the  Russians 
by  Lithuanians  and  Letts  and  had  been  initially  placed  by  the  Soviet  authorities 
to  the  camp  of  Juchnowo  (Smolensk  District),  pertinacious  rumours  were  cir- 
culating among  that  soldiers,  rumours  concerning  a  tragedy  happened  with 
Polish  prisoners  of  war  on  the  northern  waters.  At  that  time  none  of  the 
soldiers  ever  supposed  that  the  missing  officers  would  not  reapiiear  in  the 
ranks  of  the  Polish  Army. 

Said  rumours  could  not  be  put  into  the  shape  of  documentary  statements,  the 
informations  being  of  too  general  a  character  and  the  access  to  their  source 
being  rendered  impossible  to  the  parties  concerned.  Besides,  no  special  im- 
portance was  attriltuted  to  those  rumours   (it  was  immediately  after  the  pro- 

^  Declaration  of  Col.  Gorczynski. 


nmluation  of  the  so-called  "amnesty"),  reckoning  that  at  any  moment  the 
expected  thousands  of  officers  would  arrive  from  the  camps.  Still  none  of 
the  officers  from  Starobielsk.  from  Ostaszkowo,  nor  from  Kozielsk  had  ever 
appeared.  This  moment  of  expectation  based  on  the  faith  in  the  good  will 
of  the  respective  U.  K.  S.  S.  factors  had  been  the  cause  of  the  forfeiture  of  many 
informations  which  eventually  could  have  been  obtained  at  the  time  by  means 
of  researches. 

Information  obtained  later  on  follow  two  clues  : 

(1)  The  declarations  in  our  possession  of :  G ■  K •  and  of  the  n.  c.  o. 

W Antoul  seems  to  hint  at  the  possibility  of  there  l)eing  a  grain  of  truth  in 

the  rumours  that  were  circulating  among  the  Polish  prisoners  of  war  from  the 
Kola  peninsula. 

The  n.  c.  o.  W transferred  in  June,  ev.  in  July  1940  to  a  camp  in  the 

town  of  Griszowiec,  when  inquiring  on  the  fate  of  his  comrades  from  Ostaszkow 
where  he  had  been  previously  detained,  heard  personally  from  the  sentry  that 
the  prisoners  of  the  Ostaszkow'o  camp  had  been  drowned.      According  to  the 

declaration  of  the  n.  c.  o.  W some  of  the  sentries  gave  to  other  Polish  soldiers 

the  same  informations  about  the  drowning  of  the  Polish  Prisoners  of  War. 

K G ,  whilst  travelling  through  the  White  Sea  in  a  barge  in  June  1941, 

burst  into  tears  thinking  of  her  fate  and  of  the  fate  of  her  missing  husband, 
and  was  asked  by  one  of  the  soldiers  escorting  the  transport  about  the  reason 
of  her  tears.  On  explaining  the  cause  of  her  grief  she  heard  from  her  inter- 
locutor that  the  Polish  Officers  are  no  more  there,  with  a  jeering  explanation 
that  they  had  been  drowned  exactly  there  in  the  White  Sea. 

The  soldier  explained  further  that  he  was  escorting  the  transport  of  about 
7,000  Polish  officers  and  policemen  placed  in  two  barges,  which  had  been  de- 
tached from  the  hauling  ship  and  wei-e  sunk.    An  old  Russian,  belonging  to  the 

stafE  of  the  barge,  who  had  listened  to  the  conversation  between  and 

the  soldier,  after  the  latter  had  withdrawn,  confirmed  the  truth  of  this  news, 
he  expressed  to  the  woman  his  sympathy  and  burst  himself  into  tears  relating 
that  he  had  been  witness  to  the  scene  of  drowning  of  the  l*olish  Officers  and  police- 
men. The  barges  carrying  the  prisoners  of  war  had  been  punched  through  whilst 
the  staff  pas.sed.  on  board  of  the  hauling  ship  and  so  all  the  prisoners  were 

During  her  sojourn  in  the  Starobielsk  prison  G had  seen  in  December 

1940  in  the  prison  vapour-bath  a  note  written  on  the  wall  by  her  husband  and 
signed  by  him  in  which  he  was  stating  that  he  was  in  the  Starobielsk  prison  and 
was  starling  for  an  "Unkown  Land". 

(2)  Deposition  of  K B . — This  deposition  is  very  characteristic  in  con- 
nection with  the  news  of  the  discovery  of  the  remains  of  Polish  Officers  made  by 
the  Germans  at  Katyn,  near  Smolensk. 

15 since  November  1940  was  being  detained  in  a  camp  of  compulsory  labour 

the  so-called  "Kargopolskije  Lagiera" — Arkhangelsk  district.  From  a  superior 
n.c.o.  (1st  Sergeant)  who  was  sojourning  in  the  <'anip  as  condemned  for  specula- 
tion, and  was  named  Iwanow  of  Ukrainian  origin,  B heard  personally  that 

the  said  Iwanow  had  himself  taken  part  in  the  execution  of  several  thousand 
Polish  Officers  ("wyzszyj  komandujuszczyj  sostaw")  which  took  place  near 
Smolensk.  One  liad  fii-ed  from  tanks  at  the  group  of  Polish  Officers  and  all  were 
then  buried  in  a  connnon  grave. 

The  latest  information  in  our  possession  up  to  now  comes  from  tlie  wife  of  a 

Captain  of  the  Polish  Army — W P and  concerns  the  slaughter  of  a 

certain  number  of  Polish  Officers  in  the  Starobielsk  Camp. 

On  March  litith  1942  P ,  whilst  travelling  by  train  from  Djalal  Abad  to 

Krasnowodsk,  made  the  acquaintance  of  a  Russian  aged  about  70.  who  in  the 
night  when  they  were  alont;  in  the  passage,  confided  to  her  that  he  was  from 
Starobiolsk  and  stated  that  in  Starobielsk  in  May-June  1940  a  mass  execution  of 
Polish  Officers  had  taken  place.  He  got  this  information  from  his  daughter  who 
at  that  time  was  working  in  the  office  of  the  Camp  Authorities  N.K.W.D.  at,  and  he  himself  had  seen  with  his  own  eyes  the  remains  of  a  I'olish 
Officer  Cf)l.  Kwiecinski  lying  on  the  barbed  wire.  The  daughter  of  the  old  man 
was  collecting  particulars  connected  with  the  execution  and  deportation  of  Polish 
Officers  and  passed  some  of  tlies(>  details  to  her  father.     'I'he  Russian  renuMubered 

several  names  of  the  executed  and  handed  them  over  to .     The  names  are 

reading  as  follows : 














FRANKOWSKI,  Eugeniusz,  son  of  Adolph 













MAJEWSKI,  Bronislaw,  son  of  Stanislaw 


CZERNIGW,  Aleksander 




TFRCZYXSKI,  Bronislaw 


MALANOWSKI                                       * 







Appendix  III 

"Summary  of  Facts"  was  prepared  by  Captain  Mlyxarski  and  Captain 
CzAPSKi  of  the  Polish  Army,  two  of  some  80  officers  released  by  the  Russians 
from  Starobielslv  prison  camp.    Both  officers  are  known  to  me  personally. 


Summary  of  Facts 
By  a  Polish  Officer,  ex-prisoner  of  war  in  U.  S.  S.  R. 


On  Sept.  17tli.  li>39.  the  Soviet  troops  crossed  the  Polish-Soviet  border 
on  its  whole  length.  Orders  were  given  in  all  Polish  units  not  to  fire  a  sliot  and 
to  display  no  resistance,  inasmuch  as  the  Red  Army  enters  Poland  with  the  only 
aim  to  fight  against  the  Germans  together  with  the  Polish  People.  It  happened 
otherwise.  The  Soviet  troops  started  immediately  to  capture  and  disarm  the 
Polish  soldiers  and  drive  tliem  hurriedly  across  the  Soviet  frontier.  Enormous 
streams  of  officers  and  men  were  forced  to  march  scores  of  miles  to  I'each  distant 
railway  junctions  in  U.  S.  S.  R.,  from  where  they  were  dispersed  in  smaller 
batches  eastwards  and  northwards. 

p.   O.    W.   CAMPS 

During  the  early  period  all  officers  and  men  were  gathered  together  in  several 
transit  camps,  but  later  the  majority  of  officers  as  well  as  a  considerable  number 
of  NCO's  were  excluded  out  of  the  total  lot  and  concentrated  in  three  camps, 
namely : 

Starohielsk.  near  Voroshilovgrad,  Donbass  district ; 

Kozielsk,  near  Smolensk ; 

Ostaszkov,  near  Kalinin. 
These  were  called  Polish  prisoner-of-war  camps. 


The  bulk  of  the  Polish  Army  captured  in  September  1939,  amounting  to  200,- 
000  men  were  not  considered  as  POW's,  but  treated  as  ordinary  criminals — 
"enemy  of  the  people,"  thus  confined  to  compulsory  labor  camps,  penal  servitude 
and  alike,  scattered  over  the  vast  Soviet  Land — from  the  Archangel  area  up  to 
the  Alaska  border. 




The  only  POW  camps  were  the  three  mentioned  above.  That  was  in  October 
198!>  and  lasted  until  April  5th,  1940.  The  strength  of  these  camps  on  that  crucial 
date  was  approximately : 





2d  lieu- 






}    - 





f  3,800 

1  4,  .500 












15, 490 

Less  the  survivors  at  camp 
Griazovietz  explained  be- 


Total  "missing" 



6,020  1     15,130 

The  names  of  the  12  Generals  missing :  Stanislaw  Haller,  Skierski.  Lukowski, 
SiKORSKI  Fr.,  BiLLEWICZ,  PlISOWSKI,  KOWALEWSKI,  Skoratowicz,  Smorawinski, 
MiNKiEWicz,  Bohatyrewicz,  and  Czeknicki,  Rear-Admiral. 

On  April  5,  1940,  the  Soviet  Commandants  of  the  3  camps  resi>ectively  an- 
nounced the  winding  up  of  the  camps.  It  was  explained  that  all  POW's  will 
be  dispatched  daily  in  groups  of  100-200  men  and  sent  "home."  The  meaning 
of  this  word  was  unintelligible  and  spiteful.  Those  being  sent  to  German- 
occupied  territory  would  be  obviously  preys  of  the  enemy,  those,  however,  sent 
to  Poland  occupied  by  the  Red  Army,  once  "'free"  w'ould  tind  themselves  facing 
a  similar  danger.  Father  and  son  in  few  cases  were  separated  to  leave  on 
different  days,  same  occurred  to  many  brothers,  close  akin  and  friends.  Our 
entreaties  were  replied:  "Lists  once  formed  cannot  be  changed,  but  don't  worry, 
you  will  all  meet  soon."  Still,  the  overwhelming  desire  to  leave  these  grim 
camps  was  so  great,  that  all  parties  being  deported  each  day  to  an  unknown 
destination  were  heartily  and  almost  merrily  bade  farewell  by  those  who  yet 
vemained.  This  process  began  on  April  5.  1940,  precisely  timed  in  all  3  camps, 
and  continued  until  May  12th.  1940,  when  the  last  small  group  of  officers  was 
deported.  By  sheer  coincidence  this  date  has  been  witnessed  and  confirmed 
by  a  few  who  have  survived. 

special  group 

Each  morning  a  list  was  read  by  the  local  guard  of  tiiose  POW's  expected  to 
leave  that  same  day.  On  April  25th  and  later  on  May  12tli,  a  list  was  emphat- 
ically read  and  announced  as  a  A-prc;V;/  (/roii/),  comprising  totally  300  officers 
and  men.  This  was  performed  simultaneously  in  all  ;'.  camps,  the  fact  being 
ch«H'ked  by  us  later.  This  group  was  sent  primarily  to  a  camp  at  "Paviliszcxev 
Bor"  near  .luchnov,  Smolensk  Oblast,  and  a  month  later  to  the  camp  ''Griazo- 
vietz." 25  nules  South  of  Vologda.  After  a  siJell  of  15  months  these  officers  and 
men  were  finally  released,  as  a  result  of  the  Polish-Soviet  agreement  of  July 
30,  1941,  and  actually  left  the  camp  on  Sept.  2.  1941,  to  join  the  Polish  Army 
th«'n  being  formed  in  USSR.  While  at  Griazovietz  we  were  often  told  by  the 
guards  :  '•Reinemiier — you  are  here  on  six'cial  conditions,"  "We  are  taking  special 
••are  of  you  iiere"  and  so  on.  which  was  more  or  less  true.  We  were  treated 
fairly  well. 

So(»n  afterwards  it  be<ame  known  to  everyone  of  us  "survivors"  that  Griazo- 
vietz iras  the  oiilii  I'oHhU  I'OW  rawi)  in  USSR  sivce  the  disband  in  April  WJfO  of 
the  .i  larj/v  anniix  nnntioHcd  above. 



Siuce  the  forming  of  tho  Polish  Forces  in  USSR  most  zealous  and  detailed 
investigations  have  been  carried  personally  by  the  Allied  and  Polish  highest 
-authorities  in  order  to  find  and  rescue  the  missing  officers  and  NCO"s,  but  alas 
all  efforts  have  proved  to  be  completely  fruitless.  Not  a  single,  man  out  of  the 
missing  mass  had  neither  reported  nor  given  any  sign  of  life.  During  the 
organization  period  of  the  I'olish  Army  in  USSR  numerous  reports  received 
from  third  parties,  now  compiled  at  Polish  GHQ  in  the  East,  have  given  ample 
evidence,  that  small  and  large  batches  of  l^olish  officers  were  seen  or  heard 
of  in  various  northern  districts  including  the  Arctic  Islands.  All  reports  are 
in  concert  as  to  the  time:  May,  June.  July  1040 — -which  coincides  with  initial 
date  of  the  deporting  from  the  3  <'amps.  Several  reports  tell  us  of  an  appalling 
story  when  2  or  3  barges  filled  with  2  or  3.(X)0  men  were  deliberately  abandoned 
by  the  crew  and  suidv  in  the  ^V'hite  Sea.  It  must  be  added,  that  besides  the 
soldiers,  who  have  perished  in  labor  camps,  and  alike,  and  others  being  still 
in  USSR  though  alive  but  unalile  to  Join  (he  Polish  Forces.  This  terrific  disaster 
might  be  easily  proved  i)y  merely  comparing  the  total  number  of  I'olish  soldiers 
captured  in  Se])tembei'  11>39  and  the  number  eidisted  anew  into  the  Polish 
Porces  now  in  the  East. 


Appendix  IV 

Excerpts  of  conversations  between  Slkorski,  Anders,  Stalin,  and  Molotov. 


■Conversation  of  the  Polish  Primk  Minister  Gen.  Sikokski  with  the  President 
OF  THE  Council  of  the  1'eople  Co.m.missaries  of  the  URSS  Stalin,  Which 
Took  Place  at  the  Kre.mlin  on  the  3.XX.in41 

Present :  The  Ambassador  of  the  Polish  Reiiublic  Prof.  Kot,  the  People  Com- 
missary for  Foreign  Atfaii's  Molotov,  the  Commander  i.  c.  of  the  Polish  Armed 
Forces  in  the  URSS  General  Anders  (he  also  served  as  interi^reter),  and  Molo- 
tov's  Secretary. 

extracts  concerning  the  qt'estion  of  the  missing  officer,s 

General  Sikorski.  P>ut  I  return  to  our  business.  I  liei'e  state  in  your  presence, 
Mr.  President,  that  your  declaration  of  amnestj'  is  not  being  executed.  Many 
and  the  most  valuable  of  our  people  I'emain  still  in  the  Labour  camps  and  in 

Stalin  (making  a  note).  This  is  not  possible  as  the  amnesty  concerned  all 
.and  so  all  the  Poles  are  released  [he  addresses  these  last  words  to  Molotov^ — ■ 
Molotov  assents  to  thenil. 

General  Anders  (quotes  ])articulars  at  the  request  of  General  Sikorski).  This 
is  not  in  accordance  with  the  real  state  of  things,  as  we  have  quite  precise  data 
out  of  wliich  it  results  that  in  the  camps  those  released  first  were  the  Jews, 
then  the  Ukrainians,  and  lastly  the  Polish  working  elements  chosen  among  those 
physically  weid^er.  The  stronger  ones  were  kept  back  and  only  a  small  part  of 
them  were  set  free.  I  have  in  the  Army  men,  who  have  been  released  from  such 
■camps  only  a  few  weeks  ago  and  who  state  that  in  the  single  camps  remained 
still  hundreds  and  even  thousands  of  our  countrymen.  The  orders  of  the  (Jov- 
■ernment  are  not  being  executed  there,  as  the  commanders  of  the  single  camps  hav- 
ing the  obligation  of  executing  the  production  plan  do  not  want  to  get  rid  of 
the  best  working  material,  without  the  contribution  of  which  the  execution  of 
the  plan  could  be  sometimes  impossible. 

Molotov  ( smiles  and  makes  a  nod  of  assenting) . 

General  Anders.  Those  people  do  not  understand  at  all  the  great  importance 
of  our  common  cause,  which  in  this  way  is  being  greatly  prejudiced. 

Stalin.  Those  people  should  be  prosecuted. 

General  Anders.  Yes ;  so  they  should. 

General  Sikorski.  It  does  not  belong  to  us  to  present  to  the  Soviet  Govern- 
ment the  detailed  li.sts  of  our  men,  but  the  commanders  of  the  camps  are  in  posses- 
sion of  such  full  lists.  I  have  here  with  me  a  list  with  the  names  of  about  4,000 
officers  who  had  been  deported  by  force  and  who  at  present  are  still  in  prisons 
and  in  labour  camps  and  even  this  list  is  not  complete  as  it  contains  only  the 


names  which  could  be  compiled  by  us  out  of  memory.  I  ^ave  orders  to  verify 
whether  said  officers  were  not  in  Poland  as  we  are  in  i)ermanent  contact  with 
our  country.  It  has  been  proved  that  no  one  of  them  was  there;  neither  have 
they  been  traced  in  the  camps  of  our  prisoners  of  war  in  Germany.  These  men 
are' here.     Nobody  of  them  has  returned. 

Stalin.  It  is  not  possible ;  they  must  have  run  away. 

Andf;rs.  Where  to? 

Stalin.  Well,  to  Mauchouria. 

General  Anders.  This  is  impossible  that  they  could  have  run  away,  all  of  them, 
so  much  the  more  that  with  the  moment  of  their  deportation  from  the  prisoners' 
camps  to  the  labour  camps  and  to  the  prisons  every  correspondence  between  them 
and  their  families  had  stopped.  I  know  exactly  from  officers  who  ha've  returned 
even  from  Kolyma  that  a  yreat  number  of  our  officers  is  still  there,  each  of  them 
quoted  by  name.  I  also  know  that  there  were  transports  of  I'oles  prepared 
already  for  the  release  and  departure  and  that  in  the  last  moment  these  trans- 
IHirts  have  been  kept  back.  I  have  news  that  our  men  are  sojourning  even  in 
Newfoundland.  The  majority  of  the  officers  quoted  in  this  list  are  personally 
known  to  me.  Anions  these  men  are  my  staff  officers  and  commanders.  These 
people  perish  there  and  die  in  dreadful  conditions. 

Stalin.  They  certainly  have  been  released  <mly  did  not  arrive  until  now. 

(ieneral  Sikorski.  Russia  has  immense  territories  and  the  difficulties  are 
also  great.  May  be  that  the  local  authorities  have  not  executed  the  order. 
Those  who  arrive  after  having  been  released  state  that  the  others  vegetate  and 
work.  Had  anybody  succeeded  in  getting  out  of  the  Russian  borders  he  cer- 
tainly would  report  to  me. 

Stalin.  You  should  know  that  the  Soviet  Government  has  not  the  slightest 
motive  to  keep  back  even  one  single  I'ole;  I  have  even  released  Sosnkowski's 
agents  who  were  organising  attacks  on  us  and  murdering  our  people. 

General  Anders.  Still  declarations  continue  to  flow  in  concerning  jjeople 
perfectly  known  to  us,  quoting  the  names  of  their  prisons  and  the  numbers  of 
the  cells  where  they  are  confined.  I  kn(jw  the  names  of  a  great  number  of  camps 
where  an  enormous  mass  of  Poles  has  been  detained  and  is  compelled  to  work 
further  on.     *     *     « 

conversation    at   the    KREMLIN    ON    THE    18.III.194  2 

Present :  The  President  of  the  Council  of  the  People  Commissaries  of  the 
URSS  Stalin,  the  C.  in  C.  of  the  Polish  Armed  Forces  in  the  URSS  Gen.  Anders, 
Colonel  r»kulicki,  the  People  Comiuissai'y  fm-  the  Foreign  Affairs  Molotov,  a 


General  Anders.  Besides  many  of  our  men  are  still  in  prisons  and  in  labour 
camps.  Those  released  in  these  last  times  contiiuially  report  to  me.  Up  to  the 
prcsoit  tiwc  the  officers  (hported  from  Ko:ieJsl-,  ^^ta  nnd  Oxtaszkowo 
have  not  made  tlieir  appearance,  'lliei/  should  certdinlif  he  h>/  you.  We  have 
gathered  suppleiiieiitari/  partievlars  on  them  [he  ho)id.s  two  lists  that  are  taken 
l)if  Mototor\  irhdt  could  have  happened  ivith  them:'  We  have  traces  of  their 
fiojouni  on  the  Koli/ma. 

Stalin.  I  already  have  given  all  necessary  dispositions  foi-  their  release.  It 
has  been  said  that  they  even  are  on  Francis  Josepii  land,  and  there,  as  it  is 
known  well  tliere  are  no  such  people.  /  do  not  know  where  they  are.  Whif 
should  I  keep  them?  Mayhe  that  they  are  in  some  camps  o^i  territories  now 
occupied  hy  the  (lerman^,  they  dispersed  themselr^es. 

Colonel  Okulicki.  It  is  impossible,  we  would  be  aware  of  it. 

SiALiN.  We  have  kept  back  only  these  I'oles  who  are  spies  in  the  German 
service.  We  released  even  those  who  after  passed  to  the  Germans,  as  for 
Instance  Kozlowski.     *     *     * 

Appendix  V 

Kxhibits  A,  15,  C,  D,  and  E  containing  photostatic  copies  of  original,  type- 
wiilti'u  coi>ies  of  original  and  translation  of  original  depositions  made  by  parties 
liaving  knowledge  of  the  otiicer.s  in  tlic  tliree  prison  <:imi)s.  Particular  attention 
is  (iillcd  to  Exliibit  li. 



Minutes  of  Proceedings 

Recorded,  on  April  18,  1943,  iu  the  Office  of  the  Informatiou  Officer  O.  C.  XL,  by 

the  Senior  Cavalry  Sergeant ,  concerning  the  mass  execution  of  senior 

officers  of  the  Polish  Army  in  the  thereabouts  of  Smolensk. 

Has  presented  himself  on  sununous  [deleted]. 

In  case  of  all  depositions  witness  identified  himself  and  testified  as  follows: 

I  was  arrested  b.y  the  Soviet  autliorities  as  being  the  owner  of  an  estate,  during 
the  occupation  in  19."59/40  and  was  deported  on  November  2,  1940,  to  Kargo- 
polskie  Lagiery-Arkhangelsk  district  where  I  worked  at  the  felling  of  the  forest. 
In  the  above  mentioned  place  I  got  acquainted  among  other  people  with  an 
Ukrainian  Iwanow  originary  from  the  thereabouts  of  Kiev,  who  as  a  senior 
sergeant  '"starszina"'  had  been  placed  in  Lagiery  Kargopolskie  for  having  bought 
three  suits  of  clothing  in  Grodno  during  the  operations  of  the  Soviet  troops  on 
Polish  territories.  From  my  conversations  with  Iwanow  I  learned  that  he  had 
taken  part  in  the  mass  execution  of  several  thousand  of  Polish  senior  officers, 
which  took  place  in  the  thereabouts  of  Smolensk  in  1940  (I  do  not  remember  thp? 
date  nor  the  month  and  could  not  fix  them  even  approximately).  The  group  of 
the  Polish  Officers  was  shot  at  from  tanks,  Iwanow  was  serving  in  a  tank  unit. 
The  Officers  were  buried  in  one  grave  ("w  odnu  Kuczu  pochronili" ) .  The  Senior 
Sergeant  Iwanow  was  living  near  Poltava.  He  did  not  say  liow  numerous  was 
the  detachment  of  tanks  that  fired  on  the  Polish  Officers.  Neither  did  Iwanow 
state  wherefrom  the  Polish  Officers  had  been  brought  to  the  thereabouts  of  Smo- 
lensk, he  only  exprassed  himself  that  the  transport  that  had  been  dragged  from 
one  town  to  another  had  been  completely  destroyed  ("Otriad  kotoryj  byl  piere- 
ganianyj  z  odnego  miesta  w  drugoje — ostal  uniestozen"). 

The  above  fact  of  the  slaughter  of  several  thousand  of  Polish  Officers  near 

Smolensk  can  be  confirmed  by  of  the  7  Inf.  Div.,  who  was  with  me  in 

Kargopolskie  Lagiery  and  who  could  have  heard  my  conversation  with  

or  to  whom  I  related  the  fact.     has  a  better  memory  than  I  and  can 

explain  the  matter  in  a  more  minute  way.  I  cannot  state  exactly  whether  I 
have  quoted  correctly  the  name  of  Iwanow,  I  know  only  a  "tractor  man"  of 
Kruglica  as  a  professional  specialist,  and  nothing  more.  And  so  have  I  stated. 
I  engage  myself  to  keep  in  secret  the  circumstances  on  which  I  have  been 

Examined : 


Conformable  to  the  original: 

Chief  of  the  Outpost  No.  5. 

[Official  Seal  of  the  Mil.  Command  of  the  Polish  Army  in  the  East.] 

Minutes  of  Proceedings 
Recorded  on  the  26.1.1943  in  the  Office  of  the  Outpost  No.  5  by  the 

In  case  of  all  depositions  witness  identified  himself  and  testified  as  follows : 
Warned  of  the  responsibility  for  presenting  false  depositions  I  state  herewith : 
In  June  1941  I  was  going  under  ai'rest  to  the  Labour  Camps  in  Comi  ASRR. 
From  Arkhangelsk  our  transport  numbering  about  4,000  men  and  women  had 
been  loaded  on  a  barge.  The  barge  was  hauled  by  a  ship.  We  wei'e  driven 
through  the  White  Sea  to  the  estuary  of  the  Pieczara  river  during  the  sailing 
tlirough  the  White  Sea  when  I  was  sitting  on  the  deck  and  crying,  I  was  ap- 
proached by  a  young  Russian  soldier  from  the  barge  staff  and  asked  by  him 
about  the  reason  of  my  tears.  When  I  explained  to  him  that  I  was  crying  over 
my  fate,  that  my  husband,  a  reserve  Captain  had  also  been  deported,  the  man 
declared  to  me  that  our  officers  were  no  more  there.  To  my  question  where 
they  were  being  now  he  answered  with  a  jeer  that  all  of  them  they  had  been 
drowned  and  precisely  here  in  the  White  Sea.  During  further  conversation  on 
this  subject  I  learned  that  this  Russian  soldier  had  driven  previously  a  transport 
of  our  officers  and  policemen  in  two  barges,  the  group  amounted  to  about  7,000 
persons.  On  a  certain  spot  the  ship  hauling  the  barges  was  detached  from  them 
and  the  two  barges  were  purposely  sunk. 


An  older  Russian  also  of  the  Barge  slaff  was  listening  to  the  conversatiDn 
and  after  tiie  young  one  had  withdrawn — he  came  up  to  nie  and  affirmed  tliat  all 
this  was  trnef  This  old  man  was  showing  me  his  great  sympathy,  he  himself 
cried  and  related  to  have  heen  witness  to  the  drowning  of  our  Officers  and  of 
our  Police.  Before  the  sinking  of  the  hjirges  the  whole  Soviet  staff  passed  from 
the  harges  on  the  deck  of  the  ship  hut  previously  they  had  punched  the  barges  s<> 
that  the  water  might  quickly  penetrate  inside.  When  I  asked  whether  nolxidy 
had  saved  himself  I  was  told  that  all  went  down  to  the  bottom. 

During  my  sojourn  in  the  Starobielsk  prison  I  saw  on  the  wall  of  the  vaixiur 
bathroom  the  handwriting  of  my  husband  who  put  liis  signature  and  left  a  note 
stating  that  he  was  in  the  Staroblelsk  prison  and  was  deinirting  for  ''an  unknown 
land."'  I  saw  this  note  in  December  1940.  There  was  quite  a  lot  of  such  notes 
and  signatures  on  the  wall — but  the  Soviet  authorities  destroyed  immediately 
those  inscriptions  painting  the  walls  with  lime.  There  were  there  also  other 
dates  and  other  informations  but  today  I  cannot  remember  them.  I  engage 
myself  to  keep  in  secret  the  circumstances  on  which  I  have  been  examined  today. 


Conformable  to  the  original. 

Chief  of  the  outpost  No.  .">. 

[Official  Seal  of  the  Pol.  Mil.  Command.] 


Recorded  on  the  1.VI.1942  in  the  Women's  Camp  at  Rehovot 

In  case  of  all  depositions  witness  identified  himself  and  testified  as  follows: 

On  the  26.111.  1942  going  by  train  from  Djalal  Abad  to  Krasnowodzk  I  made 
the  acquaintance  in  the  railway  carriage  of  a  Russian  of  about  70  of  age  who 
on  the  second  day  of  the  journey  during  his  conversation  with  me  confided  to 
me  that  he  was  an  adversary  of  the  Soviet  regime  but  that  he  could  not  betray 
his  opinions  on  account  of  the  terror  of  the  N.  K.  W.  D.  This  man  had  con- 
fidence in  me  as  I  was  in  the  Uniform  of  the  Polish  Women  Service  and  that 
talking  with  him  T  had  mentioned  that  I  was  travelling  for  service  matters.  Be- 
sides he  expressed  himself  with  great  feeling  of  the  Polish  Army  who  was  being 
organised  then.  During  our  talk  he  said  that  he  was  originally  from  Staro- 
bielsk  where  there  was  a  big  camp  of  Polish  officers.  He  stated  that  the  White 
Guards  were  expecting  a  revolution  with  the  outbreak  of  the  Soviet-German  war 
and  that  in  such  an  eventuality  the  Polish  Officers  would  have  been  tlieir 
leaders.  He  also  said  that  the  ancient  Russian  "Inteligenzia"  owing  to  the  in- 
fluence of  a  certain  woman  had  organised  an  assistance  to  our  officers,  but 
this  help  lasted  but  briefly,  only  until  the  time  of  the  deportation  of  said  officers 
from  Staroblielsk  or  eventually  until  the  time  of  their  mass  executions.  With 
tears  in  his  eyes  he  related  to  me  about  the  executions  of  our  oflicers.  about 
the  symi)athy  of  the  local  population  and  of  the  common  graves  of  our  officers 
in  Starobielsk.  Owing  to  the  circumstance  that  his  daughter  was  working  as 
typist  or  secretary  in  the  office  of  the  N.  K.  W.  D.  in  the  camj)  of  our  oflicers 
at  Starobielsk,  she  was  collecting  all  the  particulars  concerning  the  executions 
and  the  deportation  of  our  officers  which  i)articulars  she  passed  over  to  her 
father  and  he  Imd  concealed  the  documents  in  question  in  his  house. 

Out  of  the  documents  received  from  his  daughter  he  had  remembered  several 
names  of  the  officers  executed  by  the  Bolshevik  authorities,  hecpioted  them  to  me 
requesting  me  to  write  them  down  and  present  the  list  to  the  respective  Polish 
authorities.  Tiie  names  of  the  Polish  oflicers  which  T  have  written  down  on  a 
slip  of  i)aper  are  :  (1)  Col.  Kwiecinski — my  Russian  informator  had  seen  his  body 
lying  on  the  barbed  wires,  (2)  Kulakowski,  (3)  ,Jauczurowic/.-(^zaplic,  (4) 
Szymanski,  (5)  Sniezynski,  (6)  FrankoAvski,  Eugeniusz,  son  of  Adolpii,  (7)  Col. 
Molodinowski,  (S)  T.,ucinski,  (9)  Myszakowski,  (10)  Tiisowski  or  Lesowski,  (11) 
Pietkiewicz,  (12)  IMajewski,  Brouislaw,  son  of  Stanislaw,  (i;{)  Czerniow,  Alek- 
snnder,  son  of  Wasil,  (14)  Wietlec,  (!.''»)  Turczynski,  Brouislaw,  (10)  IMalanowski, 
(17)  Dabrowski,  (18)  Kamieniecki.  (19)  Domanski,  (20)  Stankiewicz. 

I  acclude  the  slip  of  paper  on  which  I  have  noted  these  names.  Said  informa- 
tions were  passed  to  me  by  that  man  in  the  passage  of  the  railway  carriage  in 


the  night  when  all  the  other  passeugei's  were  slee>ping — when  si>eaking  about  our 
officers  in  that  camp  he  cried.  I  felt  confidence  in  that  man  especially  as  the 
informations  he  gave  me  are  true.  The  man  declared  also  that  if  I  or  somebody 
sent  by  me  would  forward  a  messenger  to  him  he  would  deliver  all  the  particular.s 
concerning  the  execution  of  our  officers  as  well  as  the  place  of  their  deportation, 
we  then  agreed  that  in  order  to  make  him  identify  the  messenger  who  would  come 
to  fetch  the  documents  in  question,  said  messenger  should  mention  whilst  talking 
with  him  this  journey  and  the  fact  that  together  with  the  old  man  was  travelling; 
a  woman  in  the  uniform  of  a  Polish  soldier.  He  asked  me  naturally  to  do  it 
with  great  prudence  so  as  not  to  betray  him  before  the  Soviet  authorities.  The 
address  which  he  gave  me  reads  as  follows  :  [deleted]. 

I  state  that  I  did  not  make  any  use  of  these  informations  in  Krasnowodzk, 
as  the  ship  with  the  Polish  boys  ( Junaki)  was  ready  to  start,  I  wanted  to  hand  the 

paper  with  these  information  to  col. at  Pahlevi  but  he  told  me  he  had  no 

time  having  a  great  deal  of  work  to  do  and  he  instructed  me  to  do  it  on  my 
arrival  here.  The  journey  of  which  I  have  spoken  lasted  four  days  and  the 
Conversation  with  the  Russian  took  place  on  the  4th  day  of  travelling. 

I  enclosure  [slip  of  paper]. 

wife  of  Cpt.  on  a.  s. 
Examined : 

Conformable  to  the  original : 

[Official  seal  of  the  Polish  ^Military  Command  in  the  East.] 

MixuTKS  OF  Proceedings 

Rf'forded  on  February  11th.  194.';.  in   the  Office  of  the  Outpost  No.  5  of  the 
Evacuation  Base  Command  of  the  Polish  Army  in  the  East,  by  the 

In  case  of  all  depositions  witness  identified  himself  and  testified  as  follows : 
Warned  of  the  responsibility  of  giving  false  depositions  I  declare  herewith : 
Since  November  1!>39  till  the  12th  of  June  1940  I  had  been  staying  in  the 
camp  of  Prisoners  of  War  in  Ostaszkowo  (U.  R.  S.  S.).  In  said  camp  there  were 
about  6  thousand  prisoners,  chiefly  men  from  the  Polish  State  Police,  from  the 
Military  Police,  from  the  Frontier  Guards,  Prison  sentries  and  Custom  House 
functionaries,  from  almost  all  the  Polish  provinces.  Together  with  us,  privates, 
there  also  was  a  group  of  Polish  Officers  amounting  to  about  2  thousand.  On  the 
4th  of  April  the  Soviet  Authorities  started  to  remove  the  prisoners  from  the  camp 
in  parties  of  70  people.  Said  parties  were  led  away  through  the  bridge  into  the 
forest.  I  was  in  the  hospital  at  that  time  and  so  I  was  removed  with  a  party 
of  about  seventy  men  only  on  June  the  12th  and  conducted  to  the  forest 
(Pawliszczy  Bor).  It  was  almost  the  last  group  removed  from  Ostaszkowo. 
After  a  fortnight  we  were  taken  to  the  Camp  in  Grazowiec.  In  this  camp  we 
found  no  one  of  our  fellow  prisoners  from  Ostaszkowo.  We  were  inquiring  of 
the  sentries  about  what  had  happened  with  the  other  prisoners  from  Ostasz- 
kowo— the  sentries  were  answering  that  said  prisoners  were  now  in  other  camps 
at  work,  but  other  sentries  told  is  in  secret  that  we  never  would  see  our  fellow 
prisoners  from  Ostaszkowo  as  they  had  been  drowned.  I  myself  heard  this 
information  from  a  sentry.  I  state  here  tliat  among  the  Soviet  sentries  who 
gi;arded  us  there  were  people  friendly  disposed  towards  us  and  these  told  us 
that  the  Soviet  Authorities  had  drowned  our  fellow  prisoners  from  Ostaszkowo. 
I  engage  myself  to  keep  in  secret  the  circumstances  on  which  I  have  been 

Examined : 

Conformable  to  the  Original : 
[Official  Seal  of  the  Polish  Command] 

[Signature  illegible.] 



Mil.  Q.  May  6th  11>43 

*  *  *  When  I  mentioned  to  Commissary  BER.TA  the  great  number  of  our 
first-rate  line  officers  from  the  Starobielsk  and  Kozielsk  camps,  he  replied: 
Make  a  list  of  them,  but  many  of  them  are  not  there  any  more,  because  "we 
made  a  great  blunder." 

During  a  second  conversation  with  the  Commissary  Merkulow,  the  latter  re- 
attirmed  once  more  the  contents  of  the  conversation  of  Commissary  BERJA. 

Conformable  to  the  original.    Mil.  Q.  May  14,  1943. 


[Official  Seal  of  the  Pol.  Mil.  Comm.] 

from  the  declaration  of  the Leon  in  date  of  18.  III.  1943 

*  *  *  I  was  not  present  when  BERJA  had  made  his  statement  about  the 
missing  Polish  Officers,  I  know  it  from  the  narrative  of  Col.  Gorczynski  who 
was  then  pi-esent  with  Berling  and  Bukojemski.  According  to  what  CoL 
(JOKCzYNSKi  referred  to  me  at  the  time  BERJA  was  to  say  that  "they  had  made  a 
great  blunder"     *     *     * 

Mil.  H.  Q.  May  14,  1943. 

Conformable  to  the  original : 


[Official  seal  of  the  Pol.  Mil.  Command.] 


Application  for  Pardon. 

Jangi-Jul,  29.III.194. 

To  the  Commander  of  the  Polish  Armed  Forces  in  the  U.  R.  S.  S. : 


I  report  herewith  that  by  sentence  of  the  Court  Martial  No.  1.  dated  March' 
27th,  1942,  I  have  been  condemned  to  the  exclusion  from  the  Officers'  corps  andl 
to  an  arrest  of  one  year  and  one  month  for  the  transgression  *  *  *  In  Octo- 
ber 1940  whilst  being  submitted  to  an  interrogatory  by  the  National  Commissaries 
Beria  and  Mekkulow  in  the  URSS,  at  my  and  my  colleagues'  requests  concern- 
ing the  release  of  our  colleagues  from  Starobielsk  and  Kozielsk  both  Commia-( 
saries  replied  at  first  that  the  above  our  colleagues  had  been  sent  by  them  toi 
Germany  and  then  they  unanimously  declared  to  have  committed  a  great  blundefi 
in  connection  with  the  above-mentioned  officers.     (Bolshyie  oshybki)      *     *     * 

On  concluding  his  declaration asks  the  Commander  of  the  P.  A.  P.  toi 

grant  him  pardon  in  the  way  of  favour. 

Conformable  to  the  original: 

Mil.  Quarters  14  May  1943. 

[Official  seal  of  the  Polish  Mil.  Command.] 


from  the  record  of  the  interrogatory  of in  the  days  from  21-25.XII.1942| 

♦     •     ♦     When  one  came  to  speak  of  the  question  of  Officers  for  this  and  for 
other  divisions  and  when  one  mentioned  the  Officers  from  the  camps  of  Staro- 


bielsk,  Kozielsk  and  Ostaszkow,  Beeja  was  to  express  himself  in  the  follow- 
ing words:  "We  (thus  had  reported  Berling  and  Bukojemski)  made  a  blunder — - 
a  blunder  did  we  make.      (Zdielali  ashybku — ashybku  zdielali"     *     *     * 

Conformable  to  the  original : 

Mil.Q.  14  May  1943. 

[Official  Seal  of  the  Polish  Mil.  Com.] 

Appendix  VI 
Report  on  Polish  prisoners  of  war  in  Russia. 


Command  of  the  Polish  Army  in  the  East 

documentations  office 

The  Question  of  Polish  Soldiers  in  the  USSR 

I.  how  prisoners  were  captured 

The  insidious  and  thus  quite  unexpected  march  of  the  Red  Army  into  Poland 
has  ended  for  said  Army  with  a  "victory"  of  which  the  most  plausible  proof 
became  the  great  masses  of  the  "Polish  Prisoners  of  War."  These  expressions 
of  "Victory"  and  "Prisoners  of  War"  in  connection  with  the  events  which  were 
taking  place  on  the  Polish  eastern  territories  in  the  second  half  of  September 
1939  need  some  commentaries.  The  Red  Army  entered  Polish  dissimulating 
its  aims  and  intentions.  There  were  frequent  acts  of  courtesy  towards  Polish 
detachments  and  towards  single  soldiers  of  the  Polish  Army.  The  assistance 
given  to  Poles  in  their  struggle  against  Germany,  the  Polish  Soviet  alliance 
were  being  spoken  of  freely,  these  and  other  similar  as.sertions  caused  a  gen- 
eral disorientation.  It  is  true  that  these  words  and  gestures  were  at  the  same 
time  contradicted  by  cruel  action  towards  smaller  military  detachments,  and 
above  all,  towards  the  Frontier  Guards'  detacliment,  ruthlessly  and  bloodily 
liquidated,  towards  the  police,  the  representatives  of  local  administration  auth- 
orities, but  these  contrasts  so  much  the  more  intricated  the  whole  question  dis- 
orientating everybody. 

There  was  no  Polish-Soviet  war  in  the  sense  of  a  planned  campaign  in  Sep- 
tember 1939 ;  thei'e  were  some  local  frictions  and  encounters  the  result  thereof  be- 
ing a  .success  for  one  of  tlie  fighting  parties,  but  not  deserving  anyhow  the  defini- 
tion of  "victory."  The  number  of  prisoners  captured  in  the  fighting  by  one  party 
and  the  other  was  minimal.  Thus  the  Soviet  "Victory"  was  very  singular  indeed 
as  it  altered  the  signification  of  the  ideas  accepted  up  to  then.  In  general  a  \ic- 
tory  over  the  enemy  results  in  taking  great  quantities  of  prisoners,  in  this  strange 
Polish-Soviet  war  in  1939  first  had  appeared  "the  prisoners  of  war"  and  then  only 
"the  victory."  As  to  the  places  where  the  greatest  numbers  of  the  Polish  Prison- 
ers of  war  were  being  captured,  they  were  not  at  all  connected  with  battlefields 
where  grim  fighting  had  taken  place  but  almost  exclusively  with  larger  towns 
and  railway  junctions  .-stations.  Lwow,  Tarnopol,  Kowel,  Rowne,  Baranowicze — 
those  were  the  main  sources  of  capturing  the  Polish  prisoners  by  the  Soviet 

There  were  in  the  above  places  no  combats  with  Red  Army  liut  instead  there 
were  large  "stoppage"  points  created  by  the  retreating  Polish  troops  fighting 
against  the  Germans.  In  general  the  coining  in  touch  with  the  Bolslieviks  caused 
on  the  part  of  tlie  invaders  the  utterance  of  assurances  of  their  quite  pacific 
intentions  and  of  proposals  to  the  Polish  troops  to  depose  their  arms  whilst  full 
personal  liberty  and  freedom  of  moving  would  be  warranted  to  every  soldier. 
The  situation  was  rapidly  altering  after  the  given  detachment  had  deposed  their 
arms.  The  Bolsheviks  then  led  apait  all  the  otticers  putting  t.em  into  improvised 
prisons  and  they  let  tlie  privates  free  only  to  start  bunting  for  them,  killing  them 
and  shutting  them  in  pi'isons  or  in  camps.  In  Lwow,  the  I'ole.s  having  in  front 
of  them  overwhelming  forces  of  the  united  Soviet  and  German  armies  were 
confronting  the  problem  which  of  the  armies  were  they  to  let  into  tlie  town 
Germans  or  Bolshevilvs.  They  chose  tlie  Bolsheviks  and  started  negotiating 
with  them. 

93744 — .52 — pt.  .". 16 


The  Red  General  who  was  piesidinj?  the  negotiations  in  the  name  of  Thuo- 
shenko  warranted  out  of  his  own  initiative— peisonal  safety,  i)reservatiou  of 
private  property,  freedom  of  movin.Li  and  the  leaving  of  the  city  authorities  on 
their  posts.  To  the  explicit  (|uesti(iu  of  (ieneral  Lanuer  as  to  whether  our 
soldiers  would  he  aUowed  to  cross  the  frontier  and  go  t(j  Koumania  and  Hungary 
the  entire  Soviet  Dehvi:ation  declared  in  tlie  attirniative.  How  firmly  the  as- 
surances of  the  Soviet  General  were  helieved  is  proved  hy  the  fact  that  General 
Langer  spol<e  of  the  question  of  feeding  our  soldieis  during  their  travel  home 
or  abroad  and  stated  that  he  would  give  them  provisions  for  two  days.  The 
Bolsheviks  accepted  this  with  great  satisfaction  assuring  they  would  arrange 
for  the  rest  of  the  time.  This  agreement  tliough  luul  lieen  entirely  cancelled 
by  the  Bolsheviks  with  the  moment  they  got  convinced  of  the  loyal  executing  by 
the  Poles  of  their  engagements  concerning  their  disarmament. 

The  "capture"  of  "prisoners  of  war'  in  such  conditions  became  thus  an  easy 
thing.  The  Bolsheviks  put  empty  trains  on  the  railway  stations  and  were  spread- 
ing rumours  about  these  trains  going  for  instance  to  Wilno.* There  were  always 
plenty  of  people  willing  to  travel  and  thus  the  train  ovei'crowded  to  the  limits  of 
possibility  went  straight  on  to  the  town  of  "Wilno"'  which  proved  to  Ije  in  result 
Szepetowka,  Ostaszkowo,  Wologda  or  some  other  locality  in  the  UKSS. 

Thus  were  gathered  the  hundreds  and  hundreds  of  Polish  "Prisoners  of  War" 
in  the  NKWD  camps. 

II.     THE  prisoners'    CAMPS 

The  fate  of  these  prisoners  was  not  identical  everywhere,  it  depended  of  the 
camp  where  this  or  other  Polish  soldier  had  been  placed,  of  the  category  to  which 
he  was  registered  and  of  other  quite  secret  factors.  Whilst  treating  all  the  pris- 
oners as  political  tran.sgressors  the  Bolsheviks  divided  them  into  two  categories ; 
under  one  category  they  inscribed  all  the  ofTicers,  the  frontier-guards,  the  police, 
the  frontier  sentries,  the  militai-y  police,  the  penitentiary  staff  and  all  particular 
"enemies  of  the  Soviet",  to  the  other  the  privates  of  the  Polish  Army.  But  in 
those  groups  there  were  still  "under-groups"  and  individual  exceptions  which 
rendered  difficult  to  understand  the  behaviour  of  the  Soviet  authorities  towards 
the  Polish  prisoners  of  war.  The  camps  of  the  prisoners  were  very  different 
among  them  as  for  what  concerned  thi>  conditions  of  life  and  the  attitude  of  the 
camp  authorities  towards  the  prisoners.  There  were  (for  a  very  short  time) 
some  exceptional  camps  of  the  type  of  European  camps  where  the  in-isoner  of  war 
could  enjoy  the  rights  accorded  to  war  prisoners  by  the  deliberati(ms  of  interna- 
tional European  conventions,  there  were  camps-prisons.  There  were  also  thor- 
oughly "Russian"  camp  that  cannot  be  defined  by  any  other  name,  there  being  no 
establishments  corresponding  to  them  in  the  European  States,  not  excluding  even 
the  German  concentration  camps  as  even  in  the  latter  there  are  some  binding 
regulations  and  prescriptions,  completely  unknown  to  many  of  the  Bolshevik 
Houses  of  Torture  existing  under  the  definitions  of  Camps  of  Prisoners  of  War, 
Labour  camps  &tc. 

A  special  attention  was  given  by  the  Bolsheviks  to  officers,  to  the  Police.  &tc.. 
who.  as  soon  as  they  had  been  disarmed,  wer(>  deported  on  the  URSS  territory. 
A  part  of  the  privates  has  been  left  in  I'oland  and  imiirovised  camps  in  private 
estates  in  barracks  of  the  frontier  guards  and  in  army  barracks,  in  nonactive 
factories  &tc.  A  considerable  number  of  privates  had  been  placed  in  the  Ko- 
/.ielsk  and  Szepietowka  camps  but  after  a  month's  sojourn  there  had  been  "re- 
lea.sed,"  that  is,  transferred  to  Poland  and  placed  there  in  various  camps  pre- 
pared for  them,  a  certain  number  of  [privates  up  to  the  sergeant's  grade  had 
been  really  released  by  not  for  long. 

The  Officers  were,  first  of  all,  i)l;iced  in  the  famous  Szepetowka,  the  fame  of 
which  spread  r;ii»idly  througli<iut  Europe  as  that  of  a  mac,Mbr(>  camp.  They  were 
after  removed  to  other  camps,  mainly  to  Starobi(>lsk  Jtiul  Kozielsk.  In  both  these 
camps  a  difference  was  made  for  Generals  and  Staff  Orticers  who  were  getting  a 
somewliat  better  fare,  apparently  in  consideration  of  the  internatioiuU  conven- 
tions but  in  reality  at  tlie  aim  to  eliminate  their  influence  over  the  vounger 

In  all  the  camps  the  P.olsheviks  were  at  that  time  spreading  rumours  about  a 
near  release  of  all  the  prisoners  and  their  return  lionie.  They  were  also  speaking 
about  an  (>xchang<'  of  the  Polish  soldiers  originary  from  the  territories  of  Western 
Pol.-md  ■■igaiiist  those  originary  from  the  so-called  eastern  boundaries  who  were 
in  Gei'maii  c;ii)l  ivily.  'I'he  prisoners  were  thus  divided  into  12  main  groups 
("Germans"   and    •■Snwiecjarzi'" ) ,    then    tliey   were   segregated    according   to   the 


various  provinces,  lists  and  reports  were  being  made,  in  one  word  all  the  prisoners 
were  kept  in  a  continual  expectation  of  their  departure  home.  The  exchange  of 
prisoners  with  Germany  had  taken  place,  it  is  as  yet  difficult  to  state  in  what 
conditions  it  had  happened.  A  part  of  privates,  as  mentioned  above,  had  been 
really  put  in  liberty  for  a  short  time,  but  the  majority  remained  in  captivity  and 
many  of  them  .started  being  sent  on  singular  journeys  from  one  camp  to  another 
on  the  immense  spaces  of  the  URSS  territories.  Those  "travels"  caused  a  strong 
reduction  of  the  prisoners  who,  after  having  been  judged  by  default,  happened 
to  find  themselves  in  camps  of  compulsory  labour  and  got  absorbed  in  the  mass 
of  millions  of  nameless  slaves  slowly  decaying  on  the  boundless  and  unpopulated 
siiaces  of  Soviet  Russia,  especially  on  the  northern  territories. 

The  data  po.ssessed  by  the  Indejiendent  Historical  Office  of  the  Polish  Army 
in  the  East,  state  that  in  1940  on  the  territory  of  the  part  of  Poland  occupied 
by  the  Soviet  there  were  existing  seventy-four  camps  of  Prisoners  of  Wiar  con- 
taining from  several  hundred  to  some  20  thousand  Prisoners  of  War  "'Privates" 
in  each.  On  the  URSS  territory  at  that  period  there  were  52  Prisoners'  camps 
and  in  each  of  them  there  were  groups  up  to  ninety  thousand  men.  The  specilica- 
tions  of  the  camps  in  our  possession  are  not  complete,  the  number  of  those  in 
captivity  was  still  greater,  and  above  all  it  is  difficult  to  get  the  right  orientation 
as  to  the  kind  of  some  labour  camps  where  near  to  civilian  persons  often  Polish 
soldiers  were  working  in  entire  groups. 


The  exact  establishing  of  the  total  number  of  soldiers  deported  from  Poland 
into  Russia  is  rather  a  difficult  matter.  It  can  be  defined  though  as  overpassing 
the  300,000.  The  official  data  of  the  Soviet  authorities  are  far  from  enlightening 
the  question  but  rather  create  more  confusion  around  it. 

The  tirst  time  the  number  of  Poli-sh  prisoners  of  war  had  been  mentioned  by 
Molotov,  who  at  the  Extraordinary  Session  of  the  Soviet  Chief  Council  in 
the  days  of  the  1  and  2  November  1939,  presented  a  report  of  the  URSS  foreign 
policy  and  specified  in  detail  the  booty  captured  as  result  of  the  "victory" 
reported  over  the  Poles.  The  total  number  of  the  Polish  prisoners  of  war  was 
then  defined  by  Slolotov  as  amounting  to  over  300  thousand  men. 

According  to  the  data  published  by  the  official  Soviet  paper  "Krasnaja  Zwietzda" 
the  "Red  Star"  (No.  21S  in  date  of  17.IX.1040)  the  total  number  of  the  Polish 
Prisoners  encloses  12  generals,  about  8,000  officers,  over  4,000  of  n.  c.  officers  and 
some  220  thousand  privates.  (The  number  of  officers  and  privates  amouting. 
in  total  to  230,670.) 

These  data  of  course,  although  bearing  an  official  character  are  not  exact.- 
In  reality  the  number  of  the  prisoners  was  much  greater  and  if  we  add  to  them 
the  Polish  soldiers  interned  in  Lithuania  and  Lettonia  and  deported  in  1940 
far  into  the  dei)th  of  Russia  as  well  as  the  soldiers  caught  singly  and  kept  in- 
prisons  and  labour  camps — the  nunil)er  of  Polish  prisoners  of  war  will  not  cor- 
respond to  the  figures  quoted  by  Molotov  but  will  exceed  them  greatly.  The 
Bolsheviks  had  arrested  and  reported  a  great  deal  of  Polish  officers  especially 
in  the  first  days  of  the  occupation.  The  simplest  method  of  seizing  them  was 
the  registration  of  officers  a)'!  ensigns  or  the  receiving  of  applications  for  the 
departure  to  the  German  occupied  territories.  The  officers  and  ensigns  thus 
identified  were  arrested  and  deported  far  into  the  depth  of  Russia  to  prisons 
or  to  labour  camps.  But  the  trace  of  many  of  them  had  been  lost  already  in 
the  prisons  of  Kharkov  or  Minsk. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  in  1940.  What  changes  had  occurred  In  the 
course  of  the  yearV  We  may  find  an  answer  to  this  question  in  the  minutes  of 
proceedings  of  the  first  meeting  of  the  Polish-Soviet  Mixed  commission,  that, 
on  the  IC. VIII. 41  started  to  work  at  the  establishment  of  the  principle  of  the 
organisation  of  the  Polish  Armed  Forces  in  the  URSS.  We  read  in  the  Minutes 
of  Proceedings : 

General  Anu{';rs.  Please,  give  me  the  exact  total  number  of  the  reckoned  state 
on  which  we  can  count  by  the  formation  of  the  Army.  Besides  please  supply 
me  with  a  list  of  officers  indicating  where  they  are  sojourning  at  present. 

General  Panfilov.  According  to  our  data  the  reckoned  states  of  the  ex-Polish. 
Army  are  being  concentrated  in  three  main  points  : 

(1)  the  Griszowiec  camp — Vologda  district   (about  1,000  officers). 

(2)  the  Juz  and  Suzdal  camps  district  of  Ivanovo  Wozn.     (Privates  up 
to  10  thousand  men.) 

Besides  this  in  Siberia  and  in  the  Ural  country  there  is  a  certain  number 
of  Polish  citizens.     The  exact  number  will  be  established  later  on. 


Thus,  out  of  over  a  hundred  Prisoners'  of  war  camps  in  1941  there  remained 
only  three,  and  out  of  three  hundi-ed  thousand  and  more  prisoners  but  a  small 
group.  It  should  be  observed  here  that  the  1,000  officers  and  20,000  privates 
restituted  by  the  Bolsheviks  are  not  entirely  prisoners  captured  in  Poland. 
Among  the  officers  an  overvk^helming  majority  was  constituted  by  officers  interned 
in  Lithuania  and  among  the  privates  also  some  sevei'al  thousands  came  from 


All  of  a  sudden  all  the  Officers  and  about  three  hundred  thousand  Privates 
Prisoners  of  war  disappeared  somewhere. 

A  small  number  of  them  got  found  later  on  and  passing  through  numerous 
camps  and  prisons  reached  the  ranks  of  the  Polish  Armed  Forces  in  the  U.  R.  S.  S. 
In  total  out  of  the  whole  number  of  prisoners  only  about  300  Officers  and  under 
3  thousand  privates  entered  the  Polish  Army.  What  became  with  300  thousand 
I'olish  soldiers?  The  privates  had  perished  partly,  the  mass  of  them  has  been 
driven  to  compulsory  work.  The  officers  had  perished  all.  The  last  informa- 
tion about  them  are  connected  with  the  liquidation  of  the  Starobielsk  and 
Kozielsk  camps.  Said  liquidation  took  place  in  April  and  in  May  1040.  In  the 
Starobielsk  Camp  there  were  about  4  thousand  Officers,  in  the  Kozielsk  camp 
about  5  thousand  of  them,  in  the  Ostaszkowo  camp  there  were  several  hundred 
officers  and  about  7  thousand  n.  c.  Officers  from  the  Army,  the  Police  and  the 
Frontier  Guards  (KOP).  The  liquidation  of  the  camp  in  Kozielsk  started  on 
the  3.IV.40,  in  Starobielsk  on  the  5.IV,  and  in  Ostaszkomo  on  the  6.IV.40.  The 
officers  were  taken  away  by  small  groups,  from  G5  to  260  persons  (in  the  prison 
railway  carriages  65  persons  were  placed  in  each)  ;  they  were  assured  that  they 
would  be  taken  to  a  distribution  camp  and  from  there  sent  to  Poland.  In 
consequence  of  such  assurances  the  Officers  were  willing  to  get  away  and 
those  still  remaining  complained  on  the  delay.  The  departing  officers  dressed 
with  accuracy  and  put  on  their  best  clothes,  and  so  for  instance  General  Smora- 
winski  put  on  for  the  travel  a  new  uniform,  with  quite  fi-esh  distinctives  of  his 
rank  (thus  the  good  state  of  his  uniform  and  distinctives  is  being  explained  on 
the  exhumation  of  his  remains). 

From  Kozielsk  the  transports  were  sent  away  almost  daily,  causing  many 
comments  among  the  prisoners,  optimistic  in  the  main,  owing  to  the  suggestions 
spread  by  the  Bolsheviks.  On  the  26.IV  had  started  a  transport  of  about  150 
Officers  among  whom  were  General  AVolkowicki,  Colonel  Grobicki,  Col.  Kunstler 
and  Boleslawicz,  the  Lieut.  Colonels  Tyszynski,  Mara  Meyer,  and  others.  Said 
transport  had  been  directed  to  a  near  camp  at  Juchnowo  (Pawliszczew  Bor) 
and  after  a  sojourn  there  these  officers  were  deported  to  Griszowlec  near  Vo- 
logda. Only  this  group  had  been  saved  and  the  officers  contained  therein  enlisted 
later  on  in  the  Polish  Army  organized  in  the  U.  R.  S.  S.  Where  Jiad  all  the  other 
groups  been  deported?  The  Officers  sent  to  the  Juchnowo  Camp  had  read  on  the 
ceiling  of  one  of  the  prison  i-ailway  carriages,  an  inscription,  which,  according 
to  Lieut.  Col.  Tyszynski  was  reading  more  or  less  as  follows :  "They  have  driven 
us  to  one  station  behind  Smolensk.  Lorries  are  waiting  for  us.  We  get  off  now. 
Lieut.  Col.  Kutyba." 

Similar  inscriptions  had  been  seen  on  the  walls  of  the  Prison  Railway  Carriages 
by  other  officers  deported  from  different  places  and  in  different  periods  of  time. 
It  is  a  trace  indicating  clearly  the  direction  in  which  those  from  Kozielsk  had 
been  deported  and  stating  that  the  place  of  their  alighting  was  a  station  near 
Smolensk.  In  Kozielsk  itself  remained  on  the  kitchen  wall  near  the  taps  with 
hot  water  a  small  calendar  of  the  transports  that  had  been  started  from  there. 
It  begins  with  the  date  of  3.IV.40  and  ends  on  May  12th,  1940.  The  particulars 
on  the  camp  are  rather  vague.  "We  are  here  5,000  Officers."  Today  has  departed 
the  first  group  of  100  officers.  Direction  unknown,"  etc.  All  the  officers  dis- 
api)eared  near  Smolensk. 

In  Starobielsk  on  the  day  of  which  the  liquidation  of  the  camp  was  started, 
viz  on  the  5.IV.1940,  there  were  about  4,000  people  therein,  S  generals,  over  100 
colonels  and  Lieut.  Colonels,  about  230  majors,  1,000  captains,  2,500  lieut.  and 
2nd  lieutenants,  380  physicians,  about  30  Ensigns,  and  some  ninety  civilians 
in  the  main  judges,  public  prosecutors,  and  functionaries  of  the  State  Admin- 
istration. Out  of  this  number  only  89  officers  had  been  spared;  they  had  been 
sent  in  two  parties  to  tlie  camp  at  Pawliszczew  Bor  or  deported  individually  to 
other  localities.  What  bi'canie  of  the  main  group  of  the  Prisoners?  The  inscrip- 
tions on  the  walls  of  the  prison  railway  carriages  and  the  reports  of  the  officers 


who  had  been  saved,  indicate  that  they  had  been  driven  in  the  direction  of 

The  Prisoners  from  Starobielsk  were  halted  there  so  that  on  the  1.V.40  had 
been  formed  there  by  the  transitory  prison  a  numerous  camp  of  Prisoners  of 
war.  The  further  route  of  Starobielsk  prisoners  was  probably  leading  to  the 

There  are  very  few  data  about  Ostaszkowo.  It  has  been  possible  to  establish 
some  points  concerning  the  movement  of  prisoners  there  only  in  the  first  period 
of  the  existence  of  the  camp,  that  is  the  organization  in  Ostaszkowo  of  a  common 
camp  for  Officers  and  Privates,  the  deportation  of  almost  all  the  officers  to 
Kozielsk,  and  the  bringing  at  their  place  of  n.  c.  police  officers  and  of  Frontier 
guards  (KOP).     The  period  of  the  camp  liquidation  is  not  known. 

As  mentioned  before  out  of  the  great  number  of  Prisoners  of  War  only  about  300 
Officers  reported  to  the  Polish  Army ;  the  Bolsheviks  foreseeing  that  they  should 
need  for  some  scope  a  certain  group  of  officers,  chose  150  Officers  from  the  Kozielsk 
camp  and  selected  from  the  Starobielsk  camp  at  first  individually  12  Officers 
(one  of  them  died  and  one  was  sent  back  to  Poland),  then  they  assigned  a 
"special  group  of  63  Officers  and  lastly  at  the  definitive  liquidation  of  the  camp 
16  Officers  more  were  chosen  by  them.  Almost  all  of  those  officers  had  been  sent 
to  Griszowiec.  The  Officers  had  been  selected  in  a  way  to  represent  the  diagram 
of  our  Officers'  Corps. 

Only  this  handful  had  been  saved. 

Since  the  first  moment  of  the  organising  of  the  Polish  Army  numerous  steps  had 
been  taken  to  trace  the  missing  men.  These  steps  gave  no  result  whatever.  Even 
the  explanations  of  the  Soviet  highest  authorities  were  in  fact  showing  that  these 
people  were  no  more  there.    What  then  had  happened  with  them? 

Various  tracks  attracted  our  attention  towards  the  North.  In  Newfoundland, 
on  the  Francis  Joseph  islands,  in  Kolym  and  in  other  northern  localities  rumours 
said  that  prisoners  in  uniforms  of  Polish  Officers  had  been  seen.  This  is  quite 
possible.  It  should  be  considered  though  that  in  the  labour  camps  there  were 
not  only  our  soldiers  but  also  Lithuanians,  Letts,  Esthonese,  Finns,  and  others. 
The  local  population  not  knowing  to  discriminate  between  foreign  soldiers  could 
put  to  our  account  the  vicissitudes  of  other  nationalities.  At  any  rate  it  is  certain 
that  all  of  them  perished. 

But  one  should  not  limit  the  numbers  of  those  missing  to  10  thousand  officers 
and  10-15  thousand  n.  c.  officers.  The  camps  of  Starobielsk,  Kozielsk  and  Os- 
taszkowo do  not  alas  contain  them  all. 

The  macabre  graves  near  Smolensk  as  it  seems  have  engulfed  only  the  Prison- 
ers from  Kozielsk  and  may  be  those  from  Ostaszkowo.  The  Starobielsk  prisoners 
perished  probably  in  the  North,  but  what  of  the  mass  of  the  300  thousand 
Prisoners  of  War? 

One  should  underline  once  more  that  out  of  the  mass  of  over  half  million 
soldiers  who  had  found  themselves  in  the  URSS  less  than  30  thousand  entered 
our  Army.  And  this  is  not  all.  The  Bolsheviks  have  taken  over  200,000  of  Polish 
conscripts.  Our  endeavours  to  incorporate  those  conscripts  into  the  Polish  Army 
remained  without  any  result,  ^^"hat  is  happening  with  this  best  Polish  military 
element  nobody  knows  it.  Probably  they  are  bleeding  in  the  ranks  of  the  Red 
Army.  Thus  the  problem  facing  us  is  the  question  of  half  a  million  of  our 
soldiers  in  the  U.  R.  S.  S. 

Appendix  VII 
Report  on  prison  camps  in  Russia. 


Whilst  considering  the  fate  of  the  Polish  Prisoners  of  War  in  the  U.  R.  S.  S. 
one  should  continually  keep  in  mind  the  general  state  of  things  in  the  URSS 
and  take  into  account  the  methods  used  by  the  Bolsheviks  towards  prisoners, 
prisoners  of  war,  towards  the  deported,  when  investigating  them  or  when  es- 
corting them  to  th?  place  of  thfir  destined  residence. 

1.  Xiimhcr  of  campf;. — In  November  1939  the  Bolsheviks  organised  on  the 
URSS  territory  not  three  camps  as  it  is  stated  in  the  Min.  O.  N.  communique 
in  date  of  19.  IV.  43,  but  a  great  deal  more  of  them.  Besides  the  jxrisoners 
of  war  were  sent  to  the  URSS  and  placed  in  the  numerous  Concentration  and 
Labour  camps  and  especially  to  Szepetowka.  In  addition  to  transitory  camps  as 
those  in  Frydrychowka,  Woloczyska,  Jarmolince  and  others  through  which  had 


passed  thousands  of  our  soldiers,  permanent  camps  had  been  created,  of  which 
the  larjiest  were  :  Jelenowku  ( Donetz  hasiu ) ,  Juza  ( Iwanowo-Woziiiesiensk  area) , 
Karakub  near  Stalino ;  Kozielsk,  to  the  south  of  Smolensk,  Kozielszczyzna,  near 
Poltava;  Krasnyj  Lncz  (Woroszylowsk  area)  Kryzwy  Ostaszkow,  Pawliszczew- 
Bor  or  Juchnowo  (Smolensk  area)  Putywl  or  Tiotkino,  near  Sumy,  Suzdal. 

Since  1940  one  started  sending  the  prisoners  of  war  to  disciplinary  camps, 
where  they  were  working  together  with  the  civilian  population.  Among  the 
larger  camps  of  that  kind  should  be  quoted  Uehta  No.  3  (Komi  URSS)  and 
Workuta  (on  the  northern  border  of  Komi  and  Arkhangelsk  districts). 

There  exi.sted  and  exist  still  a  great  number  of  camps  on  the  immense  spaces 
of  the  northern  territories  of  Asiatic  Russia  where  there  were  and  are  still 
Polish  prisoners  of  war.  We  have  no  certitude  as  to  how  they  have  been 

In  1940  the  number  of  camps  wtiere  our  prisoners  of  war  were  kept  amounted, 
according  to  the  still  incomplete  lists,  to  74  camps  on  Polish  territory  and 
to  52  in  the  URSS. 

2.  What  nudii  the  (lenoiiihmtioiis:  SttirobUink,  Kozielsk,  Osta.szkoKo^ — The 
Bolshevik  governing  system  uses  among  other  measures  the  continual  transfer- 
ring of  people  from  jihice  to  place.  The  so-called  fi-ee  population  is  being  trans- 
planted in  mass  from  one  place  to  another  through  vast  spaces  of  territory, 
the  prisoners  iiiid  the  deported  are  continually  travelling,  the  sense  of  these 
travels  is  difficult  to  grasp.  The  Polish  soldiers  in  the  URSS  made  no  exception 
to  the  general  rule  and  made  quite  unlikely,  because  deprived  of  any  logical 
motive,  compulsory  journeys. 

Here  are  some  examples  thereof.  (The  camps  established  on  Polish  terri- 
tories are  italicized.) 

Sergeant  had  resided  in  the  following  camps :  2S.IX.-12.XI.39 — Ko- 
zielsk, 30.XI.30— 20.V.40— Krzvwv  Rog,  l.VI.  -/I.XIUAO—Antopol,  1.IX.31— 
31.XII.40— T«r7oro!r  10.I.30.IV.41  Woloczyska,  l.V.  — 28.VI.41— Teofilpol,  10. 
VII.  — 26.VIII.41— Starobielsk. 

Corporal had  been  in  the  following  camps :  Dubno,  Szepetowka,  Nowo- 

grad  Wolynski,  Krakub,  92,  30,  25  "column"  Komi  URSS,  Wiszniki. 

Senior  Private :  Kozielsk,  Krzywy  Rog.  Tnliylowy  Czcrlany  Starobielsk. 

Private  :  Szepetowka,  Busk,  Ostra  Gdra,  Phigow,  Plotycze  Tarnopol 


Private  :    Busk,   Holownlca,    Tudoroiv,   Horyii   again  Holownica   and 


Senior  Private  :    Szepetowska,   Zahorce,   Werba  Radziwillow,   Brody, 

Wielkie  Luki,  Zastaioie,  Starobielsk. 

Sergeant  :  interned  in  Lettonia,  then  transferred  by  turn  to  Pawlis- 

zczew,  Bor,  Murmansk,  Ponoj  harbour  on  the  Kola  peninsula  Arkhangelsk, 

Such  examples  could  be  quoted  in  a  great  number.  But  not  only  single  per- 
sons and  groups  of  prisoners  of  war  and  other  deported  were  "travelling"  thus — • 
entire  camps  were  submitted  to  the  same  rule.  It  is  why  the  tragically  popular 
denominations  of  Kozielsk,  Starobielsk  aud  Ostaszkowo  need  some  comments 
so  as  to  avoid  misunderstandings.  And  thus  Kozielsk  has  a  threefold  aspect. 
•Kozielsk  had  been  organised  at  the  end  of  September  1939  as  a  camp  for  Polish 
prisoners  of  war.  Privates  of  the  Polish  Troops  in  a  number  amounting  as  it 
seems  to  10  thousand  had  been  sent  there.  Said  camp  had  existed  briefly,  to  the 
end  of  October  only.  All  the  soldiers  were  deported  in  Polish  territory  and 
placed  in  numerous  then  camps  on  the  territories  of  the  voivodates  of  Volhynia, 
Tarnopol  and  Lwow.  In  Kozielsk  only  100  privates  were  left  for  husbandry 
work.  These  privates  remained  there  the  whole  time  of  the  sojourn  of  the 
Polish  Officers. 

Kdziclsk  No  "second"  is  precisely  the  tragical  camp  of  the  missing  Officers. 
That  camp  had  been  totally  liquidated  in  May  1040.  Since  July  1040  till  the 
end  of  .June  1941  there  had  been  a  "third"  Kozielsk  that  is  a  camp  for  Officers 
n.  c.  ollicer,  military  police,  the  police  for  the  frontier  guards  who  were  all  taken 
by  the  P.olsh(>viks  from  Ijithuania  and  Lettonia  where  they  had  been  interned 
in  l(«al  camps.  In  the  third  Kozielsk  camp  there  was  no  one  left  from  the  pre- 
vious camp. 

Stauokielsk  has  had  also  different  groups  of  Prisoners  of  War.  In  Starobielsk 
there  was  a  permanent  camp,  a  transitory  camp  and  a  prison.  Thus  in  our  Army 
there  is  a  great  number  of  those  from  Starobielsk.  One  should  note  in  the  lirst 
line  the  Officers'  camp  in  Starobielsk  which  existed  from  October  1940  to  May 
1941— the  Camp  of  the  Missing  Prisoners.    Besides  this  at  the  outbreak  of  the 



German  Soviet  war  all  the  prisoners  of  war  sojourning  in  camps  on  Polisli  terri- 
tory were  sent  to  Starobielsk.  In  such  a  way  another  camp  came  into  existence, 
a  camp  where  12  thousand  Polish  privates  were  assembled,  who,  after  the  con- 
clusion of  the  Polish  Soviet  agreement  enlisted  into  the  Polish  Army  in  the 
URSS.  The  definition  "Starobielsk  Camp"  is  not  explicit  enough  as  in  the  Staro- 
bielsk region  there  exist  several  large  camps.  The  Polish  Recruiting  Commis- 
sion whilst  enlisting  the  soldiers  to  the  Army  that  was  being  organised  had 
established  the  following  figures : 

Camp  No.  1 5,468 

Camp  No.  2 3,760 

Camp  No.  3 2,724 


In  addition  to  those  already  mentioned  there  still  was  a  fourth  camp,  where, 
as  the  Bolsheviks  declared,  there  were  about  600  ex-Polish  citizens  who  took  the 
Soviet  citizenship.  In  this  camp  were,  as  it  became  known  later  on,  young 
Poles  incorporated  by  force  to  the  Red  Army.  When  speaking  of  Starobielsk  one 
should  mention  which  of  the  camps  is  in  question  or  rather  which  i>eriod  of  the 
existence  of  the  Starobielsk  camp  is  being  spoken  of. 

OsTASzKowo  played  mostly  the  part  of  a  transitory  camp.  We  lack  of  detailed 
particulars  about  its  existence  and  the  evolution  of  its  organisation. 

3.  Hoiv  many  have  perished? — It  is  a  very  dangerous  thing  to  operate  with 
"precise"  figures  concerning  the  perished  officers.  The  mass  slaughter  of  the 
officers  is  an  appalling  fact,  but  it  should  be  remembered  that  a  similar  fate  was 
met  by  thousands  of  n.  c.  officers  and  privates.  One  should  rather  generalize 
quoting  higher  figures.  As  point  of  departure  should  serve  the  three  oflicial 
declarations  of  the  Soviet  authorities  concerning  the  number  of  prisoners  of 
war : 

Molotow  (1939) 300,  000 

The  "Red  Star"  (1940) 230,000 

General  Panfilov   (1911) 21,000 

The  not  too  striking  difference  between  the  data  of  1939  and  1940  and  the  im- 
mense difference  between  the  data  of  the  two  first  declarations  and  those  con- 
tained in  the  last  one  of  the  year  1941  is  very  eloquent  indeed. 

4.  The  rmrrdcring  of  defenceless  victims. — The  Bolshevik  crime  perpetrated 
on  the  Polish  officers  is  so  macabre  as  to  become  unlikely  in  the  eyes  of  a 
European,  but  the  mass  slaughter  is  a  common  phenomenon  in  the  U.  R.  S.  S. 
Every  transport  of  prisoners  or  of  deported  is  being  transformed  into  a  movable 
cemetery,  all  the  camps  in  the  northern  territories  are  living  cemeteries  from 
where  only  very  few  come  back.  The  sending  of  a  condemned  to  Workuta,  to 
the  Kola  peninsula,  to  Francis  .Joseph's  land,  to  New  Found  Land,  to  Kolyma, 
to — is  corresponding  to  a  verdict  of  death — and  our  people  are  there  now. 

5.  Tortures. — ^By  the  investigations  (dopros)  which  have  nothing  in  common 
with  the  usual  investigating  procedure,  tortures  are  always  applied.  The  cruelty 
and  the  pathological  inventiveness  of  the  assassinators  surpass  the  most  morbid 
fancy  of  a  European.  These  investigations  (dopros)  became  one  of  the  factors 
of  the  slaughter  of  the  people. 

Appendix  VIII 

Report  on  conscription  for  Bolshevik  Army  of  Poles  living  in  the  occupied 
section  of  Poland. 


The  Polish  Citizens  in  the  Red  Army 

THE   conscription 

The  Bolsheviks  had  conscribed  for  the  Red  Army  over  200.000  men.  Out  of 
this  number  only  about  3,000  privates  came  to  our  Army.  How  the  figui'e  of 
200,000  is  being  reached?  One  conscriptit>n  class  in  Poland  gave  an  average 
200.000  conscripts.    The  exact  data  give  the  following  pictures : 

The  class  of  1917  gave  about  17.5,000  conscripts. 

The  class  of  1918  gave  about  180,000  conscripts. 

The  class  of  1919  gave  about  20.5,000  conscripts. 

The  class  of  1920  gave  about  2.50.000  conscripts. 


The  figures  of  the  following  classes  were  higher  than  those  of  the  1920  class. 

The  Bolsheviks  conscribed  three  full  classes,  viz  the  1917,  1918,  1919  classes 
and  three  further  ones  that  is  the  1920,  1921  and  1922  classes  only  in  part  as  it 
seems.  The  conscription  has  certainly  been  effectuated  in  the  regions  of  Lwow 
and  of  Druskienilvi  and  doubtlessly  also  in  other  parts  of  the  Country. 

On  the  occupied  territory  there  were  over  12,000,000  people,  thus  one  class 
was  giving  there  an  average  figure  of  about  70,000  men. 

The  Polish  Conscribing  Commissions  drew  out  up  to  80%  of  recruits.  The 
Bolshevik  commissions  were  more  inconsiderate  and  so  they  conscribed  out  of 
each  class  at  least  by  55,000  men.  It  should  be  added  that  in  this  part  of  the 
Country  there  were  many  refugees  from  the  western  territories  in  Poland  who 
were  also  taken  to  the  Red  Army. 

The  conscription  was  effectuated  under  a  great  terror.  It  was  announced 
that  the  keeping  away  from  military  service  threatens  the  transgressor  with  the 
capital  punishment  and  his  family  with  deportation  to  Siberia  and  confiscation 
of  estate.  The  conscription  had  the  character  of  a  mass  deportation  of  young 
people.    The  report  No.  5451  states  as  follows : 

"On  the  15.IV.1941  I  had  been  incorporated  in  virtue  of  an  illegal  decision 
of  the  Soviet  Conscribing  Commission  acting  in  Lwow  in  the  years  1940-1941, 
into  the  Red  Army.  The  mass  application  of  tliis  system  of  "mopping"  the 
territories  of  Eastern  Malopobka  from  tlie  I'olish  element  dangerous  for  the 
Soviet  Authorities,  led  to  such  a  situation  that  in  April  1941  only  a  minimal  per- 
centage of  Polish  youth  had  remained  on  said  territories. 

Independently  of  the  Conscription  Commissions  the  X.  K.  W.  D.  authorities 
were  i)ursuing  on  their  own  account  an  activity  in  that  direction  organising 
"levies"  to  the  Red  Army,  without  any  medical  data  nor  even  without  verifying 
the  year  of  the  birth  of  the  conscript.  (There  were  cases  for  instance  of  con- 
scribing men  born  in  the  years  1900,  1903,  1905.)  Such  levies  assumed  a  mass 
character  when  Soviet  troops  withdrawing  from  the  Germans  were  leaving 
Polish  territories.  Besides  of  this  very  many  pyhsicians  were  forced  to  enter 
the  Red  Army  (About  200  in  Lwow,  about  20  in  Rowne,  there  are  no  data 
of  the  numbers  of  physicians  incorporated  in  the  Red  Army  in  otlier  Polish 
towns ) . 

Thus  the  total  number  of  the  conscripts  taken  to  the  Red  Army  certainly 
surpasses  considerably  the  figure  of  200,000. 

Travel  mid  assignments. — The  conscripts  were  driven  under  a  strong  NKWD 
escort  in  barred  railway  carriages  into  the  depth  of  Russia.  During  the  way 
they  were  suffering  of  the  lack  of  water  and  food.  They  were  given  bread  and 
fish  in  small  quantities.  They  were  not  told  whereto  were  tliey  being  taken  and 
they  were  not  allowed  to  get  out  from  the  carriage  during  the  whole  travel. 
They  were  assigned  to  already  formed  regiments  or  to  schooling  centres  in 
various  parts  of  the  URSS  (Uzliekistan,  Caucasus,  Bashkiria,  Urkraiue  and 
Central  Russia).  We  have  established  the  names  of  36  localities.  In  some  regi- 
ments the  percentage  of  Poles  was  very  considerable,  for  instance  in  the  123 
reg.  there  were  260  Polish  Privates. 

Conditions  in  regtilar  detachnicmts. — Accommodation  in  tents  or  in  bug-infested 
barracks,  in  big  towns  in  barracks.  Food  rather  miserable :  60O  grammes  of 
bread  and  soup,  often  prepared  with  stale  products.  The  monthly  pay  of  a 
Private  amounted  to  8  roubles  and  50  copecks,  of  which  2  rbl.  and  20  cop.  were 
deducted  for  ai-mament  needs.  Tlie  prices  of  products  reached  in  that  period 
astronomic  heights.  The  uniforms  were  old  in  the  main,  there  were  cases  that  the 
soldiers  were  manoeuvring  in  winter  dressed  in  uniforms  of  ticking. 

The  discipline  was  Draconian — on  getting  late  when  coming  back  from  a  day 
off  on  pass — three  to  five  years  of  prison,  frequent  cases  of  martial  courts. 

The  Polish  citizens  were  continually  under  observation,  they  were  often  called 
for  investigations,  were  asked  about  their  family  circumstances,  the  state  of 
their  fortune,  &c.  Poles  were  often  arrested  and  deported  to  an  uidcnown  direc- 
tion. In  the  123  reg.  stationed  at  Andizan  (Uzbekistan)  there  were  260  Poles 
of  which  no  had  been  arrested  in  the  course  of  9  months  and  driven  in  an  unknown 
direction.  When  in  Kirowobad  (Tadjykistan) ,  in  a  regiment  of  anti-aircraft 
artillery  a  Soviet  Officer  had  been  accidentally  shot  during  the  shooting  ma- 
noeuvres, four  Poles  were  arrestf^l  ajid  submitted  to  tortures.  Iteport  No.  5450. 
"First  of  all  in  the  Kirowol)ad  prison  they  beat  us  on  the  heels,  then  they  twisted 
the  veins  and  tendons  of  our  wrists  with  special  implements  of  torture  and  they 
put  pins  under  our  nails.  When  this  did  not  help  they  took  us  into  an  open  field 
and  after  having  blindfolded  us  they  announced  they  would  shoot  us.     Then, 


after  a  few  minutes  they  gave  several  shots  in  the  air  and  approached  us  asking : 
'Will  you  now  say  who  did  it?'  After  this  they  took  us  back  into  the  barracks 
and  left  us  in  peace  for  a  month  whilst  keeping  us  under  strong  observation." 

Notice :  the  above-described  tortures  were  used  frequently  in  the  Soviet  prisons 
of  which  we  have  proofs  in  a  number  of  reports. 

In  the  army  detachments  the  "Politnauka"  (Notions  of  politics)  was  an 
obligatory  subject  during  the  lectures  Poland,  England,  and  America  were 
abused  and  railed  at.  Antireligious  propaganda  was  being  continually  practised, 
those  wearing  holy  medals  were  boxed  on  the  ears,  the  prayerbooks  were  taken 
away  and  burnt.  In  the  detachments  where  Poles  were  fewer  in  number  the 
treatment  was  slightly  better.  Many  of  the  Polish  citizens  were  sent  to  the 
front,  in  the  main  those  originary  from  Polish  territories  occupied  by  the  Soviet 
and  who  had  no  relatives  in  Western  Poland. 

The  ivithdrawal  of  Polish  Citizens  from  the  line. — On  the  outbreak  of  the 
Soviet  German  war  all  the  soldiers  originary  from  Polish  territories  had  been, 
on  the  base  of  a  confidential  order  of  the  Soviet  authorities,  withdrawn  from 
the  line.  There  are  data  that  the  Ukranians  passed  over  in  mass  on  the  German 
side.  Certainly  not  all  had  been  withdrawn  from  the  front,  probably  many  of 
them  are  fighting  up  to  now  in  the  ranks  of  the  Red  Army.  Those  withdrawn 
from  the  line  were  treated  as  an  unsafe  element,  they  were  chased  to  the  rears 
as  would-be  criminals.  Arms  were  taken  from  them  and  their  uniforms  ex- 
changed for  tatters.  The  weaker  ones  who  for  lack  of  strength  could  not  walk 
were  killed  during  the  way.  For  instance  in  one  party  only,  during  the  march 
on  the  route  Nikolaiev  Starobielsk  128  Poles  were  given  the  finishing  blow. 
Larger  groupings  of  those  withdrawn  from  the  front  were :  at  Orel  4,000  men,  at 
Samarkand  5,0U0,  at  Czelabinsk  2.n00.  At  rallying  points  they  were  organised 
in  so-called  working  battalions,  that  were  then  sent  to  various  localities  to  work 
in  factories,  at  the  construction  of  aerodromes,  at  the  cutting  of  forests  and 
so  on. 

The  working  hattalions. — The  working  battalions  were  under  the  patronage  of 
NKWD.  The  life  there  did  not  differ  at  all  from  the  life  in  the  camps.  The 
conditions  of  accommodation  were  dreadful :  unheated  clay  huts  in  many  cases 
without  even  board  beds,  or  tents.  Clothes  completely  worn  out,  lack  of  under- 
colthes  and  of  shoes.  The  food  was  distributed  according  to  the  quantity  of  work 
done  in  one  day,  the  standard  of  which  was  screwed  up  to  the  utmost  limits. 
The  only  difference  between  a  prisoners'  camp  and  a  working  battalion  was  that 
the  working  men  were  considered  as  Soviet  citizens  endowed  with  full  rights 
and  thus  every  attempt  to  leave  was  being  considered  as  desertion.  The  anti- 
religious  and  anti-Polish  propaganda  were  continually  at  the  order  of  the  day. 

Dislojialty  of  the  Soviet  Authorities  towards  'he  Polish  Government  and  the 
Allied  States. — Notwithstanding  the  conclusion  of  the  Polish-Soviet  agreement 
and  the  engagements  assumed  by  General  Panfilov  in  the  presence  of  General 
Anders  C.  in  C.  of  the  Polish  Armed  Forces  in  the  U.  R.  S.  S.  (August  1941)  the 
Soviet  authorities  did  not  release  the  Polish  citizens  from  the  Working  battalions, 
but  every  attempt  of  escape  on  their  part  at  the  aim  of  joining  the  Polish  Army 
was  being  punished  as  desertion — by  capital  punishment.  Only  from  the  battalion 
at  the  Niznyj  Tagil  locality  (Sviedrlovsk  district)  a  mixed  commission  released 
the  Polish  citizens  in  a  more  considerable  number.  A  part  of  Poles  came  also 
from  the  battalions  of  Baku  and  Barylsk.  Their  number  amounted  in  total  to 
about  3  thousand  men. 

The  work  conditions  in  the  battalions  as  well  as  the  treatment  were  of  such 
kind  that  in  spite  of  severe  punishments  many  were  attempting  to  escape.  The 
enlisting  to  the  Polish  Army  was  the  dream  not  only  of  the  Poles  but  also  of  the 
Whiteruthenians,  of  Ukrainians  and  of  Jews,  which  fact  is  being  proved  by 
numerous  letters  and  applications  addressed  to  our  delegates  and  asking  for 
their  intervention. 

Heedless  of  the  existence  of  the  Polish-Soviet  agreement  the  "Politrnks" 
lecturers  at  the  courses  of  "Politnauka"  (Political  notions)  did  not  stop  their 
slandering  at  the  address  of  Poland  of  the  Polish  Government  as  well  as  of 
England  and  America.  Very  popular  were  the  expressions  such  as  "the  Imndit 
Sikorski"  "his  band"  &tc.  or  such  informations  that  "the  English  and  American 
soldier  is  getting  only  300  grams  bread  and  soup  once  a  day"  that  "a  pick  and  a 
spade  are  prepared  for  the  King  of  England  in  Siberia."  One  should  consider 
that  these  "lectures"  of  the  Politruki  had  an  oflScial  character  as  they  were  given 
according  to  the  precise  instructions  of  the  Soviet  Authorities. 

The  requests  for  being  released  for  the  service  in  the  Polish  Army  were  an- 
swered cynically  in  words  such  as :    "If  we  release  you  who  then  will  work?" 


In  iiiiiny  cases  those  attemiitiiiff  to  escape  were  put  before  the  martial  court. 
Tlie  intervention  of  the  Polish  Authorities  fiave  no  result  whatever  as  it  is  shown 
clearly  in  the  reports  of  the  [deleted.]  In  these  last  times  (since  two  months) 
Polish  citizens  incorporated  in  various  "drillin}^  detachments"  are  being  directed 
to  the  station  of  Tatarskaia  (east  of  Omsk)  where  now  new  drilling  detachments 
composed  of  foreigners,  Polish  citizens  in  the  main  part,  are  to  be  formed.  To 
all  the  Poles  which  are  being  sent  to  Tatarskaia  the  Soviet  authorities  explain 
that  it  is  precisely  thei-e  where  the  Polisli  Army  is  oi-ganised.  The  question  of 
releasing  the  I'oles  from  the  drilling  battalions  becomes  more  and  more  urgent. 
Always  moi'e  numerous  complaints  reach  us.  Poles  leaving  the  battalions  for 
enlisting  in  the  Polish  Army  are  punished  as  deserters.  Two  19  years  old  Poles — 
Leszc/.ynski  and  Pukas  were  shot  in  December  1941  under  the  pretext  of  an 
attempt  of  escape  from  the  2.">9  U.  S.  AV.  drilling  detachment. 

The  Soviet  military  authorities  (Gen.  Paufilov)  engaged  themselves  at  the  time 
to  release  the  Poles  from  the  Red  Army.  I  sent  to  General  Panfilov  a  letter  re- 
questing such  release  (dated  20.1.42  No.  124/42)  I  have  received  no  answer  up 
to  now.  Please  inform  me  whether  I  am  to  continue  to  intervene  or  whether  said 
intervention  will  be  done  by  the  C.  in  C.  of  the  Polish  Army   [deleted]. 

There  exists  an  engagement  of  Gen.  Panlilov  assumed  by  him  durin-;  his  sec- 
ond conversation  with  Gen.  Anders  (in  August  1941 — minutes  of  proceedings) 
stating  that  the  Polish  Army  in  the  URSS  will  be  formed  among  others  with 
the  Polish  citizens  mobilized  to  the  Red  Army.  Basing  himself  on  said  engage- 
ment [deleted]  came  out  several  times  with  the  request  of  the  release  of  the  Poles 
from  the  "Stroioddzialy"  drilling  detachments.  Each  time  his  intervention  re- 
mained without  any  answer.  <  )n  the  8  or  9  inst.  the  "Narkomat  Oborony"  Cen- 
tral Defence  Committee  issued  an  order  to  all  the  Obwojenkomaty-Military  Dis- 
tricts in  the  URSS  of  registering  all  the  Polish  citizens  being  in  the  drilling  de- 
tachments grouping  them  according  to  their  nationalities.  The  date  of  the 
execution  of  said  order  has  been  fixed  for  the  17  inst. 

Since  some  time  in  the  drilling  detachments  are  operating  conscription  com- 
missions with  physicians  etc.  defining  the  categories  of  abilities  for  military 
service  of  the  soldiers  of  the  drilling  detachments.  The  order  of  registration 
caused  the  grouping  of  the  Polish  citizens  most  qualified  for  military  service  in 
sepai-ato  detachments  which  are  being  sent  in  an  uidvuowu  direction.  These  last 
days  have  been  sent  from  the  drilling  battalion  No.  743  stationed  at  Krish  about 
600  Polish  citizens  and  every  day  from  other  drilling  detachments  from  the 
thereabouts  of  Kujbyshew  groups  of  about  10()  men  representing  the  best  ma- 
terial are  being  deported.  According  to  existing  tracks  they  are  directed  to 
detachments  where  no  registration  nor  evidence  of  nationality  can  be  applied. 
Probably  the  same  thing  happens  in  other  Drilling  Detachments  in  the  URSS. 
The  slightest  reaction  or  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  Polish  soldiers  is  ren- 
dered impossible  owing  to  most  severe  punishments  applied  for  expressing  even 
the  desire  to  join  the  Polish  Army. 

One  should  also  state  that  in  this  area  there  is  a  great  confusion  and  lack  of 
consequence.  There  were  some  cases  of  the  release  of  Polish  citizens,  without 
discerning  their  nationality,  from  the  drilling  battalions  and  of  directing  them 
to  the  Polish  Army  by  the  Soviet  Military  Authorities.  In  Swerdlovsk  at  the 
intervention  of  the  Soviet  registering  officer  (cpt.  Kalaur)  about  400  Polish 
citizens  were  released  from  the  drilling  battalion  and  then,  after  they  had  been 
formally  accepted  in  the  Polish  Army  by  the  Mixed  Conscription  Commission 
they  were  again  incorporated  in  the  drilling  battalions.  In  that  group  about 
90%  were  essential  Poles.     *     *     * 

The  MILITARY  ATTACHE  wlth  the  Polish  Embassy  in  Ku.jbyshev,  the  ir).III.42. 

Some  cases  of  punishment  by  the  Soviet  Courts  of  the  Polish  soldiers  in  the 
drilling  battalions  for  tlUMr  desire  to  join  the  Polish  Forces  : 

1.  The  Court  M;!rtial  in  Glotowka  (by  Uljanowska)  sentenced  to  death  two 
Poles  from  the  Lwow  province,  named  I'ukas  and  for  an  attemi)ted 
escape  from  the  259  drilling  battalion  (students  of  the  Military  Preparation 
courses  in  (ilotovka).  The  sentence  has  probably  been  elTectuated.  it  had  taken 
place  in  Novendjer  or  in  December  1941. 

2.  The  Court  Martial  in  Syzran  condemned  for  10  years  prison  and  15  years 

of  (l('i»rovation  of  rights  a  Pole  from  Silesia  named  for  an  attempt  to 

escape  to  the  Polish  Army  from  the  No.  257  INIilitary  Prep.  batt.  in  Syzran.     The 

detachment  has  now  been  transported  to  Cz(>]abinsli  has  been  shut  in 

prison.     This  took  jilace  in  Decembei'  or  in  Januai'y. 

.'i.  In  the  Drilling  battalion  757  in  P.ozauczuk  near  Kujbqshev  the  Court  Martial 
issued  sentences  against  several  Polish  citizens,  condemning  some  of  them  to  8-10 


years  of  prison  and  two  of  them  to  death.     The  names  of  some  of  them  are 

and  a  few  others.  It  is  not  known  what  sentence  applied  to  which  of  them. 
They  were  prosecuted  for  attempts  of  escaping  and  for  expressing  the  desire  to 
join  the  Polish  Armed  Forces.  They  all  have  been  confined  and  their  fate  is 

According  to  information,  cases  as  those  quoted  above  are  frequent. 

For  the  General . 

It  is  not  excluded  that  out  of  the  Labour  battalions  individuals  or  groups  will 
be  chosen  and  sent  to  the  front  or,  that  out  of  them  will  be  organised  (may  be 
that  this  organisation  has  already  taken  place)  Units  of  the  Polish  Red  Army, 
the  formation  of  which  is  claimed  with  siich  insistence  by  the  Communist  paper 
(published  in  Polish  in  Moscow  and  subventioned  by  the  Soviet  Government)  ; 
"Glos  Nardu"  (Voice  of  the  Nation)  and  by  Wanda  Wasilewska  (Polish  Com- 
munist Leader). 

Appendix  IX 

1.  The  attached  Bulletin  No.  3,  in  French,  was  handed  to  me  by  the  (G-2)  of  the 
Polish  Army  in  the  Middle  East.  He  stated  that  he  got  it  in  Cairo,  that  it  is  put 
out  by  the  Communists,  but  he  does  not  know  where,  that  it  is  anti-Polish.  Bul- 
letin No.  1,  was  against  the  Yugoslavs,  and  Bulletin  No.  2,  against  the  Greeks. 
No.  4  has  not  been  published  yet. 


Partial  Translation 

The  recent  ruptuie  of  relations  existing  between  Poland  and  Russia  is  not  an 
isolated  event  of  discord  existing  between  these  two  countries.  At  the  discovery 
of  the  Polish  graves  outside  Smolensk,  and  the  offer  made  by  the  Nazis  to  the 
Red  Cross  to  impartially  investigate  the  graves,  the  common  sense  of  the  people 
was  outraged.     Their  reaction  was  : 

If  the  Nazis  propose  an  investigation,  that  means  that  they  have  staged  the 
scene  and  are  convinced  they  can  convince  the  Red  Cross  Committee.  Unfor- 
tunately, the  Polish  Government,  without  even  asking  Moscow  for  an  exp'anation 
did  accept  the  offer  of  Dr.  Goebbels.  Dr.  Goebbels,  above  everything  else,  was 
trying  to  split  the  Allies  and  sow  the  seeds  of  discord  between  them.  Genei'al 
Sikorski,  on  this  occasion,  played  right  into  their  hands. 

To  permit  the  general  public  to  form  an  opinion  on  the  Polish  attitude,  we  are 
obliged  to  go  back  and  review  the  past  20  years  of  Poland's  foreign  policy. —  (not 

The  day  that  the  Rritisli  Government  had  the  impudence  to  demand  an  investi- 
gation by  the  I.  R.  C.  regarding  the  discovery  of  10,090  Polish  corpses,  the  C.  G. 
in  the  M.  E.,  Anders,  already  convinced,  ordered  his  troops  to  hold  a  requiem 
mass  for  the  Polish  killed  in  Russia. 

Russia  answered  these  Polish  provocations  as  they  deserved.  They  showed 
that  one  cannot  rupture  with  impunity  the  sacred  spirit  of  the  United  Nations, 
The  public  opinion  of  the  world  upholds  it. 

To  escape  the  consequence  of  a  just  anger  amongst  the  British  troops  in  the 
M.  E.  who  hide  neither  theii"  sympathy  or  their  admiration  for  their  Russian 
comrades,  they  tried  to  camouflage  the  injuries  done  to  the  Russians  by  relating 
in  the  English  papers  that  the  Polish  Government  had  asked  for  an  inquest  to  be 
made  with  the  sole  object  of  proving  the  lie  to  the  Germans. 

The  authority  of  the  Sikorski  Government,  even  if  it  is  recognized  in  London 
and  Washington,  is  strongly  contested  in  Poland  itself. 

For  the  last  two  years,  the  Polish  Partisans  have  been  helped,  supplied  and 
directed  by  the  Russian  High  Command. 

Hand  in  hand,  shoulder  to  shoulder,  with  their  comrads-in-arms  from  the 
USSR,  they  are  waging  this  terrible  battle  behind  the  enemy's  lines.  They  are 
not  interested  in  the  political  manoeuvers  of  General  Sikorski,  who  is  a  rightful 
successor  to  the  Pilsudski,  Beck,  Smigly-Rydz  Company,  who  have  brought  so 
much  misfortune  on  Poland. 

jMr.  Flood.  ]  now  show  to  the  witness  letter  referred  to  by  the  gen- 
tleman from  Illinois,  now  marked  "Exhibit  10."  Will  you  examine 
that,  please,  and  is  that  the  letter  to  which  we  are  now  referring? 

Colonel  SzTMANSKi.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  We  now  offer  that  in  evidence. 


Cliairmaii  Madden.  It  is  declared  in  evidence  as  exhibit  10. 

Mr.  Sheeiian.  Sliall  I  proceed,  Mr.  Chairman? 

Chairman  Madden.  Proceed. 

Mr.  Sheeiian.  Colonel,  I  referred  to  the  letter  of  May  29.  I  believe 
that  is  in  here,  too. 

Mr,  Mitchell.  Yes,  sir.  It  is  the  covering  letter  for  all  nine  appen- 
dixes which  were  marked  "Exhibit  10-A." 

Mr.  Sheeiian.  The  second  from  the  last  paragraph,  Colonel,  if  you 
<\'ill  just  read  that  for  the  record,  so  you  will  know  what  I  am  talking 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi  (reading)  : 

A  duplicate  copy  of  this,  less  the  photostatic  and  original  copy,  was  put  in 
the  form  of  a  report  and  sent  through  channels. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Colonel,  was  there  a  specific  request  that  you  had  in 
your  orders  to  make  this  report  in  this  manner  or  was  this  according 
to  Army  regulations. 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  It  was  neither  specific  nor  Army  regulations. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  You  just  did  it  the  way  you  wanted  to? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  All  right,  that  answers  that  question.  In  your 
report  you  mentioned  a  little  while  ago  that  you  talked  about  Wen- 
dell Willkie.    You  were  interpreter  for  him? 

Colonel  SzTMANSKi.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  There  is  a  part  in  your  report  where  you  refer  to 
a  conversation  with  Mr.  Willkie's  secretary. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  I  don't  believe  that  part  is  in  the  record,  sir. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Everything  in  there  is  in  the  record,  is  it  not? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  No,  sir.    That  is  the  point. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Let's  get  that  straightened  out. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  We  received  quite  a  number  of  reports  from  the  War 
Department.  When  we  went  over  this  for  declassification  purposes 
to  strike  out  the  names,  we  did  not  have  the  part  that  you  are  referring 
to  now,  present  at  that  time. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  May  I  see  that  ?  I  will  tell  you  whether  he  had  it 
there  or  not. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  I  was  not  there. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  This  is  the  entire  matter  we  had  present  that  day. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  It  is  part  of  Colonel  Szymanski's  report  there. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  May  29,  1943?  That  letter  was  present.  We 
had  that  letter.     The  letter  of  May  29. 

]\Ir.  Mitchell.  Yes,  that  one ;  but  he  is  talking  about  the  Willkie 

Mr.  Sheehan.  There  was  a  report  attached,  the  colonel's  report, 
Avhieli  was  attached  to  these  documents  here,  which  referred  to  the 
])olitica]  and  military  Russian  situation. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Let  me  say  this  for  the  record.  May  I  ask  Mr. 
Korth,  is  there  any  reason  why  this  should  not  be  offered  in  the  record? 

Mr.  Korth.  I  don't  know,  sir.  I  haven't  had  an  opportunity  to 
read  that. 

Ml-.  ISrAciiRowicz.  Have  we  had  any  indication  from  any  one  that 
t]wy  didn't  want  this  to  go  in  the  record? 

Mr.  jNIiixiiKLL.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  Take  a  recess  of  5  minutes  and  let  him  read  it. 


Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  suggest  ^Ye  take  a  recess.  I  see  no  reason  why 
that  should  not  go  in  the  record. 

Chairman  Madden.  Recess  for  5  minutes. 

(Brief  recess.) 

Chairman  Madden.  The  committee  will  come  to  order. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Congressman,  this  is  exhibit  11. 

Mv.  Flood.  I  have  jnst  been  handed  by  counsel  for  the  committee 
what  will  be  identified  and  marked  for  indentification  as  "Exhibit 
No.  11." 

(The  document  referred  to  was  marked  "Exhibit  No.  11"  and  filed 
for  the  record  titled  "Polish-Russian  Relations.") 

Mr.  Flood.  I  now  show  the  witness,  Colonel  Szymanski,  exhibit  No. 
11  and  ask  him  to  identify  this  as  to  whether  or  not  this  is  part  of  the 
so-called  Szymanski  report. 

Colonel  Szymanski.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  It  is  now  offered  ill  evidence. 

Chairman  Madden.  It  is  accepted  in  evidence. 

(The  document  marked  "Exhibit  No.  11"  follows:) 

Exhibit  11 

Legation  of  the  United  States  of  Amekica,  Office  of  the  Miutaby  Attach^, 

Caiko,  Egypt 

IG  No.  360O 
[Stamped:]  Rec'd  G-2  June  15,  1943. 
Subject :    "Polish-Russiau  Relations." 
To :   Chief,  Military  Intelligence  Service,  War  Department,  Washington,  D.  C. 

1.  A  deferred  copy  of  letter  submitted  by  Lt.  Colonel  Henry  I.  Szymanski, 
covering  9  appendices  pertaining  to  the  "Katin  Affair"  is  forwarded  herewith. 

William  S.  Moore, 
Lt.  Colonel,  GSC,  Military  AttacM. 
From  M.  A.  Cairo,  Egypt.    REPort  No.  4395.    June  3,  1943. 
Military  Intelligence  Division 
War  Department  General  Staff 
G-2  Report,  Poland 
Subject :    Polish-Russian  Relations.  I.  G.  No.  3850 

Source  and  Degree  of  Reliability : 

1.  Study  of  official  documents. 

2.  Conversations  with  officials  of  Polish  Govt. 

3.  Conversations  with  rank  &  file  of  Polish  Army. 

4.  Conversations  with  Polish  civilian  evacuees. 
The  report  is  organized  as  follows: 

1.  Basis  of  report. 

2.  Brief  review  of  relations  prior  to  Bolshevik  invasion,  Sept.  17,  1939. 

3.  Relations  between  invasion  and  Armistice,  September  17,  1939-July  30, 

4.  Relations  from  Armistice  to  October  30,  1942. 

5.  Future  Relations. 
Basis  of  Report: 

1.  Study  of  official  documents. 

2.  Conversations  with  officials  of  the  Polish  Government  in  the  Middle  East 
and  England. 

3.  Conversations  with  the  rank  and  file  of  the  Polish  Army  in  the  Middle  East 
and  England  (all  former  prisoners  in  Russia). 

4.  Conversations  with  hundreds  of  Polish  civilian  evacuees  out  of  Russia — 
men,  women,  and  children  (all  ages).  These  were  sworn  to  silence  by  the  Polish. 
Government  and  Army  authorities  in  order  not  to  jeopardize  the  Polish-Russian, 
relations.  They  were  released  from  their  oath  in  order  to  tell  their  stories.  No' 
other  foreigner  was  accorded  that  privilege. 

From  :   Liaison  Officer  to  Polish  Army.  Date :   November  22,.  1942. 


(November  23,  1942) 
Polish-Russian  Rklations 

1.  Basis  of  report. 

2.  Brief  review  of  relations  prior  to  Bolshevik  invasion,  September  17,  1939. 

3.  Relations  between  invasion  and  Armistice,  September  17,  1939-July  30, 1941. 

4.  Relations  from  Armistice  to  October  30,  1942. 

5.  Future  Relations. 


1.  Pictures  taken  by  Lt.  Col.  Szymanski. 

2.  Case  Histories  taken  by  Lt.  Col.  Szymanski  in  Pahlevi  and  Teheran. 

3.  Copy  of  a  letter  written  to  an  American  communist  by  his  brother,  who 
spent  2  years  in  Russia  as  a  deportee. 

4.  Copy  of  extract  from  Soviet  memorandum  on  Polish  Citizenship. 

5.  Translation  of  memorandum  prepared  in  London  for  Lt.  Col.  Szymanski 
at  beiiest  of  General   Sikorski  on  Polish  Citizenship  of  non-Polish  Nationals. 

Polish-Russian  Relations 

Relations  Prior  to  Bolshevik  Invasion  {Sept.  17,  1939) 

This  chapter  will  be  very  brief  because  the  subject  matter  is  covered  in  various 
book.s,  pamphlets,  and  reports.  It  does  provide  a  background  for  an  under- 
standing of  subsequent  relations. 

1.  There  existed  between  Poland  and  the  Soviet  Republic  a  pact  of  non- 
aggression  dated  July  25,  1932,  which  on  May  5,  1934,  was  extended  to  December 
31,  1945. 

2.  Despite  the  strong  misgivings  occasioned  by  the  German-Soviet  Pact  of 
Aug.  23,  1939,  a  general  impression  of  good  will  towards  Poland  prevailed  on 
the  part  of  the  Soviets. 

3.  On  Sept.  17,  1939,  the  Polish  Ambassador  to  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  was  read  a  note 
in  the  Krcmlhi  to  the  effect  that :  a.  The  Soviets  regarded  the  I'olish  Government 
as  disintegrated,  and  the  Polish  State  as  having,  in  fact,  ceased  to  exist ;  ft.  That 
consequently  all  agreements  between  the  two  countries  were  rendered  invalid; 
c.  That  Poland  without  leadership  constituted  a  threat  to  the  U.  S.  S.  R. ;  d.  That 
the  Soviet  Government  could  not  view  with  indifference  the  fate  of  the  Ukrain- 
ians and  White  Russians  living  on  Polish  territory ;  e.  That,  accordingly,  the 
Soviet  Government  had  ordered  its  troops  to  cross  the  Polish  border  for  their 
protection;  /.  And  that  the  Soviet  Government  proposed  to  extricate  the  Polish 
people  from  the  unfortunate  war  into  which  they  were  dragged  by  their  unwise 
leaders  and  enable  them  to  live  a  peaceful  life. 

4.  The  entrance  of  Bolshevik  troops  came  as  a  distinct  surprise  to  the  popula- 
tion, the  civil,  and  the  military  authorities.  From  conversations,  I  gathered 
that  the  Bolshevik  conmianders  had  two  sets  of  order.s — one,  a  directive  for 
peaceful  entry  as  a  supposed  ally  of  the  Poles,  and  the  other,  to  be  read  when 
certain  ijoiuts  were  reached,  of  an  entirely  different  purport. 

5.  The  entry  of  the  Bolshevik  troops  was  actually  an  invasion. 

Relations  bctn-cen  the  Invasion  and  the  Armistice  (Sept.  17,  1939~July  30,  1941) 

1.  The  first  impression  which  the  Bolshevik  invasion  pi'oduced  indicated  that 
it  might  be  limited  to  a  military  occupation.  Business  was  allowed  to  be  carried 
on,  and  employees  in  private  and  public  undertakings  were  ordered  to  remain 
at  their  posts.     There  was  no  visible  interference  with  religion. 

2.  However,  there  soon  followt^l  an  emigration  from  liussia  of  Oflicers'  fam- 
ilies, civil  administrat(u-s,  commissars,  and  the  O.  G.  1'.  U.  (political  police),  and 
it  soon  became  apparent  what  was  in  store  for  the  occupied  land. 

3.  There  began  a  contiscation  of  hiiid,  all  cliurch  property,  raw  materials, 
iiijicliinery,  stocks  of  comiuodities,  livestock,  furniture,  not  only  from  factories 
and  government  buildings  but  jn-ivate  dwellings  as  well,  railway  rolling  stock, 
farm  produce;  these  were  all  exported  to  Russia.  All  bank  and  savings  deposits 
over  30()  Zlotys  (about  $60,000)  were  confiscated.  In  December  1939,  the  Bol- 
sheviks withdrew  tlie  Zioty  from  circulation  and  made  no  provision  for  even  a 
nominal  exchange  against  the  rnble.  The  people  were  thus  stripped  of  every- 


4.  All  trade  unions  were  abolished.  Workers'  wages  remained  low  despite 
rising  prices.  The  unemployment  problem  was  solved  by  voluntary  deporta- 
tion to  Russia.  The  peasants  and  small  farmers  were  forced  to  join  the  "Kol- 
hoz,"  a  form  of  collective  farming,  where  they  soon  learned  that  they  had  no 
liberty  to  exchange  their  product  for  industrial  commodities. 

5.  Political  persecutions  were  soon  begun  and  directed  against  (1)  all  party 
leaders,  except  communists;  (2)  local  educated  people,  and  (3)  well-to-do 
peasants  (mostly  soldiei's  who  had  fought  against  Bolsheviks  in  1920  and  were 
settled  in  Eastern  Poland).  The  Russian  language  became  the  language  of 
these  provinces. 

6.  Early  in  1940  began  the  wholesale  deportation  of  Poles  to  Kazakstan,  Tur- 
kestan, Siberia,  etc.  Their  number  is  estimated  as  between  1,000,000  and  2,000,- 
000  men,  women,  and  children.  There  is  every  indication  that  this  mass  de- 
portation was  not  a  haphazard  affair.  Quite  the  contrary — it  appears  that 
the  plan  was  very  carefully  worked  out,  and  its  purpose  was  the  extermination 
of  the  so-called  intelligentsia  of  Eastern  Poland.  Those  deported  were  ofHcers 
and  their  families,  all  government  officials  and  police,  professional  men,  edu- 
cators, prosecutors,  judges,  and  all  former  soldiers  (those  who  fought  against 
the  Bolsheviks  in  1920)  who  were  settled  in  Eastern  Poland  and  had  become 
prosperous  peasants.  Families  were  broken  up  and  in  many  cases  the  husband 
shot.  Very  little  time  was  given  for  preparation.  One  or  two  suitcases  were 
all  that  was  permitted  to  he  taken.  Fifteen  minutes  to  an  hour  was  the  time 
allowed  for  packing.  The  travel  was  mostly  in  tx'ucks  or  cattle  cars  and  the 
journe.vs  lasted  up  to  26  days  without  any  sanitary  conditions,  means  of  exer- 
cise, facilities  for  sleep,  purchase  of  food,  etc. 

7.  Once  the  destination  was  reached  in  Siberia,  Franz  Joseph  Island,  Arch- 
angel, Mongol  Provinces,  or  Malaria-infe.sted  Kazakstan,  living  conditions,  and 
working  conditions  became  intolerable.  The  destinations  were  forced  labor 
camps,  concentration  camps,  and  prisons.  Officers  like  Generals  Anders.  Boruta, 
Tokarzewski,  Rakowski,  etc.,  were  either  in  solitary  confinement  or  shared  cells 
with  Russian  political  prisoners.  General  Tokarzewski  was  in  solitary  con- 
finement for  17  months.  General  Boruta  was  confined  for  seven  months,  and 
was  tortured  I'epeatedly  by  denial  of  his  daily  portion  of  bread  and  soup  (con- 
taining no  fat)  and  then  given  a  sumptuous  meal,  only  to  be  denied  even  water 
for  3  or  4  days. 

S.  The  deportees  were  assigned  work  in  coal  and  iron  mines,  on  the  laying 
of  roads  and  railroads,  on  irrigation  projects,  in  forests,  on  construction  of 
buildings,  on  farms.  No  discrimination  was  shown  between  men  and  women. 
A  woman  had  to  cut  and  pile  as  much  wood  as  a  man,  she  had  to  carry 
15  lbs.  of  bricks  or  mortar,  she  had  to  excavate  9V^  cubic  meters  twice-shifted  de- 
spite the  fact  that  the  normal  excavation  was  6  cubic  meters.  That  was  the  task 
for  the  day.  They  were  paid  accordingly.  The  pay  bought  just  eiidugh  bread 
to  keep  body  and  soul  together.  If  anyone  fell  below  the  quota,  he  or  she, 
was  docked  and  consequently  could  not  buy  enough  bread.  Soup  was  thrown 
in,  which,  at  times,  had  in  it  a  few  shreds  of  cabbage;  meat,  fat,  vegetables, 
and  fruit  were  not  to  be  had. 

9.  Quarters  were  overcrowded,  sleeping  was  on  the  floor  or  ground,  there 
was  either  no  heat  or  very  little,  and  no  sanitary  conditions  were  provided. 
Rats  had  the  play  of  all  dwellings.  The  sick  wei-e  not  isolated  and  medicines 
were  not  available.  Because  of  the  lack  of  vitamines.  scurvy,  beriberi,  and 
many  other  diseases  were  prevalent.  Night  i)lindness  and  loss  of  memory  re- 
sulted from  the  same  causes.  The  condition  of  the  teeth  of  all  Poles  is  very 
liad.  This  is  also  due  to  lack  of  vitamines.  Pictures  taken  by  me  in  Pahlevi 
indicate  the  privations  that  those  people  had  to  undergo  in  the  land  of  the  Soviets. 

10.  The  children  had  no  chance.  It  is  estimated  that  nO%  have  already  died 
from  malnutrition.  The  other  50%  will  die  unless  evacuated  to  a  land  where 
American  help  can  reach  them.  A  visit  to  any  of  the  hospitals  in  Teheran  will 
testify  to  this  statement.  They  are  filled  with  children  and  adults  who  would 
be  lietter  off  not  to  have  survived  the  ordeal. 

11.  Women  not  accustomed  to  hard  manual  labor  and  conseciuently  not  able 
to  earn  enough  for  their  daily  bread  had  a  choice  of  starving  to  death  or  sub- 
mitting to  the  Bolshevik  or  ^Mongol  supervisor.  In  one  sense  their  condition 
was  bettered — they  had  something  to  eat.  When  a.sked  by  me  whether  they 
worked  hard,  a  reluctant  answer  of,  '"I  wanted  to  live,"  would  be  given  me.  The 
Polish  military  medical  authorities  are  taking  blood  tests  to  determine  the 
number  of  venereals  among  women.  The  tests  were  not  completed  pi'ior  to 
my  departure,  but  the  results  will  be  handed  me. 


12.  The  so-called  intelli.uentsia — the  professionals,  the  educators,  the  Gov- 
ernment officials,  etc.,  were  not  used  to  manual  labor,  and  consequently  not  as 
able  to  take  care  of  themselves  as  were  the  prosperous  peasants.  Hundreds  of 
these  have  died.  Stalin  has  succeeded  adniiraldy  in  the  extermination  of  (his 
class — the  leaders  of  Poland.  Overwork  and  undernourishment  plus  unsanitary 
living-  conditions  have  done  the  .iob  of  bu'lets. 

13.  The  lot  of  the  prosperous  peasants,  most  of  them  former  soldiers  who 
fought  against  the  B  )]sheviks  in  1920.  was  particularly  hard.  My  contacts 
must  ha\'e  numbered  close  to  a  hundred.  Everyone  of  these  former  soldiers 
that  I  spoke  to  was  given  the  3rd  degree  and  repeatedly  tortured  by  the 
N.  K.  W.  D.  (Gestapo).  Most  of  them  were  given  severe  prison  sentences  on 
no  other  charge,  except  that  they  fought  for  their  country  against  the  Bolsheviks 
in  1920. 

14.  With  a  few  exceptions,  no  charges  were  made  against  the  deport<ies. 
There  was  no  trial.  Sentences  were  pronounced  by  the  M.  K.  W.  D.  All  were 

Relations  Between  the  Period  July  30,  1941-Oct.  30,  19-'j2 

1.  On  June  22,  1941,  Germany  attacked  Russia.  On  July  30,  1941,  the  Polish- 
Soviet  agreement  was  concluded.     The  text  is  a  follows : 

"1.  The  Government  of  the  U.  S.  8.  R.  recognizes  the  Soviet-German  treaties  of 
1939  as  to  territorial  changes  in  Poland  as  having  lost  their  validitij. — The  Polish 
Government  declares  that  Poland  is  not  bound  by  any  agreement  with  any  third 
Power  which  is  directed  against  the  U.  S.  S.  R. 

2.  Diplomatic  relations  will  be  restored  between  the  two  Governments  upon 
the  signing  of  this  Agreement  and  an  immediate  exchange  of  Ambassadors  will 
be  arranged. 

3.  The  two  Governments  mutually  agree  to  render  one  another  aid  and  support 
of  all  kinds  in  the  present  war  against  Hitlerite  Germany. 

4.  The  Government  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  expi'esses  its  consent  to  the  formation  on 
the  territory  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  of  a  Polish  army  under  a  Commander  appointed 
by  the  Polish  Government  in  agreement  with  the  Soviet  Government,  the  I'olish 
army  on  the  territory  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  being  subordinated  in  an  operational 
sense  to  the  supreme  command  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  upon  which  the  Polish  army 
will  be  represented.  All  details  as  to  command,  organization  and  employment 
of  the  force  will  be  settled  in  a  subsequent  agreement. 

5.  This  Agreement  will  come  into  force  immediately  upon  signature  and  with- 
out ratification." 

"Proetocol. — The  Soviet  Government  grants  an  amnesty  to  all  Polish  eitizens 
now  detained  on  Soviet  territory  either  as  prisoners  of  war  or  on  other  sufficient 
grounds,  as  from  the  resumption  of  diplomatic  relatione." 

After  the  signature  of  the  Agreement,  the  British  Foreign  Secretary,  Mr.  Eden, 
handed  General  Sikorski  a  note  in  the  following  terms : 

"On  the  occasion  of  the  signature  of  the  Polish-Soviet  Agreement  of  today's 
date,  I  desire  to  take  the  opportiuiity  of  informing  you  that  in  conformity  with 
the  provisions  of  the  agreement  of  mutual  assistance  between  the  United  Kingdom 
and  Poland  of  August  2.")th.  19.'19,  lis  Mii.jcsty's  Government  in  the  United  King- 
dom have  entered  into  no  undertaking  towards  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  which  affects  the 
relations  between  that  country  and  Poland.  /  alxo  dcnire  to  a.ssiirc  yoii  tlutf  ///.s' 
Majesty's  Government  do  not  recogni::e  any  territorial  changes  tchich  have  been 
effected  in  Poland  since  August,  1039." 

GtMieral  Sikoi-ski  handed  Mr.  Eden  a  reply  in  the  following  terms: 

"The  I'olish  Government  take  note  of  your  Excellency's  letter  dated  July  30, 
1041,  and  desire  to  express  sincere  satisfaction  at  the  statement  that  His  Ma- 
jesty's Government  in  the  United  Kingdom  do  not  recognize  any  territorial 
changes  which  have  been  effcM'ted  in  Poland  since  August.  1939.  This  c(n-responds 
with  the  view  of  the  Polish  Government,  which,  as  it  has  previously  informed 
His  Majesty's  Government,  has  never  recognized  any  territorial  clninges  ef- 
fected in  Poland  since  the  outbreak  of  the  present  war." 

II.  1.  TIm-  Protocol  has  a  siunifirant  Iteariu'-C  upon  the  relations  during  this 
period.  The  term  "Polish  Citizens"  in  the  "Protocol"  has  caused  considerable 
friction  in  the  relations  and  a  great  deal  of  misnnderstanding.  In  my  study 
of  the  official  correspondence  between  Mr.  Kot,  Polish  Ambassador  in  Russia, 
and  the  Soviet  Government,  I  observed  that  to  the  Poles  the  term  "Polish  Citi- 
zens." implied  all  citizens  of  Poland  as  recognized  in  its  constitution,  regardless 


of  origin.  That  meant  tiiat  the  socalled  minorities,  the  White  Russians,  Ukrain- 
ians and  Jews  living  in  Eastern  Poland  were  citizens  in  the  same  sense  as  the 
people  of  strictly  Polish  origin.  The  Soviets,  after  about  three  months  of  the 
existence  of  the  agreement,  gave  the  term  the  interpretation  that  it  referred  only 
to  the  people  of  strictly  Polisli  origin. 

1'.  After  the  invasion  of  September  17,  1939,  the  Soviets  had  held  a  plebescite 
in  occupied  Poland.  All  the  candidates  proposed  by  the  Soviets  were  elected. 
There  were  no  other  candidates.  Eastern  Poland  was  thus  joined  to  the  Soviet 
Republic.  Soviet  citizenship  papers  were  issued  to  all  inhabitants  of  the  Soviet- 
occupied  part  of  Poland.  All  became  citizens  of  the  Soviet  Republic.  All  papers 
of  identification  of  the  deportees  were  taken  away  from  them,  and  in  their  place 
were  issued  the  Soviet  citizenship  papers.  Reference  to  the  date  November  1, 
1939,  in  subsequent  paragraphs  and  in  attached  translations  of  Polish  reports 
is  in  effect  a  reference  to  the  plebescite  and  the  issuance  of  citizenship  paiiers. 

In  order  to  get  help  to  the  Polish  citizens  liberated  by  the  agreement  of  July 
30th,  the  Polish  Ambassador  made  several  proposals  such  as  the  appointment  of 
Polish  Consuls,  tl)e  Polish  Red  Cross  aid  and  the  formation  of  committees  to 
deal  with  the  civilians.  These  the  Soviets  turned  down.  Finally,  after  a  direct 
appeal  of  General  Sikorski  to  Stalin  in  December  1941,  the  Soviets  agreed  to 
grant  the  Poles  a  loan  and  to  the  appointment  of  20  delegates  who  would  deal 
directly  with  the  liberated  Polish  civilians.  Of  the  20  delegates,  nine  had  dip- 
lomatic status.  The  delegates  and  their  assistants,  numbering  around  100  in  all^ 
were  sent  to  various  localities  in  Russia.  To  them  the  liberated  Polish  citizens 
came  for  food,  clothing,  financial  help,  and  instructions  as  to  future  action.  As 
a  means  of  future  identification  the  delegates  issued  Polish  passports  to  the 
citizens  reporting  to  them. 

3.  At  first  the  delegates  encountered  no  difficulty  in  their  activities.  However, 
in  April  1942,  the  Soviets  began  restricting  the  delegates  as  to  the  localities  in 
whicli  they  could  work.  The  Soviet  Foreign  Ofiice  further  demanded  from  the 
E^mbassy  that  the  delegates  cease  intervening  and  cease  seeking  information 
from  the  local  authorities  concerning  the  masses  of  Polish  citizens  still  held  in 
camps  and  prisons.  The  Soviet  authorities  began  to  make  it  impossible  for  the- 
Polish  embassy  to  render  help  to  the  Polish  citizens  of  Jew^ish,  White  Russian  or 
Ukrainian  origin.  These  the  Soviets  assumed  to  be  citizens  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R. 
by  a  unilateral  declaration. 

4.  In  June,  1942,  the  Soviets  made  difficulties  for  Polish  couriers  in  their 
attempt  to  reach  the  Polish  Embassy.  About  this  time  the  Soviets  began  to 
arrest  some  of  the  assistants  to  the  delegates.  The  charge  was  that  these  assist- 
ants were  conducting  propaganda  against  tlie  Soviets. 

5.  At  the  end  of  June  the  Soviets  arrested  the  Polish  delegates  to  Vladivostok 
and  Archangel  despite  their  diplomatic  passports.  On  July  10,  they  were  relea.sed 
on  protest  of  the  Polish  Ambassador.  About  July  15.  all  the  delegates  and  their 
assistants  were  arrested,  their  papers,  reports,  and  personal  files  confiscated. 

6.  On  July  20,  the  NKWD  (Gestapo)  notified  the  Polisli  Minister  that  the 
work  of  the  delegates  must  cease,  on  the  charge  that  all  the  delegates  and  their 
assistants  were  carrying  on  espionage  and  propaganda  against  the  Soviets. 

7.  The  NKWD  liquidated  such  Polish  agencies  as  orphanages,  homes  for  in- 
valids, and  kitchens  where  free  meals  were  served.  With  the  delegates  under 
arrest  and  above  agencies  liquidated,  the  Polish  civilian  population  in  Russia 
was  left  to  its  own  wits  or  starvation. 

8.  Tlie  attempt  of  the  Polish  Government  to  persuade  the  Soviets  to  facilitate 
the  evacuation  of  ,50,000  Polish  children,  whose  lot  was  particularly  difficult,  was 
also  fruitless. 

9.  The  Polish  officials  and  our  Minister  in  Teheran,  Mr.  Dreyfus,  told  me  that 
Stalin  promised  our  President  that  10,000  children  (orphans)  would  be  evacu- 
ated immediately.  That  was  not  done  prior  to  my  departure  from  England  on 
Oetolier  29,  1942. 

10.  Nine  of  the  delegates  were  released  in  August  and  came  directly  to 
Teheran  where  I  contacted  them.  The  rest  of  them  remained  in  prison,  charged 
but  not  tried. 

11.  For  Mr.  Kot,  Deputy  Prime  Minister  and  former  Polish  Ambassador  to 
Russia,  I  translated  to  IMr.  Wendell  Willkie  in  Teheran.  In  the  translation  was 
a  message  from  General  Sikorski  to  Mr.  Willkie  asking  him  that  he  intervene 
with  Stalin  on  the  following  points : 

a.  Release  of  the  delegates  and  the  assistants. 

b.  Evacuation  of  the  10,000  orphans. 

c.  Evacuation  of  the  50,000  children. 
93744 — 52— pt.  3 17 


12.  In  Scotland  on  October  22,  1942,  General  Sikorski  informed  me  that  he 
had  jtist  received  a  dispatch  that  70  of  the  delegates  were  released  and  that 
the  remaining  14  were  held  and  will  be  tried  on  a  charge  of  spreading  anti- 
Bolshevik  propaganda. 

13.  a.  The  Polish  Ambassador,  Mr.  Kot,  made  repeated  requests  for  the  release 
from  prison  of  Polish  citizens.     Promises  were  always  made  and   not  kept; 

b.  the  Ambassador  made  repeated  requests  that  the  Soviets  give  him  a  list 
containing  the  names  and  the  places  of  detention  of  Polish  citizens.  Again 
promises  were  made  and  not  Ivept. 

c.  When  liiiall.v  Mr.  Kot  fnrnislied  the  NKWD  a  list  of  some  4,5(10  of  the  more 
promised  Poles  and  their  places  of  detention,  he  was  furnished  replies  pertaining 
to  1,500  of  whom  1,000  were  released,  but  the  date  and  place  of  release  were 
not  given. 

d.  The  Polish  Embassy  knows  the  location  of  some  65  camps  and  prisons 
where  Poles  are  still  detained. 

c.  In  November,  1941,  Molotov  notified  Kot  that  all  Poles  were  released  from 
detention,  and  yet  the  Soviet  Foreign  Office  in  January,  February  and  March,  1942, 
notified  Kot  that  Poles  were  still  being  released  from  detention. 

/.  When  only  few  of  the  so-called  minorities,  all  citizens,  were  permitted  to 
join  the  Polish  Army,  the  protests  from  Kot  brought  forth  the  answer  from  the 
NKWD  that  those  were  Soviet  citizens  and  therefore  not  eligible  for  the  Polish 

g.  When  civilians  of  the  so-called  minorities  made  application  to  the  Polish  for  evacuation  and  were  given  passports  due  them  as  Polish  citizens, 
the  NKWD  detained  them  at  Tashkent,  Yangi-Yul,  and  Ashkabad,  the  p<jints 
of  embarkation,  to  Iran. 


1.  Polish-Soviet  relations  are  marked  by  differences  which  are  in  my  humble 
opinion  irreconcilable. 

2.  These  differences  are  irreconcilable  at  present  because  (a)  the  Soviets  did 
not  carry  out  their  end  of  the  Polish-Soviet  non-aggression  pact ;  (t))  the  Soviets 
are  not  carrying  out  the  provisions  of  the  Polish-Soviet  Agreement  of  July 
30,  1941;  (c)  Stalin's  promises  to  Sikorski  and  Roosevelt  are  not  being  kept; 
(d)  there  are  still  some  900,000  Polish  citizens,  deportees,  in  Russia,  slowly  being 
exterminated  through  overwork  and  undernourishment;  (e)  there  are  still  some 
50,000  Polish  children  slowly  dying  of  starvation. 

3.  If  the  Soviets  forsake  their  communistic  and  imperialistic  aspirations,  there 
is  a  good  chance  that  peace  may  reigii  in  the  Eastern  part  of  Poland. 

4.  The  Polish  Government  and  army  officials  are  making  a  determined  effort 
to  reconcile  the  differences.    The  attitude  of  the  Government  is  realistic. 

5.  Thousands  of  families  broken  up,  deported,  tortured  and  starved  cannot 
so  easily  forget  the  immediate  past — young  men  just  out  of  Russia,  young  men 
six  months  out  of  Russia  ask  not  for  bread,  l)ut  for  rifles — willing  to  die,  provided 
they  can  bag  their  toll  of  Nazis  and  then  of  Bolsheviks. 

Henry  I.  Szyiianski, 

Lt.  Colonel,  Infantry, 
Liaison  Officer,  to  Polish  Army. 



Enclosure  No.  1 

Keport  on  Polish-Russian  Relations,  Lt.   Col.   H.    I.    Szymanski,   U.   S.  Army, 

Nov.  22,  1942 

Photo  by  Licutcuaiu  LoKniei  Szymanski,  U.  S.  Arm.y. 

Six-year-old  boy,  Polish  evacuee  from  Russia,  August  1942. 

(See  par.  10  of  Report  on  Polish-Russian  Relations  Between  Sept.  17,  1939-July  30,  1941, 

p.  455) 



I'hoto  by  LieuteiiJUit  Culoncl  Szyiniiiiski.  U.  S.  Army. 

Twelve-year-old  boy,  Polish  evacuee  from  Russia,  August  1942. 

I'lioio  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Szyuianski,  U.  S.  Army. 

Ten-year-old  girl,  Polish  evacuee  from  Kussin,  August  l!t42. 



'1  I 

Photo  hy  Lieutenant  Colonel  Szymanski,  U.  S.  Army. 

Three  sisters,  ages  7,  8,  and  9,  Polish  evacuees  from  Russia,  August  1942. 

Enclosure  No.  2 

Report  on  Polish-Russian  Relations,  Lt.   Col.   H.    I.    Szvmanski,   U.    S.   Army, 

Nov.  22,  1942 

Case  Studies — Polish  Evacuees  in  Teheean 

first  informant 

I  was  employed  as  a  gamekeeper  on  an  estate  and  owned  a  small  farm, 
approx.  5  hectares.  Upon  the  arrival  of  the  Soviet  autliorities  I  was  arrested, 
■on  the  14  December  1939,  and  eniprisoned  at  Molodeczuo.  After  6  numths  there 
I  was  transferred  to  tlie  prison  at  Orsza.  In  prison  during  inquiries  I  was 
accused  of  carrying  out  my  duties  too  conscientiously,  communicating  with  the 
Polish  police  authorities  and  officers  beh)nging  to  the  Polish  Frontier  Guard 
^  Corps,  finally  for  hiding  Polish  Officers.  During  these  inquiries  I  was  subjected 
to  very  cruel  treatment,  I  was  beaten  and  forced  to  report  about  other  Poles, 
false  statements.  I  was  sentenced  to  S  years  of  labour  in  camp.  I  was  de- 
ported to  Kalyma.  During  the  journey,  I  learned  that  my  wife  was  deported 
to  Swiei'dU)skaja  Oblast  in  February  1940.  In  the  Labour  Camp  I  had  to  work 
on  the  railway  line.  The  work  was  very  heavy.  Food  received  after  the  quota 
of  work  was  carried  out :  700  gr.  of  bread  and  twice  daily  oat  soup  made  with 
salted  fish.  No  salary.  I  was  ill  and  had  a  rupture,  but  had  to  woi-k  on. 
Living  dwellings  in  barracks  vei'y  dirty  and  full  of  lice.  Very  bad  treatment 
and  we  very  often  were  beaten.  I  was  released  when  the  Anmesty  for  Poles 
was  in  force  on  the  25.9.1941. 



I  was  arrested  by  NKWD  authorities  on  the  14.8.1940  and  imprisoned  at  Lida. 
I  do  not  linow  what  happened  to  ray  family.  During  the  investigations  I  was 
accused  of  being  a  patriot,  a  deputy  of  the  maire  of  the  village  and  chairman 
of  a  viHage  association  and  Cooperative  Society.  Further  I  was  accused  of 
belonging  to  the  '"rich  cUiss"  as  my  father  owned  a  farm  of  45  hectares.  The 
inquiries  held  for  the  larger  part  at  night  were  very  tiring.  I  was  sentenced 
to  S  years  imprisonment  and  Labour  Camp.  I  was  deported  to  Komi  on  the 
5.3.1941.  I  worked  as  a  carpenter,  14  hours  per  day  and  one  day  rest  per 
month.     During  this  day  I  had  to  work  one  or  two  hours. 

The  work  was  very  heavy.  Food  very  bad,  in  the  morning,  if  the  quota  of 
work  was  completed,  675  gr.  of  bread  and  hot  water,  the  smallest  amount  of 
bread  received  250  gr.  Dinner  at  7  in  the  evening  consisted  of  oat  meal  soup 
with  salted  fish.  Illness  was  not  taken  into  consideration  and  not  even  with  a 
medical  certificate  of  unfitness  was  one  released  from  work.  Only  people  who 
hadn't  the  strength  to  get  up  from  bed  were  allowed  not  to  work.  Billets  in 
barracks  were  overcrowded ;  in  a  one-person  bed,  three  men  used  to  sleep.  The 
camp  authorities  used  to  treat  us  very  badly.  They  often  repeated  to  us  that 
we  were  buried  for  the  rest  of  our  life.  Criminals  who  were  imprisoned  to- 
gether with  us  were  nmch  better  treated  by  the  authorities  and  could  torture 
us  and  ill  treat  us.  In  the  barracks  where  I  was  imprisoned  was  also  the 
Lithuanian  Minister  of  Finance  Petrulis.  Thieves  had  stolen  all  his  clothes 
and  Ijelongings  and  although  he  reported  this  fact  to  the  authorities  no  steps 
were  taken.     I  was  released  by  the  Amnesty  with  4  weeks  delay  (in  the  6.8.1941. 


After  her  husband  was  arrested  she  was  deported  from  Pinsk  on  20.4.41.  Was 
deported  from  hospital  with  5  children.  She  was  in  hospital  after  the  birth  of 
her  youngest  child.  The  other  children  17,  14,  8,  3,  and  2  months  old.  The  whole 
family  was  transported  to  Semipalatynsk  in  cattle  train.  They  were  deported 
to  the  Camp  of  Semipalatynskaja  Oblast,  Bialagaczewskij  Rejon,  Bek-Kazjer, 
and  there  had  to  work  in  a  quarry.  Was  released  from  work  there  as  unfit,  but 
her  sons  aged  17  and  14  were  forced  to  work.  The  work  consisted  of  carrying 
and  loading  blocks  of  stones  from  7  in  the  morning  to  4  in  the  afternoon.  The 
salary  was  11  kopek  for  one  cubic  meter  of  stones  and  both  the  boys  could  hardly 
load  one  cubic  meter  during  one  day.  The  loading  of  stones  was  often  carried 
out  during  the  night.  They  used  to  earn  11  kopek  daily  but  the  daily  expenses 
for  bread  only  wer  of  5  roubles  25  kop.  We  had  a  separate  lodging  consisting 
of  one  room  with  a  tloor,  a  kitchen  stove,  one  window  2  and  half  mtr.  x  2  and  a 
half  mtr.  The  children  were  ill,  malaria  and  scarlet  fever.  The  local  authorities 
of  the  quarry  and  the  guards  were  severe  but  did  not  ill-treat  the  workers.  Rela- 
tions between  Polish  and  Russian  prisoners  were  good.  After  long  efforts  made 
by  the  deported  they  were  released  by  the  Soviet  authorities  on  27  October  1941 
and  n  ceived  amnesty  certificates.  She  left  inniiediately  :  fterwards  for  Farabu, 
where  she  stayed  2  weeks,  afterwards  left  for  Dzamlni'.  Teren  Uziuk.  There 
her  youngest  child  died,  her  daughter  was  seriously  ill  and  became  deaf. 


Lately  lived  and  was  employed  at  Grodno.  xVf ter  the  Soviet  occupation  worked 
as  builder.  On  the  9.9.1940  was  arrested  upon  the  denunciation  of  two  pris- 
oners who  were  in  his  charge  in  193().  A\'as  accused  of  carrying  out  loyally 
his  duties  and  was  not  working  for  the  Soviets.  Was  sentenced  to  8  years 
Labour  Camp.  Transferred  to  the  prison  in  Brzesc  later  to  the  camp  at  Wor- 
kuta,  where  he  had  to  work  on  the  land.  His  fannly  remained  at  Grodno  and 
up  to  March  1941  he  was  in  touch  with  them.  Work  in  the  camp  very  hard  as« 
the  quotas  of  work  claimed  were  extremely  high.  For  instance :  during  the 
hay  harvest  he  only  carried  out  70%  of  the  work  demanded  and  therefore 
received  no  salary.  Food  :  6.50  grammes  of  bread  per  day  and  soup  made  out 
of  hot  water  and  noodles  with  no  fat  at  all.  17  September  VMl  was  released 
and  in  accordance  with  his  wish  was  directed  to  join  the  Polish  Army.  Arrived 
to  Uzl)ekistan  where  no  Army  units  were  being  organized.  Worked  in  a  Kolchoz, 
sorting  out  cotton  wool,  received  no  pay  for  that,  only  500  grammes  of  dry 
biscuit  Itread  with  no  hot  soup.  After  13  weeks  all  Poles  were  transferred  to 
Kirgiz  Repiihlic  where  they  had  no  work  but  still  received  100  grammes  of  flour 


daily.     He  became  seriously   ill — inflammation   of  the  kidneys  and  up  to  his 
departure  from  U.  S.  S.  R.  i.  e.  March  1942  was  in  hospital. 


We  were  taken  durinj,^  the  night  and  had  only  one  hour  to  pack  up  and  prepare 
to  leave.  Upon  our  arrival  we  were  transferred  to  a  farm  where  we  v?ere  em- 
ployed on  work  consisting  of  making  fuel  bricks  out  of  cows  manure.  As  a  result 
of  this  work  we  all  got  skin  disease.  No  medicaments  were  available.  Living 
conditions  and  hygenic  ones  nonexistent,  very  dirty  lodgings  full  of  insects. 
In  the  barracks  half  of  the  premises  were  occupied  by  cattle.  Pay  for  three 
months — work  of  three  women :  90  roubles.  The  authorities  robbed  us  or  made 
mistakes  in  the  accounts.  Our  only  means  of  living  was  the  exchange  of  our 
private  belongings  for  food.  Later  we  had  to  work  on  the  farm.  My  daughter 
had  to  lead  oxes  during  the  ploughing.  One  day  she  was  wounded  by  an  ox 
and  had  one  ril>  broken  but  had  to  work  on.  During  the  winter  food  very  scarce 
and  bad.  During  the  period  1st  January  1941  and  May  1941  twelve  people  out 
of  the  42  died.     No  henting  nor  light  in  the  barracks  in  which  we  were  lodged. 


Arrested  on  20.7.1940  for  selling  his  own  corn  and  under  accusation  of  selling 
it  at  too  high  prices.  Sentenced  to  5  years  labour  camp.  Inquiries  held  at 
prison  at  Lunowce  during  three  months,  afterwards  transferred  to  prison  at 
Charkowica  27  March  1941.  Later  transferred  to  the  camp  in  Kirowska  Oblast. 
"Work  under  extremely  hard  conditions  14  hours  daily.  Food  in  full  quotas  of 
work  completed :  700  grammes  of  bread  twice  daily,  soup  made  of  oatmeal  and 
salted  fish.  Living  and  hygienic  conditions  very  bad.  Dirt  and  insects,  no  soap. 
The  camp  authorities  treated  us  worse  than  dogs.  They  considered  us  buried 
for  life  and  death  sentenced.  Russian  criminals  imprisoned  together  with  us 
used  to  ill-treat  us,  beat  us,  and  rob  us.  The  authorities  ignored  this.  I  was 
released  on  the  28.8.1941. 


Was  arrested  there  by  the  NKVD  on  the  10.2.1940  together  with  his  family, 
a  wife,  and  four  children.  Deported  to  the  Gorkowskaja,  Oblast.  We  were  given 
half  an  hour  to  leave.  We  were  taken  to  the  station,  put  into  goods  vans  without 
heating.  The  temperature  was  about  25  degrees  below  freezing  point.  The 
journey  lasted  a  fortnight.  On  the  way  we  were  given  soup  every  second  or  third 
day.  We  did  not  get  any  water  at  all.  There  were  45  people  in  the  wagon. 
We  were  not  allowed  to  get  out  at  all.  Upon  our  arrival  we  were  taken  into  the 
tajga  to  work.  The  work  lasted  12  hours  daily  and  was  compulsory,  though 
none  of  us  had  been  tried  and  there  had  been  no  sentence  pronoimced.  The  daily 
pay  amounted  to  2  or  3  roubles,  which  were  paid  irregularly.  The  food  for 
the  family  cost  from  20  to  30  roubles  daily — one  kilo  of  meat  16  roubles.  To 
feed  the  family  we  sold  our  l)elongings.  Illnesses :  malaria  and  cynga.  There 
were  no  medicaments.  In  a  room  of  about  90  cubic  metres  28  persons  lived. 
The  room  was  dirty  and  infected  by  insects.  There  was  very  little  soap  and 
no  disinfectants  whatsoever.  The  authorities  treated  us  very  badly.  They  had 
no  understanding  of  our  needs.  We  were  told  repeatedly  "You  will  be  buried 
here  under  this  tree."    We  were  released  in  August  1941. 


Was  arrested  there  with  family,  wife  and  three  children.  DexMjrted  to  the 
Archangels-kaja  Oblast-Kotlas  on  the  10  February  1940.  The  journey  in  un- 
heated  and  locked  goods  vans  lasted  17  days.  During  the  juurney  we  got  soup 
twice.  We  were  taken  to  a  forest  farm  for  forced  labour.  There  was  no  trial 
whatsoever  and  no  sentence  pronounced.  The  work  lasted  from  12  to  14  hours 
per  day  and  the  pay  for  a  100%  quota  2  to  3  roubles.  The  upkeep  of  the  family 
cost  20  roubles  a  day.  We  sold  our  belongings  not  to  die  of  hunger.  We  lived  in 
overcrowded  huts.  Dirt  and  insects.  We  were  given  soap  once  during  the  whole 
year.  We  received  then  50  grammes  per  person.  Amongst  the  deportees  many 
children  and  elder  people  died.  Diseases :  all  suffered  of  swelling  and  cynga. 
Upon  arrival  to  Teheran  the  results  of  the  swelling  were  such  that  I  had  to 
have  my  leg  amputated  above  the  knee.  During  my  stay  in  the  forest  three  in 
my  family  died :  my  two-year-old  son,  my  sister  and  my  mother.     The  authori- 


ties  ruthless  and  very  strict.    After  the  amnesty  there  flicl  not  want  to  release 
us,  and  I  escaped  with  my  family  in  December  1941. 


Went  to  Lwow  with  her  children  when  the  war  In-oke  out,  where  she  was  em- 
ployed as  a  clerk  of  tlie  Administraticm  of  the  State  Phoresis  until  the  13  April 
1940.  During  that  nijiht  came  three  NKWD  men,  one  Militia  man  and  one  sol- 
dier. After  search  made  in  the  flat  she  was  j;iven  one  hour  to  pack  up,  was 
deported  with  two  children  7  and  10  years  of  age  and  her  mother  72  years  old  and 
ill.  Deported  in  a  goods  A'an  with  27  jjeople,  taken  to  Arrived 
there  30  April,  1940,  and  taken  to  a  brick  factory  for  forced  labour.  She  worked 
alone  for  the  three  members  of  her  family — two  children  and  old  mother — the 
work  consisted  in  making  bricks  and  the  quota  required  1.500  bricks,  which  work 
over  12  hours.  The  weight  of  the  stencil  and  bricks  was  20  kilos.  After  a  month 
of  work  she  got  inflamation  of  tendons.  In  spite  of  this  she  was  not  allowed  to 
leave  work  and  was  told  "Tliat  does  not  matter,  you  will  get  used  to  it."  When 
the  frosts  came,  she  worked  at  sawing  and  cutting  wood.  The  quota  was  4  cubic 
metres  per  day.  The  people  were  forced  to  do  the  job  in  frosts  of  4:;  degrees 
the  freezing  point,  although  according  to  the  law  it  is  not  allowed  to  make  the 
workers  work  when  the  temperature  reaches  —40°.  Women  Soviet  citizens  did 
not  go  out  to  work.  The  pay  was  5  roubles  to  5  and-half  for  full  quota.  Food : 
the  quota  for  bread  was  600  granmies  for  Luszczynska  and  300  grammes  each 
for  the  children  and  mother.  In  1941  this  quota  was  reduced  500  grammes  and 
250,  respectively.  The  local  factory  authorities  were  brutal  and  inhuman.  They 
refused  a  doctor  for  the  ill  mother,  they  did  not  take  into  account  her  lack  of 
strength  when  carrying  burdens  etc.  Released  in  the  end  of  August  1941,  then 
was  employed  in  the  Polish  Delegation. 


Enclosure  No.  3 

Report  on  Polish-Russian  Relations,   Lt.   Col.   H.   I.   Szymanski,  U.   S.   Army, 

November  22,  1£^2 

Teheran,  Sept.  4,  19.'t2. 

Dear  Biiotiier:  Several  years  have  passed  since  we  parted  and  it  is  a  long 
time  that  I  haven't  had  any  news  from  you.  I  wish  to  inform  you  now  about 
the  fate  of  our  family  and  your  father  and  mother-in-law. 

Dearest  brother,  the  war  which  commenced  in  1939  has  bi'ought  about  the 
tragic  lot  of  our  fellow  countrymen.  In  September  1939,  our  area  was  invaded 
by  the  Soviet  Army,  which  introduced  many  changes  in  the  economic  and  political 
system.  They  created  revolutionary  committees  which  were  joined  by  the  great- 
est criminals  released  from  prisons,  and  by  the  scum  of  the  minorities,  such  as 
the  Pelechs  from  Peltew  at  Romaniszynow  and  Bedr.vjow,  and  the  Olenszuks  at 
Krzewice,  and  these  people  were  at  the  head  of  the  administrative  and  economic 
affairs.  They  began  their  activity  by  dividing  the  land  of  squires  and  peasants 
who  still  had  sown  and  reaped  in  1939.  After  November  1,  1939,  they  would 
not  even  listen  when  we  prayed  them  to  let  us  stay  in  our  homes.  On  November 
5th,  a  committee  composed,  among  others,  of  Ukrainians  arrived  and  within  15 
minutes  we  were  turned  out  on  the  street.  We  went  to  Gliniany  ;  we  were  re- 
ceived there  and  stayed  for  10  days.  By  this  time,  everything  was  destroyed 
and  robbed  so  that  tliere  wasn't  anything  to  return  to.  The  interior  of  Jan 
Haraz's  house  was  entirely  demolished,  so  were  the  houses  of  other  people.  In 
the  month  of  January  1940,  the  pacification  began.  The  N.  K.  W.  D.  together 
with  [he  militia  fell  upon  our  homes  and  we  were  beaten  so  that  we  fainted  in 
their  hands.  For  fear  of  them  we  left  our  houses  with  our  wives  and  children 
we  escaped  to  Lwow.  On  February  10,  1940,  a  date  we  shall  always  remember, 
they  came  one  night  in  sledges,  when  the  frost  was  severe,  and  took  our  families 
as  they  were,  I)arefooted  and  naked,  while  the  men  were  not  at  home.  Whoever 
learned  that  tlie  families  had  been  removed  endeavored  to  join  them,  but  some 
did  not  succeed,  among  them,  brother  Janek,  Romek,  and  many  others.  Dear 
Brother,  from  here  on  started  our  jiilgrimage.  We  were  carried  off  and  our 
travel  lasted  four  weeks ;  what  food  we  had  taken  along  from  home  was  con- 
sumed during  the  first  days,  and  we  cried,  freezing  in  the  loiked  cars;  the 
windows  were  blocked  up,  so  were  the  doors.    The.v  placed  70  persons  in  one  car. 


Even  water  was  denied  to  us  during  two  or  three  days  at  a  time.  We  began 
to  throw  out  dead  bodies  on  the  way  to  Siberia.  Not  a  single  child  arrived  at 
destination ;  my  three  children  died,  their  bodies  were  placed  on  the  snow  beside 
the  car  and  the  train  moved  on ;  that  was  their  funeral.  Many  people  became 
insane  during  this  travel  and  of  the  lot  of  about  3,000  persons  about  8%  died  or 
went  mad. 

Finally  we  arrived  at  destination  in  the  district  of  Irkutsk,  region  of  Nizhni 
"^  diuski,  from  there  they  carried  us  in  trucks  for  30  hours  and  brought  us  to  a 
forest  where  we  were  placed  in  barracks,  several  families  together,  so  that  there 
was  no  space  whatsoever  where  one  could  lie  down.  The  place  was  full  of  bugs 
and  lice  and  after  three  days  we  were  sent  to  work.  A  workman  received  700 
grams  of  bread  and  his  family  300  grams  and  water.  At  tlie  beginning  of  our 
work  the  frost  reached  50  degrees,  but  they  paid  no  attention  to  our  bad  clothing 
and  foot  gear,  and  after  two  weeks  the  number  of  members  of  our  colony  began 
to  reduce.  Aniela  Gorajowna  died,  all  5  Guz  girls,  Pasternak,  Gron,  Wojtko's 
wife,  Feret,  Uncle  Kot,  three  members  of  the  Glodek  family  and  many  others. 

We  lived  at  that  place  over  a  year  and  a  half  in  dreadful  misery.  We  ate  net- 
tles, grass  and  even  resin.  Meanwhile  the  families  of  38  of  us  were  taken  away 
and  during  several  months  we  had  no  news  whatsoever  about  them. 

Finally  the  day  came  when  we  were  given  documents  stating  tliat  we  were 
Polish  citizens ;  this  made  us  very  happy  and  some  of  joined  our  families.  From 
then  on  we  began  to  look  for  a  better  place.  We  travelled  for  about  G  weeks 
toward  the  south  and  arrived  together  with  others  in  Tashkent.  This  travel  was 
a  calvary  for  thousands  of  our  countrymen.  jNIy  dear  brother,  I  am  unable  to 
describe  this  travel,  — history  will  tell  about  places  and  rivers,  as  for  instance 
the  Amudaria,  and  about  the  tragedy  and  death  of  Poles. 

In  1942,  I  placed  the  entire  family  and  their  neighbors  on  the  collective  farm, 
Novy  Put,  in  the  region  of  Novotrotz,  district  of  Djambul,  where  we  dragged  on 
our  life  in  starvation,  where  we  received  for  our  work  300  grams  of  flour  daily, 
while  in  other  collective  and  Soviet  farms  nothing  at  all  was  given,  and  where 
the  hot  climate  and  hunger  were  the  cause  of  very  high  mortality.  When  the  news 
reached  us  that  a  Polish  army  was  being  created,  we  reported  for  enlistment 
in  the  army.  Dear  brother,  I  was  very  sorry  to  part  with  the  family  in  such 
conditions,  leaving  them  so  naked  and  bare-footed,  that  I  was  compelled  to  give 
my  last  shirt,  a  pair  of  underwear  and  an  old  worn  suit  to  my  aged  father  and 

In  1942,  in  March,  I  enlisted  in  the  army  as  a  chauffeur,  an  automo- 
bile driver,  so  I  am  now  working  in  the  army.  A  few  days  ago  I  received  the 
news  that  my  family,  that  is.  my  wife  and  my  daughter,  are  still  in  Russia  in  a 
hospital ;  only  sister-in-law  Fela  is  already  in  Persia,  and  brother  Paul  with  his 
son  are  in  the  army,  also  on  the  Persian  side. 

A  description  of  all  details  of  what  was  going  on  with  our  Polish  i)eople  in 
Soviet  Russia,  would  not  have  room  enough  to  be  written  on  the  roof  of  your 
house  which  you  built  in  the  colony  and  the  space  of  which  was  little  less  than 
20  square  meters ;  about  the  camps  and  examinations  under  the  threat  of  re- 
volvers pressed  against  the  temples  at  nightly  hours,  several  times  in  succession, 
and  always  the  same  question  ;  about  cells  in  which  X  persons  were  placed  of  the 
majority  of  whom  nothing  is  known.  Dear  brother,  while  working  together 
with  the  Uzbeck  people,  I  learned  that  they  were  all  waiting  for  liberation,  that 
almost  every  other  family  had  someone  of  its  members  in  a  camp  or  prison, 
this  amounted  to  a  total  number  of  about  40  millions  in  1941. 

I  wish  to  add  that  after  a  stay  in  2-3  months,  all  Polish  followers  of  Marx 
definitely  declared  before  their  authorities  that  they  preferred  imprisonment  in 
Poland  to  liberty  in  the  Soviet  country.  The  life  of  an  unqualified  workman  in 
that  country  was  such  that  I  do  not  know  if  one  could  find  another  country  where 
a  workman  would  work  thus  for  nothing,  go  around  naked,  all  tattered,  and 
get  such  food  that  bread  was  luxury  for  a  collective  farm  workman.  Training 
and  propaganda  was  afforded  by  Russia  herself,  so  that  all  followers  of  this  idea 
have  been  cured  once  and  for  all  and  now  they  are  the  most  active  adversaries 
of  the  idea  in  which  they  had  strongly  believed  before  coming  to  this  country.  At 
the  present  time  the  Polish  people  are  being  evacuated  and  every  eifort  is  made 
to  get  out  as  many  as  possible,  because  the  N.  K.  W.  D.  is  watching  this  matter 
closely  so  as  not  to  let  a  single  soul  get  out  from  there.  Some  of  the  sarriving 
Poles  look  like  walking  ghosts.  Dear  brother,  in  conclusion  of  my  letter  I 
want  to  ask  you  not  to  think  that  I  am  exaggerating  the  above  described  facts ; 
this  is  only  a  part  of  what  I  have  gone  through  myself,  and  many  other  tragic 


incidents  could  be  described  in  addition.  Having  received  your  address,  I  want 
to  lay  before  you  my  pains  and  to  inform  you  of  my  experiences  under  that 

Hearty  greetings  and  kisses  for  you,  your  wife,  and  your  cliildren, 
Your  affectionate  brother, 

My  address :  Command  of  Evacuation  Base,  Teheran,  Post  Office. 

Enclosure  No.  4 

Report  on  Polish-Russian  Relations,   Lt.   Col.   H.   I.    Szymanski,   U.    S.   Army, 
Nov.  22,  1942—1.  G.  No.  8850 

Extract  of  the  Memorandum  of  the  Peoples'  Commissar  for  Foreign  Affairs 
Dated  December  1st,  1941 

All  citizens  of  the  western  Ukranian  and  White  Russian  districts  of  the 
S.  R.  R.,  who  on  November  1st,  1939,  had  been  in  these  districts  acquired  the 
U.  S.  S.  R.  citizenship  in  accordance  with  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  citizenship  Law  of  August 
19th,  1939. 

The  readiness  of  the  Soviet  Government  to  consider  as  Polish  citizens  these 
persons  of  Polish  nationality  who  had  lived  on  these  territories  until  November 
1st,  1939,  is  a  proof  of  the  good  will  and  compromising  attitude  of  the  Soviet 
Government,  but  in  no  way  can  this  constitute  any  basis  for  consideration  as 
Polish  citizens  other  nationalities,  in  particular,  Ukrainian,  White  Russian,  and 
Jewish  as,  the  frontier  question  between  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  and  INiland  has  not  been 
settled  and  will  be  a  subject  of  discussion  in  the  nearest  future. 

Enclosure  No.  5 

Report  on  Polish-Russian  Relations,   Lt.   Col.   H.   I.    Szymanski,   U.    S.   Army, 
Nov.  22,  1942—1.  G.  No.  3850 

Polish  Citizenship  of  Non-Polish  Nationals 

The  Polish-Soviet  Treaty  of  July  30,  1941,  provided  amnesty  for  war  prisoners 
as  well  as  for  political  prisoners  and  referred  to  all  detained  Polish  citizens 
without  making  any  differentiation  among  Polish  citizens  as  far  as  nationality, 
religion,  or  race  were  concerned.  Nor  did  the  order  issued  by  the  Presidium  of 
the  Supreme  Council  of  U.  S.  S.  R.  on  August  12,  1941,  granting  amnesty  to  Polish 
citizens  who  were  voluntary  or  forcedly  deported  to  or  detained  in  the  territory  of 
the  U.  S.  S.  R.,  provide  any  discrimination  among  Polish  citizens  of  various 

In  accordance  with  this  decision,  a  certain  number  of  Polish  citizens,  among 
them  some  of  Ukrainian,  White-Russian,  and  Jewish  nationality,  were  released 
from  forced  labor  camps  and  prisons  in  the  course  of  the  first  months  following 
the  signing  of  the  treaty,  so  that  during  the  initial  phase  of  the  organization  of  the 
I'olish  Army  an  appreciable  percent  of  Polish  citizens  of  Jewish,  Ukranian,  and 
White-Russian  nationality  enlisted  as  volunteers  in  Polish  units. 

The  first  case  of  discrimination  applied  to  citizens  of  non-Polish  nation- 
ality by  Soviet  authorities  occurred  in  the  Kazakhstan  Republic  in  the  month  of 
October.  According  to  information  I'eceived  by  the  Polish  Embassy  in  Kuibyshev 
the  Military  Commissar  of  this  ReiJublic,  General  Shcherbakov.  issued  an  order  in 
Alma-Ata  directing  that  all  Polish  citizens  who  were  deported  by  Soviet  authori- 
ties from  occupied  Polish  territories,  and  who  according  to  documents  issued  to 
them  by  these  authorities  from  Ukrainian,  Wliite-liussian,  or  Jewish  nationals, 
be  sent  to  the  Red  Army  if  their  age  and  physical  conditions  met  requirements. 

The  I'olish  Embassy  in  Kuibyshev  reacted  to  the  above  order  by  a  note  dated 
10  November  1941,  stating  that  it  was  inconsistent  with  the  Polish-Soviet  treaty 
of  July  30,  1941,  or  witli  the  Polish-Soviet  Military  agreement  of  August  14.  1941, 
demanding  at  the  same  time  tiiat  every  I'olish  citizen  capable  of  carrying  arms 
be  guaranteed  the  right  of  enlisting  in  the  Polish  Army  in  the  U.  S.  S.  R. 

In  their  reply  of  December  1.  1941.  to  the  above  note  tiie  Connuissariat  for 
For«>ign  Affairs  stated  that  they  disagreed  with  the  viewpoint  of  the  Polish 
Embassy.  According  to  this  viewpoint  the  calling  to  the  Red  Army  of  Soviet 
ritiz<'ns  who  were  Ukrainians,  White-Russians,  and  Jews  and  had  come  from  the 
territories  of  Western  Ukraine  and  Western  White-Russia  was  inconsistent  with 
tlie  treaty  of  July  30,  1941,  or  the  agreement  of  August  14,  1941.    The  understand- 


ing  of  the  Soviet  authorities  was  that  the  text  of  either  agreement  afiforcled  no 
basis  on  which  the  vie\^T30int  explained  in  the  Embassy's  note  could  be  founded. 
Further,  the  Soviet  note  stated  that  according  to  the  order  of  the  Presidium  of 
the  Supreme  Council  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  dated  29  November  1939,  all  citizens  of  the 
western  regions  of  the  Ukranian  and  White-Russian  S.  S.  R.  who  remained  in 
these  regions  on  November  1-2,  1939,  had  acquired  U.  S.  S.  R.  citizenship  under 
the  provisions  of  the  law  on  U.  S.  S.  R.  citizenship,  dated  August  19,  1938.  "The 
willingness  of  the  Soviet  Government  to  recognize  as  Polish  citizens  such  Polish 
nationals  who  vmtil  1-2  November  1939,  had  lived  in  the  above-mentioned  areas 
fdves  evidence  to  the  good  will  and  complaisance  of  the  Soviet  Government,  but  in 
no  way  can  it  serve  as  a  basis  for  other  nationals,  in  particular  of  Ukrainians, 
White-Russians,  and  Jews,  to  be  analogically  recognized  as  Polish  citizens,  be- 
cause the  question  of  the  frontiers  between  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  and  Poland  has  not  been 
solved  as  yet  and  is  subject  to  future  revision." 

In  a  reply  dated  9  December,  1942,  to  the  afore-mentioned  Soviet  note,  the 
Embassy  stated:  (1)  "That  Polish  legislation  was  based  on  the  principle  of 
equality  of  all  citizens  before  law  without  regard  to  their  nationality  or  race"  ;  the 
Embassy  of  the  Polish  Republic  knows  of  no  prescriptions  of  Soviet  law  intro- 
ducing or  approving  such  discrimination.  "None  of  the  provisions  of  the  treaty 
of  July  30,  1942,  or  of  the  military  agreement  of  August  14,  1942,  concerning 
Polish  citizens  (amnesty,  military  service)  make  any  reference  to  nationality  or 
race,  therefore  they  relate  to  all  Polish  citizens  without  any  exceptions."  (2) 
The  fact  of  possessing  Polish  citizenship  by  a  given  person  is  based  on  Polish 
law,  in  particular  on  the  law  on  Polish  citizenship  dated  January  20,  1920.  For 
this  reason  and  in  view  of  the  considerations  elucidated  above,  "the  Embassy 
cannot  take  notice  of  the  statement  that  among  the  persons  who  resided  on  1-2 
November  1939  in  the  area  of  the  Polish  Republic,  temporarily  occupied  by 
Soviet  armed  forces,  only  individuals  of  Polish  nationality  will  be  be  recognized 
as  Polish  citizens  by  the  Soviet  Government.  (3)  The  U.  S.  S.  R.  law  on  citizen- 
ship of  August  19,  1938,  cannot  be  applied  to  Polish  citizens  because  "its  appli- 
cation in  the  territory  of  the  Polish  Republic  which  was  occupied  by  the  Soviet 
Union  from  the  latter  part  of  September  1939,  until  June  or  July  1941,  is  con- 
trary to  the  resolutions  of  the  IV  Hague  convention  of  1907."  In  conclusion  the 
l*olish  Embassy  stated  that  the  Embassy  does  not  connect  citizenship  with  the 
question  of  the  Polish-Soviet  frontier.  Soviet  authorities,  on  the  other  hand, 
set  forth  contradicting  theses  in  stating  that  they  do  not  recognize  as  Polish 
citizens  persons  of  Ukrainian,  White-Russian,  and  Jewish  nationality  who  pos- 
sessed Polish  citizenship,  because  the  question  of  the  fmntier  between  the 
U.  S.  S.  R.  and  Poland  was  not  decided  and  was  to  be  revised  in  the  future." 
Maintaining  their  attitude  as  stated  in  (1)  to  (3)  above,  the  Embassy  called 
attention  to  the  fact  that  the  Soviet  viewpoint  constituted  a  unilateral  solution 
by  the  Soviet  Union  of  a  matter  whicli,  accoi'ding  to  the  statement  of  the  Peo- 
ples' Commissariat  for  Foi*eign  Asairs,  is  to  be  revised  in  the  future. 

In  reply  to  the  above  note  of  the  Polish  Embassy  in  Kuibyshev  the  Peoples' 
Commissariat  for  Foreign  Affairs  sent  a  note  dated  January  5,  1942,  stating 
that  they  did  not  see  any  ground  for  changing  their  attitude  explained  in  their 
note  of  December  1,  1941.  As  regards  the  reference  made  by  the  Polish  Em- 
bassy to  the  Hagtie  Convention,  the  I^eoples'  Conunissariat  is  of  the  opinion  that 
the  provision  of  the  IV  Hagtte  convention  refers  to  occupation  of  enemy  terri- 
tory wliile  the  ter-m  "occupation"  with  regard  to  Western  Ukraine  and  White- 
Ru-sia  had  no  foundation  whatsoever  either  from  a  political  or  from  an  inter- 
national viewpoint,  because  "the  entry  of  Soviet  troops  in  Western  Ukraine  and 
Western  White-Russia  in  the  fall  of  1939,  was  not  an  occupation  and  the  an- 
nexation of  the  said  areas  to  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  was  a  result  of  the  freely  expressed 
will  of  the  population  of  these  areas." 

In  connection  with  the  above-described  attitude  of  the  Soviet  government, 
Polish  citizens  of  Ukrainian,  White-Russian,  and  Jewish  nationality,  and  also 
of  other  nationalities  or  origin,  as.  for  instance,  Tartars  and  Lithuanians,  are 
not  regarded  l»y  the  Soviet  government  as  Polish  citizens. 

The  questioning  by  the  Soviet  authorities  of  Polish  citizenship  riglits  held  by 
Ukrainians,  Jews,  and  Vrhite-Russians,  was  not  limited  to  a  theoretical  legal 
dispute  but  was  followed  by  practical  consequences  of  the  greatest  importance 
to  those  concerned.  Soviet  authorities  did  not  let  them  join  the  Polish  Army 
and,  in  addition,  they  were  deprived  of  the  legal  help  and  assistance  of  Polish 
authorities.  The  Embassy's  intervention  concerning  the  release  of  Polish  citi- 
zens whose  confinement  in  prisons  and  forced  lal)or  camps  continued  in  spite  of 
proclaimed  amnesty,  met  with  disapproval  as  far  as  non-Polish  nationals  (mostly 


Jews)  were  concerned.  It  has  happened  that  some  individuals  wlio,  being  Polish 
citizens,  had  approached  delegates  of  the  I'olisli  Embassy  were  rearrested.  The 
Soviet  authorities  held  these  persons  responsible  for  violating  Soviet  laws 
which  pi-ohibit,  under  tiireat  of  severe  punishment,  any  connuunication  of  Soviet 
citizens  with  agencies  of  foreign  countries.  Finally,  of  a  most  vital  importance 
to  Polish  citizens  of  Jewish  nationality  possessing  families  in  Palestine,  the 
United  States,  and  Great  Britain,  was  the  matter  of  departure  which  was  made 
impossible  due  to  refusal  of  exit  visas  by  Soviet  authorities,  although  freciueutly 
the  applicants  had  already  complied  with  all  passport  and  other  formalities.  In 
many  cases,  I'olish  ioreign  passports  with  British,  Palestine,  and  Iranian  visas 
were'  simply  taken  away  from  persons  applying  for  U.  S.  S.  K.  exit  vias. 

The  last  paragraph  of  the  afore-mentioned  note  of  the  People's  Counnissariat 
for  Foreign  Affairs  dated  December  1,  1941,  reads  as  foUows :  "As  far  as  the 
referenc.'e  made  by  the  Polish  Embassy  to  General  Szczerbakov's  order  issued  at 
Alma-Ata  is  concerned,  information  possessed  by  the  People's  Commissariat 
for  Foreign  Affairs  indicates  that  no  order  has  been  issued  calling  the  afore- 
mentioned citizens  (i.  e.  Ukrainian,  White-Russian  and  Jewish  nationals)  to  the 
ranks  of  the  Red  Army ;  the  order  issued  concerned  their  draft  for  labor  in  the 
rear ;  this  also  applied  to  other  Soviet  citizens  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R. 

According  to  information  in  the  possession  of  the  Polish  Government,  Polish 
citizens  called  to  perform  labor  in  the  rear,  as  stated  in  the  above-mentioned 
note,  were  placed  in  so-called  "special  construction  battalions."  During  the 
spring  months  of  1941,  a  conscription  of  3  classes,  1917,  1918,  and  1919  for  the 
Red  Army  was  carried  out  by  the  Soviet  authorities  in  occupied  Polish  territory. 
The  recruits  were  deported  to  remote  areas  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  Basing  the  cal- 
culation on  the  general  number  of  the  population  of  the  Soviet-occupied  Polish 
territory,  it  is  assumed  that  the  number  of  recruits  amounted  to  about  150,000 
men.  In  the  months  of  August  and  September,  1941,  on  the  strength  of  an 
order  issued  by  Soviet  authorities,  a  part  of  Polish  citizens  recruited  from 
Polish  territories  were  released  from  the  ranks  of  the  Red  Army  and  placed  in 
the  above-mentioned  construction  battalions. 

On  August  16,  1941,  the  Commander  of  Polish  Armed  Forces  in  the  U.  S.  S.  R., 
General  Anders,  approached  the  representative  of  the  Red  Army's  High  Com- 
mand, Major  General  Panfilov,  requesting  that  Polish  citizens  who  were  taken 
to  the  Soviet  Army  be  turned  over  to  the  Polish  Army.  On  August  19,  General 
Panfilov  informed  General  Anders  that  "desiring  to  satisfy  the  Polish  Com- 
mand, the  Red  Army  Headquarters  comply  with  the  request  of  the  Polish  Com- 
mand regarding  the  voluntary  release  to  the  Polish  Army  of  Poles  who  are  now 
in  Red  Army  units."      (Protocol  No.  2.) 

However,  it  was  jiroved  by  a  number  of  letters  received  by  the  Embassy,  that 
the  transfer  of  Polish  citizens  from  the  Red  Army  and  from  special  construction 
battalions  liad  not  been  carried  out  in  practice;  moreover,  repressive  meas- 
ures were  applied  to  soldiers  who,  knowing  that  a  Polish  Army  was  being  or- 
ganized in  the  U.  S.  S.  R.,  had  submitted  applications  for  their  transfer  to  the 
Polish  Army. 

Only  a  few  individuals  from  the  1917,  191S,  and  19' il  conscription  classes 
succeeded  in  getting  over  to  the  Polish  Array,  while  t^.c  note  of  the  People's 
Commissariat  for  Foreign  Affairs  dated  December  1,  1941.  entirely  confirmed  the 
fact  tliiit  Polish  citizens  of  Ukrainian,  AVhite-Russians  and  Jewish  nationality 
were  still  detained  in  special  construction  battalions:  tliis  obviously  bad  an  un- 
favorable effect  on  the  ruimerical  strength  of  the  Polish  Army  in  the  U.  S.  S.  K. 

This  matter  has  not  been  satisfactorily  settled,  notwithstanding  repeated,  writ- 
ten, and  oral  interventions  of  the  Polish  Embassy  in  Kuibyshev  (dated  April 
16,  and  May  4)  and  of  the  Polish  military  authorities  (on  January  21,  I'^ebruary 
28,  and  Ai)ril  13),  although  the  Peoples'  Commissariat  for  Foreign  .VtYairs  in 
their  note  of  May  14,  reiterated  that  only  Soviet  citizens  were  called  to  the  Red 
Army  and  to  si)ecial  construction  battalions. 

In  llieir  desire  to  force  upon  the  Polish  Government  their  viewpoints  con- 
cerning the  citizenship  question  of  persons  forcedly  deported  to  the  U.  S.  S.  R. 
from  areas  of  the  Polish  Uei)ublic,  the  Soviet  Goverinuent  in  addition  tend 
toward  restricting  the  Polish  Embassy  in  Kuiliyshev  in  their  right  to  issue  p:iss- 
ports  to  Polish  citizens,  a  sovereign  right  of  any  country.  Tiiis  tendency  linds 
expression  in  the  note  of  the  Peoples'  (\nnmissariat  for  Foreign  Affairs' dated 
June  9,  to  the  Polish  Embassy.  In  this  note  the  Peoi)ies'  Commissariat  states 
that  they  "think  it  imperative"  that  lists  of  individmils  to  whom  the  Embassy 
wishes  to  issne  Poiisli  i)assports  be  sent  to  the  Peoples'  Commissariat  for  Foreiiiii 
Affairs  and  the  latter,  when  returning  the  lists,  will  inform  the  Embassy  "of  all 


objections  made  by  competent  Soviet  Agencies  to  tbe  issuance  of  Polish  pass- 
ports to  any  of  the  persons  included  in  the  lists".  The  Soviet  note  adds  that 
"all  persons  included  in  the  above-mentioned  lists  with  regard  to  whom  no 
objections  are  set  forth  by  competent  Soviet  agencies  shall,  upon  exhibition  by 
them  of  Polish  passports,  be  given  certificates  entitling  foreigners  to  sojourn  in 
the  U.  S.  S.  R.  Moreover,  the  above-mentioned  Soviet  note  demands  that  lists 
of  individuals  to  whom  Polish  passports  had  been  issued  by  the  Polish  Embassy 
at  an  earlier  date,  be  also  submitted  to  the  Soviet  authorities. 

These  lists,  according  to  Soviet  wishes,  were  to  include  the  following  infor- 
mation on  every  person  listed  :  tirst  and  last  names,  year  of  birth,  nationality, 
religion,  present  place  of  residence,  citizenship  claimed  and  places  of  residence 
prior  to  November  1939,  whether  amnestied  by  Soviet  authorities,  when  and 
where  arrested  and  deported,  if  not  a  permanent  resident  of  Western  Ukraine 
or  Western  White-Russia  circumstances  of  arrival  to  Soviet  territory,  nationality 
of  parents,  and  present  place  of  their  residence. 

In  reply  to  the  above  note,  the  Polish  Embassy  in  Kuibyshev  in  the  name  of 
the  Polish  Government,  stated  in  their  note  of  June  24.  that  "in  conformity  with 
fundamental  principles  of  international  law,  the  Polish  Government  declares  that 
decisions  on  matters  of  Polish  citizenship  were  made  by  Polish  authorities 
within  their  own  competence,  and  these  authorities  do  not  consider  it  possible  that 
the  citizenship  of  Polish  citizens  who  had  lived  in  areas  of  the  Polish  Republic 
and  in  the  years  1939-1942,  had  arrived  in  the  U.  S.  S.  R.,  (not  of  their  own 
will,  as  it  is  known),  should  be  decided  upon  by  Soviet  authorities  by  verification 
of  lists  of  Polish  citizens  requested  from  the  Embassy.  The  note  explains  fur- 
ther that  the  issuance  of  passports  to  Polish  citizens  by  the  Embassy  and  their 
Delegates,  is  carried  out  on  the  basis  of  existing  Polish  laws  and  regulations. 
Under  the  constitution  of  the  Polish  Republic  and  Polish  law,  nationality,  reli- 
gion or  race,  and  place  of  residence  within  the  boundary  of  the  State  have  no 
influence  on  the  citizenship  of  a  given  person.  In  its  last  paragraph  the  Polish 
note  pointed  out  that  the  note  of  the  Peoples'  Commissariat  for  Foreign  Affairs, 
dated  June  9,  was  intended  to  enforce  a  procedure  of  issuing  passports  not 
practiced  by  sovereign  countries  and  therefore  the  Polish  Government  did  not 
see  any  possibility  for  a  meritorious  discussion  of  the  matter  on  the  basis  of  the 
suggested  procedure. 

The  Peoples'  Commissariat  for  Foreign  Affairs  in  their  reply  of  July  9,  did 
not  discuss  the  arguments  of  the  Polish  Embassy's  note  of  June  24,  and  re- 
stricted themselves  to  communicating  that  they  still  insisted  on  the  acceptance 
by  the  Poles  of  the  procedure  of  issuing  Polish  passports  as  proposed  by  the 
Soviet  Government. 

The  above-mentioned  documents  and  facts  indisputably  establish  on  the  one 
hand  the  Soviet's  tendency  toward  restricting,  contrary  to  international  law, 
the  Polish  State's  sovereign  rights,  and  on  the  other,  their  tendency  to  count 
Polish  citizens  of  non-Polish  nationality  as  citizens  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.,  which  is 
inconsistent  with  international  law. 

London,  24,  October,  191(2. 


Basis  of  report : 

1.  Conversation  with  Army  Leaders  in  Ii-an  and  England. 

2.  Conversation  with  Czech  Army  Leaders  in  Palestine  and  England. 

3.  Conversation  with  British  War  Office,  London. 

4.  Conversation  with  American   War  Correspondents   recently  returned 
from  Russia,  in  Iran. 

It  is  generally  agreed  among  the  Czechs,  Poles,  and  the  British  War  Office 
that  the  Soviets  had  available  at  the  start  of  war  around  21,000,000  men  for 
the  armed  services. 

The  and  Czech  sources  agree  that  tlie  Russian  casualties  amounted 
to  around  7,000,000  to  November  1,  1942. 

The  same  sources  agree  that  the  Russians  now  have  mobilized  between  13 
and  15  million  men. 

The  British  War  Office  agrees  with  the  above  figures  because  its  information  is 
from  the  same  sources. 

Of  the  7,000,000  Russian  casualties  3  million  are  dead  or  wounded  (nonreturn- 
able)  and  4  million  in  German  prisons. 


Of  tlie  4  million  prisoners  2,600,000  are  reported  to  have  died  while  in  prison. 
This  fiiaire  the  Poles  confirm  by  quoting  the  Russian  ambassador  to  Poland  who 
said  that  there  are  no  Russians  in  German  prison  camps,  and  by  an  answer  the 
German  labor  minister  made  in  Nuremberg  last  February  at  a  labor  convention, 
when  asked  "How  many  Russian  prisoners  are  available  for  work?"  His  answer 
was  that  of  the  4,000,000  some  2,600,000  are  dead,  600,000  unfit  for  work  and 
800,000  available.  The  statement  of  the  Russian  ambassador  to  Poland  was 
repeated  (this  from  a  British  source)  by  the  wife  of  the  Russian  ambassador 
to  Great  Britain  when  she  was  asked  by  the  British  to  head  a  Red  Cross  drive 
for  the  relief  of  Russian  prisoners  in  German  camps. 

Conditions  in  Russia  are  so  bad  that  it  is  estimated  that  20  to  40  million  will 
die  from  starvation  in  the  coming  year,  but  the  army  and  the  necessary  workers 
will  be  fed. 

Russian  political  prisoners  who  shared  cells  with  high-ranking  Polish  officers 
have  stated  that  there  are  some  15  to  20  million  such  political  prisoners  incar- 

Losses,  both  military  and  civilian,  are  not  taken  into  the  considerations  of 
Stalin's  communistic  and  imperialistic  policy. 

The  Soviet  Army  is  not  broken  and  will  not  be  broken  despite  loss  of  territory. 

No  source  of  information,  be  it  Polish,  British,  or  Czsch,  can  tell  or  even  guess 
the  strength  of  the  Soviets  on  any  front.  I  doubt  if  the  Bolsheviks  themselves 

No  source  of  information,  be  it  Polish,  British,  or  Czech,  can  tell  or  even 
guess  what  reserves  of  supplies  and  equipment  the  Soviets  tiave  on  hand,  and 
yet  in  August  they  were  moving  fully  equipped  antitank  units  across  the 
Caspian  Sea  from  Krasnovadsk  to  Baku. 

The  Russians  fight  because : 

a.  in  front  the  Germans  take  no  prisoners 

&.  line  of  NIvWD  commissars  permit  no  desertions 

c.  starvation  awaits  the  deserter 

d.  the  front  line  is  well  fed 

e.  a  degree  of  patriotism  has  permeated  the  army. 

The  Communists  are  not  fighting  for  democracy  or  Christianity  because  neither 
one  of  these  institutions  exist  in  the  Soviets. 

They  are  fighting  to  preserve  the  regime. 

When  a  month  ago  the  commissar,  a  part  of  every  command,  was  removed,  it 
meant  one  of  two  things  : 

(1)  the  regime  has  weakened  and  the  army  been  strengthened 

(2)  or  the  communist  party  has  taken  the  army  into  its  fold,  and  thus 
quieted  Russia's  most  talked  of  leader — Timoshenko. 

The  Soviets  themselves  cannot  defeat  the  Nazis. 

The  Soviets  and  the  I?ritish  cannot  defeat  the  Nazis. 

Our  forces,  our  equipment,  our  supplies,  our  food  will  defeat  the  Nazis.  We 
must  never  lose  sight  of  that  certainty. 

Our  food  and  our  supplies  will  finally  rehabilitate  Russia  and  all  of  Europe. 
We  must  never  lose  siuht  of  that  post-war  task. 

In  vicnv  of  the  aliove  premises  and  statements  it  is  fair  to  ask  two  questions — 
a.  What  are  the  Soviets'  communistic  imperialistic  aspirations? 

h.  What  consideration  should  be  given  the  Soivets  at  the  peace  table? 

Question  a.  will  be  treated  briefly  from  two  aspects:  {1)  Communism  within 
Russia,  and  (2)  Communistic  imperialism. 

<  / )  Vomnniniitm  ivithm  Russia  in  terms  of  President  Roosevelt's  •'four  freedoms" 


The  Press  throughout  the  Soviet  Union  is  controlled  by  the  government. 
Controversial  sulOects  do  not  appear  in  the  Press.  It  is  intended  to  be  an 
organ  of  i)ropagnn(la  rather  than  of  information.  Only  news  items  favorable 
to  the  govermnent  are  printed.  The  two  newspajiers  I'ijavda  and  Izvestfa  have 
large  circulations  in  the  cities  and  reach  all  culture  clubs  outside.  Local  news- 
papers, restricted  to  localities,  devote  most  of  the  space  to  criticism  of  local 
labor  output. 

The  tight  censorship  and  control  of  the  Press  leaves  the  citizens  in  the  dark 
concerning  foreign  news  of  any  nature.  As  a  restdt.  the  young  people  with  no 
ba.sis  of  comparison,  assume  the  Soviet  standard  of  living  to  be  ideal.  The  Soviet 
citizen  attends  all  meetings  and  applauds  the  speakers,  but  he  will  not  discuss 
politics  for  fear  of  informers.     Instead,  he  discusses  his  oiitput  of  work. 


The  people  pretend  to  take  a  very  active  part  in  public  life.  They  choose 
members  of  the  local  council  and  elect  the  chairman  of  their  local  meetings. 
However,  in  the  general  elections  they  have  no  choice  of  candidate  and  the  resolu- 
tions and  doctrines  preached  are  the  same  at  all  gatherings  and  dictated  by  the 
NKWD  (O.  G.  P.  U.)  and  the  Communist  Party.  Members  of  the  party  control 
the  non-Communist  members  occupying  equal  or  higher  positions.  It  is  extremely 
difii  ult  to  get  a  membership  in  the  Party.  Two-percent  of  the  people  belong  to 
the  Communist  Party  which  according  to  the  constitution  shares  in  the  govern- 
ment.    There  is  no  other  party,  and  therefore,  no  real  freedom  of  representatives. 


In  towns  and  farms  anti-religious  organizations  are  active.  Even  the  Polish 
Army  in  Russia  was  subject  to  anti-religious  agitation.  Immediately  after  the 
signing  of  the  Soviet-Anglo-American  Lend  Lease  Pact  the  Soviets  stopped  all 
talks  of  religious  freedom.  Polish  Military  Chaplains  were  prohibited  from 
leaving  the  camps  even  for  the  purpose  of  conducting  services  for  the  families 
of  soldiers.  There  are  some  150  Polish  Priests  in  Russian  prisons  or  concentra- 
tion camps.  Articles  and  pictures  showing  religious  services  in  the  Soviet  Union 
which  appear  in  American  magazines  were  propaganda. 

Bishop  Gawliua  (Polish  Army  Chaplain)  on  a  visit  to  Baku,  Moscow,  Kuiby- 
shev, Tashkent,  Samarkan  and  Ashkabad  saw  but  one  church  open  for  services. 
Catholic,  Protestant,  Jewish  and  Russian  Orthodox  all  shared  alike.  The  few 
churches  opened  for  services  were  taxed  out  of  existence  in  very  short  time. 
Soldiers  of  the  Soviet  Army  or  their  mothers  approached  Polish  Chaplains 
(mostly  at  night)  and  begged  for  religious  medals  and  pictures  to  take  along 
to  the  front — Religious  freedom  does  not  exist. 


It  is  expected  that  fully  20,000,000  Russians  will  die  of  hunger  this  winter  and 
coming  spring.  The  plight  of  the  Polish  evacuees  indicates  the  conditions  exist- 
ing in  Russia.  Tliis,  of  course,  will  be  due  mostly  to  the  German  occupation  of 
territories  that  produced  60%  of  the  food  products.  Part  of  it  is  due  to  the 
dislocation  of  transport  and  to  poor  organizing  ability. 

But  the  "want"  existed  before  the  war.  Government  control  of  industry 
brought  about  lower  wages  to  cut  cost,  thus  lowering  the  purchasing  power 
because  not  ail  produced  equally  but  all  suffered.  Black  bread,  a  cereal  and 
beans  with  practically  no  fat  constitute  the  workers  daily  diet.  Clothing  is 
very  scant,  shoes  not  available  and  for  housing,  but  one  room  is  given  to  even 
large  families. 


The  entire  U.  S.  S.  R.  lives  under  a  constant  threat  of  prison,  concentration 
camp  and  deportation.  Nearly  every  family  mourns  a  member  who  is  either  im- 
prisoned, or  had  died  in  some  prison  or  camp.  The  threat  becomes  greater  be- 
cause to  inform  is  considered  the  highest  virture  of  a  citizen.  The  system  of 
spying  and  punishment  without  trial  is  so  general  that  a  victim  puts  up  no  de- 
fense. With  the  fatalism  of  the  East,  he  simply  accepts  the  enevitable.  The 
older  generation  still  i-emembers  the  past,  Init  appreciate  the  tragedy  of  its  posi- 
tion and  keeps  quiet  for  fear  of  spies  and  informers  and  the  consequent  jails  and 
concentration  camps:  from  which  none  return.  It  is  difficult  to  estimate  the  num- 
ber incarcerated.  The  figure  generally  spoken  of  is  roughly  20,000,000.  Suspects 
and  families  of  prisoners  are  likewise  imprisoned.  Some  are  sentenced  by  courts, 
some  by  the  administration  without  trial. 

Moreover,  the  Russian  worker  has  no  freedom  of  travel  from  place  to  place, 
is  subject  to  compulsory  attendance  at  training  schools  for  manual  labor  in 
factories  and  on  railroads,  and  under  penalty  of  imprisonment,  cannot  change 
jobs  without  authority.  He  has  no  right  to  sti-ike.  The  Workers'  Committees, 
composed  of  members  selected  by  the  party,  are  not  in  practice  concerned  with 
the  interest  of  workers  and  are  merely  the  mouthpiece  of  the  management.  In 
fact,  the  days  of  joint  consultation  between  workers  and  managers  are  over. 

(2)  Communistic  Imperialism 

The  Comintern  is  a  political  organization  within  the  Soviet  Government.  Its 
task  is  to  bring  about  a  Communistic  revolution.  It  is  particularly  active  at 
present  in  U.  S.,  England,  France,  Germany,  and  Poland. 


In  the  United  Stales,  the  main  effort  of  the  Comintern  is  devoted  to  the  popu- 
larization of  ('oinnumism  through  the  relief  activity  known  as  "Aid  fob  Russia." 
Every  prominent  American  working  for  this  relief  is  unfortunately  pictured  by 
the  (joniintern  in  other  countries  and  in  Russia  as  a  champion  of  communism. 

In  (Germany,  the  Comintern  is  proclaiming  that  Hitler  alone  is  fighting  com- 
munism, defending  the  interest  of  German  capitalists,  and  that  after  a  com- 
munist revolution  in  Germany,  cooperation  will  be  established,  Poland  divided, 
and  (iermauy  and  Russia  will  decide  on  future  conditions  in  Europe. 

In  France,  the  conununists  are  conducting  sabotage  and  preacliing  the  doctrine 
that  Russia  and  France  would  decide  the  fate  of  Europe  aiul  not  English  and 
American  capitalists. 

In  Poland,  the  communists,  dropped  by  parachutes,  took  advantage  of  the 
populations  depression  caused  by  the  German  terror  and  the  protracted  war  and 
started  propaganda  against  Polish  leaders  and  advocating  a  premature  uprising 
against  the  Germans.  Immediately  after  the  Sikorski-Stalin  negotiations,  an 
underground  conmuinistic  paper  in  Poland  stated  that  a  victorious  Red  Army 
would  not  stop  at  the  border  of  Poland,  and  not  even  at  the  I'.ritish  Channel  or 
the  Bay  of  Biscay. 

In  England,  the  Communists  based  their  propaganda  on  the  opening  of  a  sec- 
ond front,  not  in  Africa  or  the  Middle  East,  but  in  France,  Holland  and  F5elgium. 
This  attack  would  have  entailed  great  losses  to  the  Allies  and  the  Germans  alike, 
which  would  enhance  the  chances  of  the  Soviet  Army. 

The  conquest  of  Latvia,  Estonia,  Lithuania,  Poland,  and  Bessarabia  was  not 
for  strategic  purposes,  but  a  positive  indication  of  commimistic  imperialism. 


Yes,  if  they  find  the  Germans  very  weak.  This  winter  they  will  conduct  lim- 
ited offensives  in  order  to  straighten  their  lines.  Behind  these  lines,  they  will 
rest,  reorganize,  train  and  equip  more  divisions.  They  will  wait  until  the  Allies 
and  Germans  annihilate  each  other.  They  will  wait  until  the  German  army 
confronting  them  is  so  weak  that  their  own  effort  will  bring  easy  and  huge 
results.  They  will  not  stop  their  westward  marcli  until  the  American  Army 
stops  them. 

Europe  is  confronted  with  what  seems  to  many  of  the  powers  an  "either — or" 
choice — -i.  e.,  either  German  domination  or  Soviet  domination. 

There  is  little  faith  that  the  United  States  could  control  a  victorious  Russia 
at  any  peace  table  conference. 

One  of  Mr.  Willkie's  secretarys  stated  to  me  in  Tehran,  that  Russia  and  the 
United  States  will  dictate  the  peace  of  Europe.  When  I  repeated  this  (without 
mentioning  the  source)  to  a  very  prominent  Pole  in  Tehran,  he  at  first  begged 
me  not  to  jest,  and  then  very  sadly  said  to  me  that,  "In  that  case  Poland  has 
lost  the  war  and  the  Allies  have  lost  the  war." 

Tile  choice  in  Europe  is  not  merely :  Democracy  vs.  Hitler,  as  so  many  Ameri- 
cans seem  to  think  it  is. 


Lt.  Col.  Infantry,  U.  S.  Army, 
Liaison  Officer  to  Polish  Army. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  One  question  if  you  don't  mind.  I  want  to  ask 
counsel,  Does  that  complete  the  so-called  Szymanski  reports  which  we 
have  received  from  the  Dei)artment? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  No,  sir.     There  is  one  additional  report. 

]Mr.  Maciirowicz.  Where  is  it? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  That  report  is  a  report  by  a  British  officer 

Mr.  Maciirowicz.  I  mean  other  than  that. 

Mr.  ^Mitchell.  That  is  all,  sir. 

Mr.  Maciirowicz.  There  are  no  additional  Szymanski  reports  with 
the  exception  of  the  Lieutenant  Colonel  Hull's  report.,  that  we  re- 
ceived from  the  Department.  Tliis  completes  the  record.  I  will  oet 
to  that  later. 

INIr.  KoRTH.  Just  as  a  matter  of  record  here  which  I  indicated  in  the 
executive  session  a  moment  ap;o,  in  oi'der  to  protect  myself  with  refer- 


ence  to  this  last  exhibit  which  was  introduced  I  have  not  had  an  op- 
portunity to  read  it  and  therefore  cannot  comment  as  to  whether  there 
is  any  objection  to  it. 

Ml".  Maciirowicz.  In  fairness  to  Mr.  Korth,  that  should  be  noted  on 
the  record.  «. 

Chairman  Madden.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  But  I  would  like  to  ask  one  question  again  in 
that  connection. 

]\Ir.  KoRTH.  Yes,  sir? 

Mr.  ]Machrowicz.  When  we  received  the  Colonel  Van  Vliet  report 
we  received  with  it  also  a  copy  of  a  letter  of  transmittal  to  the  Depart- 
ment of  State. 

Mr.  Kortii.  That  is  right,  sir. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  With  any  of  these  reports  is  there  a  letter  of 
transmittal  to  the  Department  of  State?  Am  I  to  understand  that 
these  repoi-ts  so  far  as  you  know  have  not  been  transmitted  to  the 
Department  of  State? 

Mr.  Kortii.  That  is  correct,  sir. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  You  are  quoting  for  the  record  ? 

Mr.  Sheehax.  I  am  quoting  for  the  record  because,  if  I  might 
make  a  short  statement,  part  of  the  work  of  the  committee  is  to 
bring  out  the  various  things  as  we  see  them  in  the  record  and  their 
proper  significance,  which  naturally  cannot  be  evaluated  now  but  at 
a  future  time  will  all  be  tied  together  by  the  committee  when  they 
make  their  report.  I  am  reading  from  the  report.  This  is  part  of 
the  report  signed  by  Colonel  Szymanski  and  I  merely  bring  it  to  the 
attention  of  the  committee.  I  think  I  would  prefer  that  the  colonel 
himself  read  the  last  three  paragraphs. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  What  is  the  date  of  this  report,  please,  that  par- 
ticular one  that  he  is  referring  to? 

Colonel  SzY^iANSKi.  November  23,  1942. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Please  read  it  for  the  record.  It  is  the  last  three 
paragraphs,  I  believe,  that  Congressman  Sheehan  asked  for. 

Colonel  Szymanski  (reading)  : 

Tliere  is  little  faith  that  the  United  States  could  control  a  victorious  Russia 
at  a  peace-table  conference.  One  of  Mr.  Willkie's  secretaries  stated  to  me  in 
Tehran  that  Russia  and  the  United  States  will  dictate  the  peace  of  Europe. 
When  I  repeated  this  without  mentioning  the  source  to  a  very  prominent  Pole 
in  Tehran,  he  first  begged  me  not  to  jest  and  then  very  sadly  said  to  me  that  in 
that  case  Poland  has  lost  the  war  and  the  Allies  have  lost  the  war.  Tlie  choice 
in  Europe  is  not  merely  democracy  versus  Hitler,  as  too  many  Americans  think 
it  is. 

Mr.  Sheehax.  Those  were  your  opinions  at  that  time? 

Colonel  Szymanski.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  I  would  suggest  the  colonel  should  have  been  the 
Secretary  of  State  and  we  woidd  have  been  in  a  lot  better  position 
than  we  are  today. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  May  I  again  ask,  ]\Ir.  Korth,  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  there  were  important  conclusions  not  only  of  a  military  nature 
but  of  a  political  nature,  and  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  report  con- 
tains such  important  conversations  as  conversations  between  General 
Sikorski,  General  Anders,  Stalin,  Molotov,  why  were  those  reports, 
never  transferred  to  the  Department  of  State?    Do  you  know? 

Mr.  Korth.  No,  sir ;  I  do  not  know. 

93744—52 — pt.  3 18 


Mr.  Macjikowicz.  I  would  suy  that  if  they  were,  and  if  the}-  were 
lieeded  there  probably  would  have  been  no  Yalta  or  Tehran. 

Mr.  SiiEEHAN.  Mr.  Chairman,  the  next  matter 

Chairman  Madden.  Let  me  interrupt.  Do  you  mean  to  say  that 
these  reports  were  kept  in  G-2  ? 

Mr.  KoRTii.  No,  sir.  I  answered  the  question,  I  think  correctly, 
that  I  had  no  knowledge  whether  these  reports  were  transmitted  or 
not  to  tlie  State  Department  or  anywhere  else. 

Mr.  Maciirowicz.  Let  me  tell  you  this.  The  previous  reports  you 
have  sent  to  us,  as  the  Van  Vliet  report,  you  indicated  were  conveyed 
to  the  Department  of  State. 

]\Ir.  KoRTH.  That  is  correct,  sir. 

jMr.  Maciirowicz.  This  report  shows  no  such  conveyance. 

Mr.  KoRTii.  And  I  have  no  information. 

Mr.  Maciirowicz.  To  that  effect.  Will  you  do  this  for  the  com- 

Mr.  KoRTH.  Yes,  sir, 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  If  you  find  in  the  Department  of  Defense  or  the 
Department  of  War  any  place  a  letter  or  any  indication  that  the 
valuable  information  contained  in  these  reports,  including  the  con- 
versations between  Stalin,  Molotov,  General  Sijkorski,  and  General 
Anders  was  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  Department  of  State,  will 
you  let  this  committee  know  about  it? 

Mr.  KoRTH.  I  certainly  will,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  This  might  be  a  good  time  to  observe — will  the  gentle- 
ijian  yield? 

Mr.  SiiEEHAN.  Yes. 

j\Ir.  Flood.  This  might  be  a  good  time  to  observe  that  if  these 
observations  are  true  as  a  fact,  and  if  these  reports  remained  in  G-2 
at  the  Army  and  never  reached  the  Secretary  of  State,  it  would  be 
very  difficult  for  the  Secretary  of  State  to  act  upon  something  he  knew 
nothing  about. 

Mr.  KoRTH.  That  is  correct,  sir. 

Mr.  SiiEEHAN.  Wliat  is  the  purpose  of  G-2?  Maybe  we  ought  to 
save  some  money  there. 

Colonel,  did  you  ever  return  to  the  United  States  in  the  interim 
between  1943  and  your  other  assignment  later  in  1944  or  1945  2 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  SiiEEHAN.  In  other  words  you  remained  overseas  all  tlie  time? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  Yes,  sir. 

Ml'.  Sheehan.  In  this  interim  between  the  end  of  the  war  and  the 
beginning  of  your  reports,  did  you  talk  to  any  official  of  the  Army  or 
the  State  De])artment  in  Europe  about  your  Katyn  report? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  SiiEEiiAN.  Or  the  Russian  treatment  of  the  Poles? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  SiiEEiiAN.  Are  these  all  the  reports  that  concern  the  Katyn 
matter  that  you  now  have? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  There  are  some  cables,  are  there  not  I  Did  you  have 
u  ivply  in  cables  from  the  Army? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  We  differentiate  between  reports  and  cables, 
so  I  here  may  be  and  there  were  cables  sent  on  the  disa])pea  ranee  of  the 


officers,  when  I  first  started  and  made  contact  with  the  Poles'  in 
April  1942. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Those  cables  he  is  referring  to  have  not  been  made 
available  to  this  committee  to  my  knowledge,  sir. 

Mr.  SiiEEHAN.  Mr.  Chairman,  as  I  remember  in  onr  covering  letter 
to  the  Army  did  we  not  ask  them  to  make  available  all  information? 

.JVIr.  Mitchell.  We  never  wrote  a  covering  letter  to  the  Army.  They 
offered  it.  They  have  had  considerable  difficulty  finding  all  the 
various  reports  connected  with  Poland.  If  you  will  recall,  it  was  on 
the  directive  of  the  President,  when  this  entire  committee  visited  w^ith 
him,  that  all  reports  anywhere  in  the  Government  of  the  United  States' 
would  be  made  available  to  this  committee.  Consequently,  those  re- 
ports have  only  begun  coming  in  during  the  past  6  weeks  or  2  months. 
The  committee  statf  has  just  not  had  time  to  sift  down  all  the  reports 
that  have  come' in  at  this  time,  but  we  have  not  received  to  my  per- 
sonal knowledge  anything  in  the  way  of  cables  signed  by  Colonel 
Szymanski  or  referring  to  him  in  any  way. 

Mr.  Siieehan.  Mr.  Chairman.  I  would  suggest  you  instruct  counsel 
to  write  the  appropriate  letter  getting  the  necessary  cables  and  any 
other  pertinent  information. 

Chairman  Maddex.  I  will  order  that  procedure  to  be  followed. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  clarification,  so  that  we  won't  get  into  another 
impasse  as  we  have  today — I  will  have  to  ask  one  question  if  you  don't 
mind-^I  will  ask  the  Colonel,  you  had  other  assigmnents  besides  the 
problem  of  locating  the  disappeared  Polish  officers ;  did  you  not  'i 

Colonel  SzYMAXsKi.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  When  you  answered  Mr.  Sheehan's  question  that 
this  completes  all  the  reports  made  by  you  to  G-2  at  that  time,  you 
were  referring  only  to  all  the  reports  made  by  you  with  reference  to 
the  Katyn  massacre  ? 

Colonel  Szymanski.  That  was  his  question,  as  I  understood  it. 

Mr.  INIachrowicz.  I  just  wondered  if  Mr.  Sheehan  got  the  impact 
of  that.  There  are  other  reports  that  you  did  file  about  that  time 
regarding  the  Russian-Polish  situation,  did  you  not? 

Colonel  SzYMAXsKi.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Are  those  included  in  the  reports  we  have? 

Colonel  SzY'MAxsKi.  I  haven't  seen  them  in  these  reports. 

Mr.  ^Iachrowicz.  In  other  words,  then,  the  file  that  we  have  re- 
ceived from  the  Department  of  Defense  is  not  a  complete  file  of  all 
your  reports  on  the  Kussian-Polish  situation,  is  it  ? 

Colonel  SzY'MAx-^SKi.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  KoRTH.  ^Ir.  Chairman,  I  don't  know  whether  the  committee 
is  aware  of  the  information  and  assistance  that  the  Department  of 
the  Army  has  given.  I  have  a  list  of  the  things  that  we  have  fur- 
nished, if  you  would  like  that  detailed. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  think  I  might  say  in  defense  of  your  Depart- 
ment that  probably  our  letter  wasn't  broad  enough.  These  reports 
which  do  not  refer  directly  to  the  Katyn  incident  but  which  indirectly 
have  a  great  bearing  on  the  Katyn  incident  probably  were  not  fur- 
nished the  committee  by  you  because  you  had  no  specific  demand  for 

Mr.  KoRTH.  As  indicated  earlier,  we  had  a  directive  from  the  Pres- 
ident tliat  we  make  available  to  this  committee  all  information  that 
the  connnittee  desires  in  connection  with  its  hearinir. 


Mr.  Machrowicz,  I  think  you  literally  complied  when  you  fur- 
nislied  us  only  the  reports  which  had  a  direct  bearing  on  the  Katyn 

Mr.  KoRTH.  That  is  true. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  am  going  to  ask  the  chairman  now  that  in  our 
lequests  to  the  Department  we  request  that  they  furnish  us  not  only 
the  i-eports  which  have  a  direct  bearing  on  the  Katyn  incident,  but 
also  the  other  reports  which  I  understand  are  several  in  number.  Am 
1  correct  in  that  ? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Whose  reports? 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Colonel  Szymanski's  reports  on  the  Russo-Pol- 
isli  situation  which  did  have  an  indirect  bearing  on  the  Katyn  inci- 

Chairman  Madden.  I  think  Congressman  Machrowicz  made  a  good 
suggestion  there,  because  if  my  memory  doesn't  fail  me,  we  requested 
all  reports  pertaining  to  the  Katyn  massacre.  I  believe  the  reports 
indirectly  referring  to  or  that  might  affect  the  Katyn  massacre  are 
essential  to  the  committee.  At  the  time  we  visited  the  President,  if 
I  remember  right,  we  asked  him  for  all  reports  pertaining  to  the 
Katyn  massacre.  Any  reports  indirectly  pertaining  to  the  Katyn 
massacre  I  think  are  essential  and  I  believe  that  the  committee  agrees 
that  we  should  request  all  reports  that  indirectly  refer  to  the  Katyn 

Mv.  KoRTH.  We  will  be  happy  to  furnish  the  committee  whatever 
the  committee  desires. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  I  might  state  on  behalf  of  the  War  Department 
that  there  are  a  great  many  other  reports  they  have  submitted  to  us 
in  the  German,  French,  and  Polish  languages  which  have  nothing 
whatsoever  to  do  with  Colonel  Szymanski  in  any  shape,  form,  or 
manner.    They  are  statistics. 

Chairman  Madden.  We  are  just  referring  to  Colonel  Szymanski's 

Mr.  Mitchell.  I  want  the  record  to  show  we  are  referring  to  his 

Chairman  Madden.  No  doubt  the  colonel  has  made  reports  which 
pi-obably  directly  do  not  implicate  or  refer  to  the  Katyn  massacre,  but 
indirectly  would,  and  I  think  we  should  have  those  reports. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  might  say  while  we  are  at  it,  I  specifically  make 
the  request,  if  you  don't  mind  noting  it,  for  a  report  dated  around 
December  8, 1943. 

Mv.  KoRTii.  We  have  that  right  here,  sir.    I  am  sorry. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  May  I  see  it? 

Mr.  MiTCHELi-.  This  is  a  report  that  I  have  never  received. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  We  have  never  received  this  report.  Do  you 
have  any  objection  to  that  report  being  offered  in  evidence  now? 

Mr.  KoRTH.  It  has  just  been  handed  to  me,  sir,  by  Colonel  Szy- 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  want  to  look  at  it? 

Mr.  INIiTCiiELL.  I  miirht  exphiin  the  ]M)sition  of  the  War  Depart- 
ment counselor  here.  He  is  not  a  qnalitied  declassifier  as  far  as  our 
(lovei'nment  system  is  concerned.  He  is  a  representative  of  the  NN'ar 
Dt'pai'fmont  counselor's  ollice.  He  is  in  no  way  connected  witli  G-2. 
1  wouhl  like  jo  have  the  record  show  that. 


Mr.  KoRTH.  That  is  correct. 

Chairman  Madden.  I  might  make  this  statement :   I  do  think 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Excuse  me,  sir.  This  report  which  Mr.  Korth  is 
speaking  of  right  now  was  handed  to  him  in  my  presence  by  Colonel 
Szymanski  just  before  we  started  hearing  Colonel  Szymanski's  testi- 
mony. Neither  I  nor  any  member  of  this  committee  has  seen  such 
a  report. 

Chairman  Madden.  I  feel  that  all  the  members  of  this  committee 
want  to  cooperate  with  the  Department  of  Defense  as  far  as  secret 
reports  are  concerned,  but  nevertheless  the  committee  is  going  to  insist 
on  the  production  of  all  reports.  I  can't  conceive  of  any  reports  being 
secret  dating  back  7  or  8  years  ago.  Reports  pertaining  to  the  Katyn 
massacre  directly  or  indirectly  that  should  not  be  clasifiecl  as  secret 
at  this  late  date.  If  they  are  classified  as  secret,  they  should  be  cle- 

Mr.  FuRcoLo.  May  I  say  something  at  this  point,  Mr.  Chairman? 
I  think  it  probably  has  been  made  very  clear  but  in  the  event  it  has  not, 
I  think  every  single  member  of  this  committee  is  determined  that  we 
are  going  to  do  everything  we  can  to  find  out  the  truth  about  this 

Secondly,  I  think  we  are  determined  to  make  available  every  paper 
and  document,  whatever  it  may  be,  whether  it  helps  or  hurts  the  State 
Department  or  the  Defense  Department  or  the  Congress,  Democrats, 
Republicans,  whatever  it  may  be. 

Mr.  Korth.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  FuRCOLo.  We  are  going  to  show  that.  In  view  of  that,  it  seems 
to  me  if  there  are  au}^  reports  at  all,  whatever  kind  they  may  be,  which 
for  one  reason  or  another  the  Department  of  the  Army  thinks  should 
be  secret  or  should  not  be  given  to  this  committee,  it  seems  to  me  that 
with  the  reports  that  you  send  over  you  should  take  it  up  perhaps 
informally  but  in  some  way  with  the  chairman  of  the  committee  or 
whoever  the  chairman  may  designate,  saying,  "We  do  have  certain 
other  reports  that  we  think  may  have  a  bearing.  We  think  they  should 
be  secret,"  and  then  go  on  from  there. 

In  other  words,  there  isn't  much  sense  in  getting  into  a  situation  like 
this  again,  I  think, 

Mr.  Korth.  I  see  your  point. 

JNIr.  ]\Iachrowicz.  The  point  I  want  made  clear  is  why  these  reports 
containing  such  vitally  important  matter  affecting  United  States- 
Soviet  Russia  diplomatic  relationships  were  put  away  in  a  warehouse 
somewhere  and  not  found  until  we  finally  made  a  little  noise  about  it, 
and  why  they  were  never  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  Department 
of  State.  I  hope  sometime  before  our  committee  has  completed  its 
work,  the  Department  will  give  us  a  satisfactory  answer  to  that. 

Mr.  Korth.  Sir;  I  have  made  a  note  of  the  request  in  that  regard 
and  will  ascertain  whether  I  can  find  that  those  reports  or  extracts 
from  those  reports  were  sent  to  the  State  De]:)artment. 

Mr.  Flood.  Before  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  proceeds,  and  on 
this  question  of  documents  and  authority,  who  was  USA  G-2  after 
General  Strong? 

Mr.  Korth.  I  think  it  was  General  Bissell.     Is  that  right  ? 

Colonel  Szymanski.  Yes. 
■'  Mr.  Flood.  It  was  as  a  matter  of  fact,  General  Bissell. 


Mr.  KoRTH.  I  am  almost  certain  there  was  no  one  in  between  tlie  two. 

Mr.  INIiTCHEiJ..  Where  is  General  Bissell  today? 

Mr.  KoRTH.  I  can't  answer  that. 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  He  has  retired,  but  I  don't  know  where  he  is. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  He  is  in  the  country,  is  he  not? 

Mr.  Flood.  I  know  where  he  is. 

Mr.  O'KoxsKi.  He  has  a  job  with  the  Ford  Foundation. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  That  is  Bissell  you  are  talking  about. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  May  I  proceed,  Mr.  Chairman? 

Mr.  ]\IiTCHELL.  Since  Mr.  Korth  has  indicated  to  the  chairman  that 
he  is  perfectly  willing  for  the  committee  to  have  this  report,  I  believe 
Colonel  Szymanski  should  hand  it  to  the  chairman. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  have  no  objection  to  that  report? 

Mr.  Korth.  No.     That  is  the  one  of  Xovember  0. 1042, 1  believe  it  is. 

Chairman  Madden.  Is  this  repoit  from  you.  Colonel  Szymanski  ? 

Colonel  Szymanski.  Yes. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  May  it  be  made  clear  when  you  are  offering  that 
exhibit  that  it  is  not  the  copy  which  has  been  furnished  us  by  the 
Department.  It  is  a  copy  furnished  by  the  colonel,  the  original  of 
which  has  not  yet  been  furnished  by  the  Dej^artment  but  which  I  hope 
you  will  try  to  locate ;  is  that  correct  ? 

Mr.  KoRTii.  That  is  right,  sir. 

Mr.  ]MAciiRt)Wicz.  I  would  like  to  know  whether  you  can  locate  that 
report,  too. 

Colouel  SzYJUANSKi.  May  I  add  tluit  the  Army  said  if  1  found  any 
documents,  to  make  them  available  to  the  committee. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  understand.     You  are  very  cooperative. 

Mr.  Flood.  Just  mark  this  as  "Exhibit  12."  Mr."  Clerk. 
(The  document  was  marked  "Exhibit  Xo.  12"  and   tiled  for  the 
record. ) 

Mr.  Flood.  I  have  been  handed  by  the  clerk  what  is  narlved  "Exhibit 
No.  12."  Avhich  ]nirpoi"ts  to  be  an  addition  to  the  so-called  Szymanski 
report.  I  now  shoAv  tliat  to  the  witness.  Colonel  Szymanski,  and  ask 
him  if  that  is  a  fact. 

Colonel  Szymanski.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Flood.  We  offer  that  in  evidence.  INIr.  Chairman. 

Cliairman  Madden.  It  is  acce]>ted. 

(The  document  marked  "Exhibit  No.  12"  follows :) 

Exhibit  12 

Military  Intelligence  Division  W.  D.  G.  S. 

Military  Attache  Repokt^ — Poland 

Subject :  The  PolisTi  Army  in  England  and  the  Middle  East. 

From  :  M.  A.  Ijiaison  Officer  Date :  November  6,  1942 

Source   and    decree   of   reliability:    General    Wladyslaw-Sikorski ;    Lt.   General 
Wlndyslaw  Anders. 

The  Polish  Army 

1.  The  Polish  Army  in  Enj;l;ind. 

2.  The  Polish  Army  in  the  .Middle  East. 


The  polish  Army  in  Enjilnnd.  numbering  around  20.000  exclusive  of  air  units, 
was  formed  from  units  evacuated  from  France  and  from  groups  arriving  from 


Russia.  It  is  charged  with  the  defense  of  the  area  north  and  sonth  of  the  Firth 
of  Foi"th  in  Scotland,  stretching  for  approximately  60  miles  along  the  sea.  It 
is  well-equipped  (except  for  some  transportation  which  is  about  one-half  com- 
plete), and  is  continually  getting  the  latest  equipment  (tanks).  It  does  not 
get  enough  ammunition  for  target  practice.  All  officers  have  had  battle  expe- 
rience. Its  outstanding  generals  are :  Boruta,  commanding  corps ;  Duch,  com- 
manding rifle  brigade ;  and  Maciek,  commanding  1st  Armored  Division. 
Its  organization  is  as  follows : 

(a)  1st  Armored  Division. 

(b)  1st  Independent  Rifle  Brigade  (Regiment,  U.  S.  A.) 

(c)  1st  Heavy  Artillery  Regiment. 

(d)  Battery  Antiaircraft  Heavy  Artillery. 

(e)  Brigade  (Regiment,  U.  S.  A.)  of  parachutists.     (2  bns.  of  2  cos.  each). 

(f )  oOOth  Air  squadron-cooii^ration  with  Army. 

(g)  Corps  Troops. 

In  addition  to  the  above  Corps  the  Poles  have  in  England  13  squadrons  in  the 
air  of  which  7  are  fighters,  4  are  bombers,  1  is  night  fighter,  1  is  the  cooperating 
squadron  mentioned  above. 

As  of  October  30  they  are  credited  with  the  destruction  in  combat  of  498 
German  planes.     The  fighters  are  being  equipi^ed  with  the  latest-type  planes. 


The  Polish  Army  in  the  INIiddle  East,  numbering  around  70,000,  is  concen- 
trated in  the  vicinity  of  Khanaqin,  Iraq,  about  125  miles  north  of  Baghdad. 
Headquarters  are  in  Qizil  Ribat,  about  35  kilometers  below  Khanaqin.  When 
the  concentration  of  the  Polish  forces  in  Khanaqin  is  completed,  and  it  should 
be  by  now.  there  will  be  no  Polisli  forces  in  Egypt,  Syi-ia,  and  Palestine  and 
nothing  but  a  small  evacuation  base  in  Tehran,  Iran,  under  command  of  Lieut. 
Colcinel  Anthony  Szymanski,  who  was  also  designated  as  the  Military  Attache 
to  Iran. 

This  force  is  composed  largely  of  men  and  units  evacuated  from  Russia  in 
April  and  August.^  Its  3rd  Division  was  formed  from  the  Carpathian  Brigade 
of  Tobruk  fame  and  from  evacuees  from  Russia  (1st  evacuation).  Tlie  divi- 
sion is  aliiKJSt  fully  equipped  (rifles  and  machine  guns).  It  needs  transport 
and  considerable  artillery. 

The  balance  of  this  force,  organized  according  to  the  attached  table  of  organi- 
zation, is  not  equipped.  Training  equipment  was  to  have  been  on  hand,  but 
was  not  as  of  October  5th.  The  balance  of  the  equipment  is  supposed  to  be  in 
transit.  At  least  that  is  what  Churchill  and  Sir  Brooks  promised  General 
Anders.  It  is  my  opinion  that  despite  promises  the  force  ii:iU  not  be  equipped 
b.v  the  British.  This  opinion  is  based  on  the  British  past  performances  dating 
back  to  April,  which  I  followed  closely,  and  upon  the  fervent  pleas  of  some 
memliers  of  the  British  Military  Mission  for  American  assistance,  as  well  as 
the  prayers  of  the  Poles. 

The  force  can  be  increased  by  a  further  evacuation  from  Russia  of  a  minimum 
of  60,000  former  soldiers  organized  into  labor  battalions,  and  now  serving  the 
Russian  Army.  These  are  so  concentrated  that  they  can  be  evacuated  to  Persia 
within  two  weeks.  There  are  also  a  minimum  of  80,000  former  soldiers  whom 
the  Russians  refuse  to  release  because,  though  Polish  citizens,  tliey  originate 
from  the  so-called  minorities — White  Russians,  Ukranians,  and  Jews. 

The  Poles  feel  as  I  do,  that  pressure  on  Stalin  on  the  part  of  our  President 
and  INIr.  Churchill  will  bring  about  the  evacuation  of  this  potential  force  and 
of  the  thousands  of  Polish  officers  still  incarcerated,  mostly  in  Siberia.  The 
total  number  may  run  as  high  as  250,000  men  with  battle  experience.  As  it 
is,  they  are  slowly  being  liquidated  by  a  process  of  overwork  and  undernourish- 
ment, under  impossible  living  and  climatic  conditions.  Every  effort  to  locate 
one  group  of  8,300  officers  u:ho  were  supposed  to  have  'been  deported  to  Franz- 
Joseph  Island  has  up-date  been  fruitless.  Very  little  cooperation  is  being  given 
the  Poles  by  the  Russians  in  this  matter. 

^  The  Army  has  approximately  1,000  women  volunteers  organized  into  companies,  who 
serve  in  various  clerical  .iobs,  as  nurses,  and  aids  to  nurses  in  field  hospital  units,  and  as 
chauffeurs  of  passenger  cars.  They  are  seriously  being  considered  as  replacements  for  the 
men  in  tlie  kitchens.  Their  camp  life  is  similar  to  that  of  the  men,  they  are  uniformed, 
are  permitted  no  cosmetics,  and  are  well-disciplined. 


The  force  in  Khanaqin,  however,  is  largely  rehabilitated  physically,  after  its 
experience  in  Russia,  and  if  given  equipment  can  be  made  ready  for  battle  within 
sixty  days  of  this  receipt.  Its  discipline  is  excellent,  its  men  are  tough,  being 
the  survivors  of  the  fittest  after  two  years  of  prison  and  concentration  and  labor 
oanip  life  in  Russia. 

The  force  is  well  officered  with  regular  officers,  the  old  ones  having  been  weeded 
out.  The  Commanding  General  is  Lieut.  General  Wladyslaw  Anders;  second 
in  command  is  Lieut.  General  Joseph  Zajac.  The  two  make  an  ideal  team. 
Anders  is  the  bold,  imaginative  and  audacious  leader,  and  Zajac  the  careful, 
methodical  planner  and  executor.  The  Chief  of  Staff  is  Major  General  Rakowski 
of  whom  it  is  said  that  he  knows  the  duties  of  every  man  in  the  ranks.  Other 
generals  are  Tokarzewski,  Kopanski,  Szyszko-Bohusz.  My  impression  is  that 
the  Polish  officer  is  militarily  well  educated  and  well  qualified  in  his  profession. 
Given  the  necessary  equipment  for  his  men,  he  will  lead  them  ably. 

Henry  I.  Szymanski, 

Lt.  Colonel,  Infantry, 
Liaison  Officer  to  Polish  Army. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Colonel  Szymanski,  in  your  covering  letter  of  May 
29,  1943,  to  Major  General  Strong,  you  list  the  items  that  you  are 
sending  him,  and  under  appendix  4  you  list  excerpts  of  conversations 
between  General  Sikorski,  General  Anders,  and  Stalin  and  Molotov. 
Are  those  conversations  part  of  this  record  here  ? 

Colonel  SzTMANSKL  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Congressman,  those  are  part  of  exhibit  10  (A). 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Are  those  the  originals  there,  or  copies  ? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Photostatic  copies. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Mr.  Counsel,  have  we  been  notified  what  happened 
to  the  original  ? 

IVIr.  Mitchell.  You  have  them  on  the  left-hand  side,  unclassified. 
The  name?  have  not  been  stricken  out.  The  original  is  over  there 

Mr.  Sheehan.  I  also  understand,  for  the  sake  of  the  record,  that 
these  excerpts  were  sent  to  the  Nuremberg  trials  as  part  of  our  docu- 
mentary evidence  in  building  up  the  trials.  Do  you  know  anything 
about  that.  Colonel  ? 

Colonel  Szymanski.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Have  3'ou  been  informed  anything  about  that,  Mr. 
Counsel  ? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Not  officially,  only  on  the  basis  of  a  pencil  note  on 
the  original  letter  which  was  on  the  letter  when  we  received  it  from 
tlie  War  Department. 

INIr.  Sheehan.  To  what  effect? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  "Documents  sent  to  the  Nuremberg  trial,"  with  an 
arrow  pointing  to  appendix  4  on  Colonel  Szymanski's  original  letter 
of  May  29,  1943,  a  photostatic  copy  of  wliicli  is  part  of  exhibit  10  (A). 

Mr.  Sheehan.  The  originals  are  in  here,  then,  are  they? 

Mr.  ]\IiTCHELL.  I  have  in  no  way  touched  these  reports  as  a  part 
of  this  exhibit  because  my  instructions  from  the  committee  were  that 
tliey  were  to  remain  as  they  are.  Whatever  notes  are  on  there,  linnd- 
written  notes,  pencil,  I  want  the  record  to  definitely  sliow  (hat  no 
one  on  the  committee  staff  has  in  any  way  touched  any  of  these  re- 
ports. I  do  not  know  who  placed  these  ]iencil  notes  on  the  original 
but  it  was  probably  someone  in  the  War  De]iartment. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Without  stiulying  exhibit  10  (A),  is  ai>pendix  4 
in  tliere,  the  originals,  Mr.  Counsel  ? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  I  will  see. 


]\Ir.  Spieeiian.  For  the  sake  of  the  record  will  you  see  if  appendix 
4  is  in  there,  Colonel  ? 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  It  is  page  20,  in  the  photostats,  if  you  have  this 
numbered  right. 

Mr.  Mitchell,  Congressman  Sheehan,  the  colonel  says  that  he 
cannot  find  that  appendix  among  the  original  reports.  However,  on 
our  photostatic  copies  we  have  it.  But  the  photostatic  copies  were 
made  from  the  carbon  copy  of  Colonel  Szymanski  original  of  appendix 
4.  We  do  have  the  carbon  copy  of  appendix  4  but  the  original  doesn't 
seem  to  be  here. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  The  photostatic  copy  was  taKen  from  these 
documents  ? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Yes ;  from  the  carbon  copies  of  the  originals. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  What  happened  to  the  original  of  appendix 

Mr.  Mitchell.  I  don't  know. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  whose  possession  w'as  the  original  report? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  G-2. 

]Mr.  Sheehan.  Apparently  G-2  sent  this  to  us  without  the  appendix 
4  in  it. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  They  sent  the  photostatic  copies  also. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Are  we  making  the  photostatic  copies  a  part  of  the 
record  ? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Yes,  they  are  now  exhibit  lOA. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Apparently  the  original  of  appendix  4  is  not  here. 
I  had  been  given  to  understand  it  was  sent  as  part  of  the  original 
documents  in  the  Xuremberg  trials.  I  may  be  wrong  on  that.  But 
the  point  I  now  want  to  get  at,  at  any  time  did  the  Department  of 
the  Army,  the  State  Department,  or  the  International  Military  Tri- 
bunal ever  consult  with  you  or  ask  you  about  these  particular  con- 
versations that  you  originally  included  in  your  report  i 

Colonel  Szymanski.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Thank  you. 

Mr.  FuRCOLO.  Will  the  gentleman  yield? 

Mr.  Sheehan.  I  will  be  glad  to  yiekl  to  Mr.  Furcolo  for  a  minute, 

Mr.  Furcolo.  I  Avant  to  ask  you  a  question  about  those  conversa- 
tions on  page  20  to  25  of  exhibit  lOA.  As  I  understand  it  they  pur- 
port to  be  a  verbatim  transcript  of  conversations  between  Stalin, 
Molotov,  General  Anders,  and  General  Sikorski,  is  that  right? 

Colonel  Szymanski.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Furcolo.  Do  not  reveal  the  name  if  for  any  reason  you  should 
not  do  so,  but  what  I  am  interested  in  is  where  did  that  report  of  the 
conversation  come  from  ?  Did  that  come  f rome  someone  who  himself 
was  present  at  the  conversation  ? 

Colonel  Szymanski.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Furcolo.  Did  it  come  from  General  Sikorski,  if  you  know? 

Colonel  Szymanski.  This  came  from  General  Anders;  but  I  dis- 
cussed this  with  General  Sikorski. 

Mr.  Furcolo.  That  is  what  I  want  to  get.  Those  conversations  have 
been  repeated  in  book  after  book  and  document  after  document.  Up 
to  now  I  have  not  been  able  to  find  any  witness  wdio  has  actually  talked 
with  someone  who  was  present  at  those  conversations.  Do  I  under- 
stand correctly  that  one  of  the  participants  in  those  conversations 
referred  to  in  pages  20  to  25  is  the  source  of  that  transcription  ? 

Colonel  Szymanski.  Yes,  sir. 


Mr.  FuRCOLO.  Secondly,  do  I  also  understand  that  one  of  the  other 
participants  in  the  conversation,  General  Anders  in  this  case,  talked 
with  you  about  it? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  FuRcoi.o.  In  other  words,  wdiat  you  are  telling  this  committee 
is  that  those  conversations  that  are  described  took  place  with  Stalin 
and  Molotov  according  to  the  information  that  was  given  to  you  by 
the  two  men  who  were  in  on  the  conversations? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  FuRCOi.o.  That  is  all  I  have. 

Chairman  Madden,  Congressman  Sheehan. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Colonel,  I  seem  to  be  the  chief  inquisitor  for  the 
time  being,  but  you  will  be  through  with  me  in  a  short  while. 

Colonel,  for  the  sake  of  the  record  there  are  some  things  I  want  to 
have  you  read  in  as  much  as  these  are  your  reports. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  That  is  exhibit  No.  11  the  Congressman  is  reading 

]\Ir.  Sheehan.  Is  this  already  a  part  of  the  record? 

Mr.  Mitchell.  It  is. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  I  have  marked  the  first  one.  If  you  will  just  read 
that  paragraph  No.  4  and  get  it  into  the  record  at  this  time. 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi  (reading)  : 

The  entrance  of  Bolshevik  troops  came  as  a  distinct  surprise  to  the  popiUation, 
the  civilian  and  the  militai-y  authorities.  From  conversations  I  gather  that 
the  Bolshevik  commanders  had  two  sets  of  orders,  one  a  directive  for  peaceful 
entry  as  a  supposed  ally  of  the  Poles,  and  the  other  to  he  read  Avhen  certain 
points  were  reached  of  entirely  different  purport. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  For  the  purpose  of  the  record,  Colonel,  that  bears 
on  the  testimony  which  has  been  given  to  us  previously  that  the 
Russians  supposedly  came  as  allies  into  Poland,  and  when  the}'  reached 
a  certain  point  they  were  all  set  to  take  it  over.  These  were  your 
comments  fi-oni  the  reports  that  were  given  to  you,  is  that  right? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  There  is  another  thing  interesting  to  the  American 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Who  do  you  receive  those  re])orts  from  ? 

Colonel  SzY'MANSKi.  General  Anders  and  different  officials  of  the 
Polish  Government. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  If  you  will  read  section  4.  page  2,  with  reference  to 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi  (reading)  : 

All  trade  unions  were  abolished.  Workers'  wages  remained  low  despite  rising^ 
prices.  The  unemployment  problem  was  solved  by  voluntary  deportation  to 
Russia.  The  peasants  and  small  farmers  were  forced  to  .ioin  the  Kolhoz,  a 
form  of  collective  farming,  wliere  they  soon  learned  they  had  no  liberty  to 
exchange  their  products  for  industrial  commodities. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  'J'liank  you. 

Again  that  bears  out  tlie  testimony  of  witnesses  that  many  of  them 
were  sent  to  Russia. 

Section  2,  here,  Colonel  is  the  next  one,  I  believe.  Will  you  be  kind 
enough  to  read  that  for  the  sake  of  the  record  ? 

Mr.  MrrciiKLL.  The  same  exhibit. 


Colonel  SzYMANSKi  (reading)  : 

After  the  invasion  of  September  17,  1030,  tlie  Soviets  liad  held  a  plebiscite  in 
occupied  I'uland.  All  the  candidates  proposed  by  the  Soviets  were  elected. 
There  were  no  other  candidates.  Eastern  Poland  was  thus  joined  to  the  Soviet 
Republic.  Soviet  citizenship  papers  were  issued  to  all  inhabitants  of  the  Soviet 
occupied  part  of  Poland.  All  became  citizens  of  the  Soviet  Republic.  All  papers- 
of  identitication  of  the  deportees  were  taken  away  from  them  and  in  their  places 
were  issued  Soviet  citizenship  papers.  Reference  to  the  date  November  1,  1039, 
in  subsequent  paragraphs  and  attached  translations  of  Polish  reports  is  in  effect 
a  reference  to  plebiscite  and  the  issuance  of  citizenship  papers. 

Mr.  Sheehax.  Thank  yon,  Colonel.     I  tliink  that  speaks  for  itself. 

The  last  part  I  want  yon  to  read  is  on  fntnre  Soviet  relationship. 
Let's  see  if  I  can  get  hold  of  that.  Page  4.  These  are  apparently  ob- 
servations of  yonr  own,  are  they  not  (  Take  a  look  at  them  before 
yon  state  that. 

Colonel  SzYMAXSKi.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  SiiEEiiAx.  "Will  yon  be  kind  enough  to  read  into  the  record 
your  own  personal  observations  of  the  evidence  that  was  given  to  you? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi  (reading)  : 

Polish-Soviet  relations  are  maked  by  differences  which  are,  in  my  humble 
opinion,  irreconcilable.  These  differences  are  irreconcilable  at  present  because 
(a)  the  Soviets  did  not  carry  out  their  end  of  the  Polish-Soviet  nonaggression 
pact,  ib)  the  Soviets  are  not  carrying  out  the  provisions  of  the  Polish-Soviet 
agreement  of  July  .30,  1941,  (c)  Stalin's  promises  to  Sikorski  and  Roosevelt  are 
not  being  kept,  (d)  there  are  still  some  OOO.OtM)  Polish  citizens  deportees  in  Russia 
slowly  being  exterminated  through  overwork  and  undernourishment,  (e)  there 
are  still  some  '>(),( M!0  Polish  children  slowly  dying  of  starvation. 

3.  If  the  Soviets  forsake  their  communistic  and  imperialistic  aspirations  there 
is  a  good  chance  that  peace  may  reign  in  the  eastern  pai't  of  I'oland. 

4.  The  Polisli  Government  and  Army  officials  are  making  a  determined  effort 
to  reconcile  the  differences.     The  attitude  of  the  Government  is  realistic. 

5.  ThoTisands  of  families  broken  up,  deported,  tortured,  and  starved  cannot 
so  easily  forget  the  immediate  past.  Young  men  just  out  of  Russia,  young  men 
6  months  out  of  Russia,  ask  not  for  bread,  but  for  rifles,  willing  to  die  provided' 
thr;-  can  bair  their  toll  of  Nazis  and  then  of  Bolsheviks. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  mind  showing  the  prophetic  qualities 
of  our  witness  by  giving  the  date  of  that  report  ? 

Mr.  Sheehan.  What  is  the  date  of  that  report,  Colonel  Szymanski  ? 

Colonel  SzYMAxsKi.  November  22, 1942. 

Mr.  Flood.  The  last  conclusions  you  gave  were  all  very  clear.  Tlie 
first  two  deal  with  actual  treaties  the  Poles  and  the  Soviet  made. 
Suppose  you  just  tell  us  in  a  sentence  or  two  what  was  the  component 
part  of  the  treaty  of  1932  between  Poland  and  the  Soviet  and  the  1941 
amnesty  agreement,  so  the  record  will  show  what  you  ment  by  the 
first  two  points. 

Colonel  Szymanski,  The  first  treaty  of  nonaggresion,  the  most 
important  part  was  that  neither  country  would  attack  the  other.  The 
agreement  of  1941,  July  30,  1941,  was  an  agreement  whereby  all  of 
the  Polish  nationals  then  in  Russia  would  be  immediately  released 
and  whereby  an  Army  would  be  formed  within  Poland. 

Mr.  Flood.  And  the  1932  agreement  between  Poland  and  the  Soviet, 
the  first  agreement  you  gave,  was  extended  in  1934  to  run  I  believe 
until  1939,  wasn't  it? 

Colonel  SzYMAXSKi.  Twenty  years,  sir,  which  was  broken  by  the 
the  invasion  by  Russia 

Mr.  Flood.  But  the  original  1932  2-year  agreement  was  actually  in 
existence  at  the  time  it  was  breached. 


Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  Yes. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  I  believe  in  1934  it  was  extended  to  1945. 

Mr.  Flood.  I  just  want  the  colonel  to  show  in  the  record  what  he 
means.    It  is  well  done. 

Mr.  SnEEHAN.  The  purpose  of  these  secret  reports  and  your  being 
appointed  liaison  man  with  the  Polish  Government  was  to  inform 
our  G-2,  our  intelligence  of  the  actual  facts,  is  that  right  or  wrong? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  Right,  sir. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Could  I  assume  as  a  nonmilitary  man  that  once  the 
proper  authorities  of  G-2  are  informed  of  the  facts,  it  is  their  business 
to  assess  the  facts,  their  importance  and  so  forth,  and  to  refer  them 
to  higher  echelon  ? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  Yes,  sir.    That  is  the  purpose  of  intelligence. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Then  could  we  safely  assume  that  such  reports  as 
you  submitted,  which  I  know  are  substantiated  by  other  I'eports,  be- 
cause I  know  there  is  an  English  report  tliat  substantially  reports  to 
the  English  Government  some  of  the  findings  you  have  here,  can  we 
safely  suppose  that  higher  echelon  such  as  General  Marshall,  who  was 
our  commander  in  chief,  would  know  about  these  if  they  were  of  suf- 
ficient importance  ? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  Yer,  sir. 

Mr.  O'KoNSKi.  In  fact,  didn't  General  Marshall  ask  you  to  make 
the  report  ? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  On  one  phaze  of  it  only,  sir. 

I  should  explain  that  when  there  is  a  signature  on  a  cable  it  doesn't 
necessarily  mean  that  that  cable  or  that  message  was  composed  by  the 
individual.  The  custom  was  that  to  a  theater  commander,  as  Gen- 
eral Brereton  was,  only  the  chief  of  staff  would  sign  a  message. 
Whether  General  Marshall  actually  wrote  that  or  not  I  don't  know. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Which  cable  are  you  referring  to  now? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  The  cable  that  directed  me  to  make  an  investi- 
gation of  the  Katyn  affair,  in  April  1943. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  Colonel,  I  would  like  to  make  just  one  or  two  state- 
ments here  to  sort  of  tie  this  thing  up.  Assuming  this  was  dynamite, 
as  you  said,  and  you  knew  it  was,  I  have  already  stated  we  know  of  an 
English  report  to  the  English  Government  which  has  been  sent  to  the 
United  States  Government  where  they  say  substantially  the  same  as 
you  said,  about  the  great  importance  of  the  Katyn  massacre  and  Soviet 
relations.  I  also  know,  which  so  far  is  not  a  part  of  our  report  here, 
that  there  is  a  report  from  another  military  attache  in  a  neutral  coun- 
try who  has  seen  the  facts  and  figures  about  Katyn  and  Polish-Soviet 
relationship  and  in  that  report  he  states  the  great  importance  of  this 
matter.  We  know  that  recently  Colonel  Van  Vliet  testified  (he  was 
the  American  soldier  who  was  brought  by  the  Germans  to  Katyn), 
and  I  believe  5  or  6  days  after  he  was  freed  from  a  German  prison 
camp  they  flew  him  back  to  Washington.  He  stated  that  General 
Collins  said  his  testimony  was  so  vital  that  nobody  but  the  highest  of- 
ficers should  touch  it.    Do  you  remember  that,  ]\tr.  Madden  ? 

Chairman  IMadden.  Yes,  that  is  right. 

Mr.  Sheehan.  With  all  your  fine  reports  and  your  fine  diagnosis, 
plus  all  these  other  reports,  it  seems  to  me  that  either  (Teneral  INIar- 
shiill,  wlio  we  know  from  history  had  a  very  potent  hand  in  making 
many  of  the  decisions  with  Russia,  or  somebody  in  G-2  Avas  negligent, 


maybe,  in  not  brinoing  these  reports  to  the  attention  of  the  proper 
authorities,  such  as  the  State  Department  or  the  President.  Is  that  a 
right  or  a  wrong  conclusion  ? 

Colonel  SzYMAxsKi.  I  would  say  that  is  a  correct  conclusion.     . 

Mr.  Sheehax.  I  think,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  ends  my  questioning  of 
the  witness. 

Chairman  Maddex.  Have  you  any  knowledge  that  General  Marshall 
ever  heard  about  these  reports  ? 

Colonel  SzYMAXSKi.  No,  sir. 

Chairman  Maddex.  Have  you  any  knowledge  as  to  how  far  your 
report  got  after  it  arrived  at  the  G-2  office? 

Colonel  SzYMAxsKi.  No,  sir. 

Chairman  Maddex.  That  is  all.  Wait  a  minute.  Who  was  at  the 
head  of  G-2  then  ? 

Colonel  SzYMAxsKi.  General  Strong. 

Chairman  Maddex.  When  did  General  Bissel  come  in? 

Colonel  SzYMAxsKi.  I  was  away.    I  don't  know,  sir. 

Chairman  Maddex:  But  General  Strong  was  the  head  of  G-2  all 
the  time  you  were  there  ? 

Colonel  SzYMAxsKi.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Colonel  Szymanski,  one  of  the  tasks  which  you 
had  assigned  to  you  was  the  interrogation  of  these  various  Polish  of- 
ficers in  order  to  determine  the  fate  of  the  lost  Polish  officers  in  Rus- 
sia, is  that  correct  ? 

Colonel  SzYMAxsKi.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  interviewed  a  number  of  them,  is  that 
correct  ? 

Colonel  SzYMAXSKi.  Yes,  sir;  quite  a  number. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Could  you  give  us  a  rough  estimate  of  how  many 
you  interviewed  ? 

Colonel  SzYMAXSKi.  A  couple  of  hundred. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  In  these  voluminous  reports  that  you  sent  you 
included  the  depositions  of  quite  a  few  of  them,  did  you  not? 

Colonel  SzYMAXSKi.  No,  sir,  not  depositions  of  the  officers. 

INIr.  Machrowicz.  You  have  some  depositions  here. 

Colonel  SzYMAXsKi.  But  depositions  from  some  noncommissioned 

]Mr.  Machrowicz.  Of  the  officers  that  you  interviewed 

Colonel  SzYMAXSKi.  There  are  two  de]:)Ositions  of  officers  who  were 
in  Russia  at  the  time  and  had  talks  with  Beria,  the  head  of  the  Secret 
Service  of  Russia. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  I  know  we  don't  have  the  time  nor  probably  do 
you  have  an  exact  memory  of  what  you  found  from  all  of  them,  but 
I  would  like  to  know  whether  or  not  you  can  give  us  a  general  idea, 
a  summary  of  what  you  found  from  examining  these  various  officers 
regarding  the  fate  of  the  Polish  officers  in  Russia. 

Colonel  SzYMAXSKi.  Most  of  them  explained  briefly  the  treatment 
they  received  in  camps  as  POW's,  that  the  officers  as  a  whole  were 
not  treated  as  prisoners  of  war  but  were  treated  as  political  prisoners 
and  were  turned  over  to  the  Russian  secret  police.  All  the  interroga- 
tion was  done  by  the  secret  police.  It  was  mostly  to  find  out  what  the 
political  background  was  of  these  Polish  officers.  When  I  speak  of 
officers  I  should  take  into  consideration  other,  shall  we  say,  educated 


classes.  There  was  quite  a  luiinber  of  priests  there.  There  Avere 
doctors  there. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Without  jroino;  into  the  detail  regardiiifr  their 
ti-eatnient  at  prison  camps,  which  is  included  in  the  reports,  can  you 
tell  us,  generally  speaking,  what  the  conclusion  of  these  officers  was 
as  to  who  was  responsible  for  the  Katyn  incident? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  There  is  no  question  about  it  as  far  as  their 
oj)inion  is  concerned. 

]\Ir.  Maciikowicz.  What  was  their  opinion? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  That  the  Russians  did  it. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Of  the  several  hundred  that  you  interviewed 
did  you  find  one  who  had  any  other  opinion  than  that? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  You  have  included  in  your  report  an  appendix 

4.  Do  you  have  it  before  you  ? 
Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Machrowicz,  These  are  excerj^ts  of  conversations  between 
Sikorski,  Anders,  Stalin,  and  Molotov.  As  I  understand  from  a 
previous  question,  you  got  this  excerpt  from  whom? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  I  got  this  from  General  Anders. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  And  General  Anders  was  present  and  also  served 
as  interpreter  at  the  conversations,  is  that  right? 

(■olonel  SzYMANSKi.  That  is  right,  sir. 

Mr.  SiiEEHAN.  First-hand  testimony, 

Mr,  Machrowicz,  He  was  present  chiring  the  conversation  and 
acted  as  interpi-eter,  and  gave  you  a  verbatim  report  of  what  hap- 
pened ? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Do  you  know  how  he  ha]ipened  to  get  a  ver- 
batim report? 

Colonel  SzYMANSKi.  Usually  inunediately  after  any  kind  of  a  meet- 
ing they  make  a  memoranchnn  of  the  meeting,  and  in  an  important  one 
like  this  General  Sikorski  and  General  Anders  would  naturally  get 
together  and  see  that  it  was  correct  and  that  it  was  exactly  what  tran- 
spired.    General  Sikorski  also  told  me  about  this, 

Mr,  Machorowicz,  In  other  words,  immediately  after  the  conver- 
sati(ms  tliey  got  together  and  wrote  from  memory  the  complete  text  of 
the  conversations  they  just  had  to  the  best  of  their  memory  ? 

(\>lonel  SzYMANSKi,   Yes,  sir, 

Mr,  Machrowicz,  Because  I  believe  this  is  an  important  document  I 
would  ask  you  if  you  would  refer  to  that  exhibit,  starting  from  page 

5,  and  I'ead  to  us  the  text  of  that  conversation,  which  is  not  very  long. 
Colonel  SzYMANSKi,  Starting  with  "General  Sikorski''? 

Mr,  Machrowicz,  Yes, 

(\)lonel  SzYMANSKi   (reading)  :  "(iieneral  Sikorski :  But  I '' 

Mr,  Machrowkiz,  What  you  are  reading  now  is  the  at'tual  text  of 
the  conversation  between  these  [)e()ple,  right  ? 
(^olonel  SzYMANSKi.  Yes,  sir, 

CJenoral  Sikdkski.  I'nt  I  return  to  onr  Imsiiicss.  1  licrc  stilt"  in  your  jtres- 
oiict>,  Mr.  I'n'sidciit,  tliat  your  dcclarntion  of  aniiu'sty  is  not  bein.u'  executed. 
Many  and  the  most  vnluahlt'  of  our  lu'oiile  remain  still  in  the  labor  camps  and 
in  prisons.'  (makinjjc  u  note).  This  is  not  possible  as  the  amnesty  concerned  all 
and  so  all  the  Poles  are  released. 

(He  addressed  these  last  words  to  Mololov.     .Molotov  assents  to  them.) 


Genenil  Axdeks  (  quutes  particulars  at  the  retiuest  of  (Jeneral  Sikorski).  This 
is  not  in  accordance  witli  tlie  real  state  of  things,  as  we  have  quite  precise  data 
out  of  which  it  results  that  in  the  camps  those  released  first  were  the  Jews,  then 
the  Ukranians,  and  lastly  the  Polish  working  elements  chosen  among  those  physi- 
cally weaker.  The  stronger  ones  were  kept  l)ack  and  only  a  small  part  of  them 
were  set  free.  I  have  in  the  Arnjy  men  who  have  Ijeen  released  from  such  camps 
only  a  few  weeks  ago  and  who  state  that  iu  the  single  camps  remained  still 
hundreds  and  even  thousands  of  our  country  men.  The  orders  of  the  Govern- 
ment are  not  being  executed  there,  as  the  commanders  of  the  single  camps  having 
the  obligation  of  executing  the  production  plan  do  not  want  to  get  rid  of  the 
best  working  material,  without  the  contribution  of  which  the  execution  of  the 
plan  could  be  some  times  impossible. 

Molotov  (smiles  and  makes  a  nod  of  assenting.) 

General  Anders.  These  people  do  not  understand  at  all  the  great  importance 
of  our  commcni  cause,  which  in  this  way  is  lieing  greatly  prejudiced. 

Stalin.  Those  people  should  be  pro.secuted. 

General  Anders.  Yes:  so  they  should. 

SiKORSKi.  It  does  not  belong  to  us  to  present  to  the  Soviet  Government  the 
detailed  lists  of  our  men,  but  the  commanders  of  the  camps  are  in  possession  of 
such  full  lists.  I  have  here  with  me  a  list  with  the  names  of  about  4,000  officers 
who  had  been  deported  by  force  and  who  at  present  are  still  in  prisons  and  in 
labor  camps,  and  even  this  list  is  not  complete  as  it  contains  onlj-  the  names 
which  could  be  compiled  by  us  out  of  memory.  I  gave  orders  to  verify  whether 
said  officers  were  not  in  Poland  as  we  were  in  permanent  contact  with  our 
country.  It  has  l>een  proved  that  no  one  of  them  was  there,  neither  have  they 
been  traced  in  the  camps  of  our  prisoners  of  war  in  Germany.  These  men  are 
here.     None  of  them  has  returned. 

Stalin.  It  is  not  possible  :  they  must  have  run  away. 

Anders.  Where  to? 

Stalin.  Well,  to  ]\Ianchuria. 

Anders.  This  is  impossible  that  they  could  have  run  away,  all  of  them,  so 
much  more  that  with  the  moment  of  their  deportation  from  the  prisoners'  camps 
to  the  labor  camps  and  to  the  prisons  every  correspondence  between  them  and 
their  families  had  stopped.  I  know  exactly  from  officers  who  have  returned 
even  from  Kolyma  that  a  great  number  of  our  officers  is  still  there,  each  of  them 
quoted  by  name.  I  also  know  that  there  were  transpwrts  of  Poles  pi-epared 
already  for  release  and  departure,  and  that  in  the  last  moment  these  trans- 
ports have  been  kept  back.  I  have  news  that  our  men  are  sojourning  even 
in  Newfoundland.  The  majority  of  the  officers  quoted  in  this  list  are  person- 
ally known  to  me.  Among  these  men  are  my  staff  officers  and  commanders. 
These  people  perish  there  and  die  in  dreadful  conditions. 

Stalin.  They  certainly  have  been  released,  only  they  did  not  arrive  until  now. 

SiKORSKi.  Russia  has  immense  territories  and  the  difficulties  are  also  great. 
It  may  be  that  the  local  authorities  have  not  executed  the  orders.  Those  who 
arrive  after  having  been  released  state  that  the  others  vegetate  and  work.  Had 
anybody  .succeeded  in  getting  out  of  the  Russian  borders  he  certainly  would 
report  to  me. 

Stalin.  You  should  know  that  the  Soviet  Government  has  not  the  slightest 
motive  to  keep  back  even  one  single  Pole.  I  have  even  released  Soskowski's 
agents  who  were  organizing  a  tax  on  us  and  murdering  our  people. 

Anders.  Still  declarations  continue  to  flow  in  concerning  people  known  to  us, 
quoting  the  names  of  their  prisons  and  the  numbers  of  their  cells  where  they 
are  confined.  I  know  the  names  of  a  great  number  of  camps  where  an  enor- 
mous mass  of  Poles  has  been  detained  and  is  compelled  to  work. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  That  conversation  was  dated  December  3,  lOJzl ; 
is  tliat  correct  ? 

Colonel  Szymanski.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Mactirowicz.  It  was  held  at  the  Kremlin ;  is  that  correct  ? 

Colonel  Szymanski.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  There  is  just  one  other  very  brief  conversation 
which  you  have  reported  and  which  I  would  like  to  have  you  read  into 
the  record,  and  that  is  the  conversation  at  the  Kremlin  on  the  18th 
day  of  March  1942,  at  which  were  present  Stalin,  General  Anders, 
Colonel  Okulicki,  and  Molotov. 


Colonel  SzYMANSKi  (reading)  : 

Anders.  Besides,  many  of  our  men  are  still  in  prisons  and  in  labor  camps. 
Those  released  in  these  last  times  continually  report  to  me.  Up  to  the  present 
time  the  ofiicers  deported  from  Kozielsk,  Starobielsk,  and  Ostashkov  have  not 
made  their  appearance.  They  should  certainly  be  by  you.  We  have  gathered 
supplementary  particulars  on  them.  [He  hands  two  lists  that  are  taken  bj^ 

What  could  have  happened  with  them?  We  have  traces  of  their  sojourn 
on  the  Kolyma. 

Stalin.  I  already  have  given  all  the  necessary  dispositions  for  their  release. 
It  lias  been  said  that  they  even  are  on  Francis  Joseph  lands,  and  there,  as  it 
is  known  well,  there  are  no  such  people.  I  do  not  know  where  they  are.  Why- 
should  I  keep  them?  It  may  be  that  they  are  in  some  camps  on  territories 
now  occupied  by  the  Germans.     They  dispersed  themselves. 

Colonel  Okulicki.  It  is  impossible.     We  would  be  aware  of  it. 

Stalin.  We  have  kept  back  only  those  Poles  who  are  spies  in  the  German 
service.  We  released  even  those  who  after  passed  to  the  Germans,  as  for 
instance  Kozlowski. 

Mr.  Machrowicz.  Now  a  third  one.  I  can't  locate  it  right  now, 
but  you  probably  can  locate  the  report  as  to  the  conversations  with 
Beria,  who  was  the  head  of  NKVD. 

Mr.  Mitchell.  Appendix  V  in  exhibit  lOA  constains  the  conversa- 
tions you  are  referring